1 New Marriage Trend in Turkey: Screen Marriage Gozde Demirel. Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona (Spain) In Turkey, television plays a fundamental role as a mass medium as it is the main source of information and entertainment in society. The appearance of private channels in the 1990s has led to an astonishing proliferation of programmes that seek to pair off contestants. The objective is, in theory, to find someone to marry, but in fact most men and women who participate in these programmes only want to exhibit themselves and have a few minutes of on-screen glory. Most Turkish families enthusiastically follow these reality shows and do not question the good intentions of the television channels. However, these channels simply wish to continue the farce to maintain their audiences. Introduction Television is the most important mass communication tool of our age because it brings the world into our home. In television, images and sound work together to create programmes and commercials (Butler, 2009: 5) and the most important point of its success is broadcasting harmonious sounds and images. This always attracts and fascinates audiences so that the subject that television concentrates on is not important. After all the technological and marketing developments, in our age television has become the most important source of entertainment. In the countries where it is new, such as Turkey, time spent in front of the TV is taken from other activities. For example, in Turkey 20% of the population watch TV more than five hours per day. People s general knowledge is acquired through television but, because of the superficial knowledge level of the medium, this information does not reflect reality. Television in Turkey was introduced in 1968 by the government media power Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT). A full national television schedule, which at that time linked the areas in and around Ankara, Istanbul and Izmir, started in December 1971 (Mutlu, 2008: 181). The Turkish Radio and Television Corporation as a public administration continued its monopoly broadcasting, with its own policies, until the 1990s. TRT s broadcasting policy, in general, was founded on the values of the West and it was not really possible to find any programmes which reflected the values of the public. Since the creation of the modern Republic in Turkey, the elitist culture of the West has shown itself to be a popular culture. The foremost representative of this culture was TRT. And for the peripheries that are not aware of these values, these programmes have been extremely difficult to understand and interpret. The people who experienced the period of transition between the old and new traditions,
2 158 New Marriage Trend in Turkey: Screen Marriage Gozde Demirel a transition that concerned the change from traditional to modern values, often found themselves between the values of the superstructure and their own. People living in the rural areas were still the guardians of their values and they were looking for programmes related to their taste. In this context, they were unfamiliar with the programmes which were broadcast by the TRT monopoly and this was addressed in the early 1990s by the private channels. The first private channel, Star TV, started broadcasting in This gave birth to the duality between TRT and the private channels. This distinction was also reflected in the broadcasting policy. In contrast to the official artists and musicians with a high level of music education and who are employed by the state as civil servants, the private channels began to show Arabesque and popular music programmes in the name of entertainment. This attracted audiences and they turned towards popular artists (Yildiz, 2004: 174). People began to feel closer to the private channels which reflected their own values and we see that the programmes have an Arabesque basis and are closer to folk culture. A little later in 1994, broadcasting by private channels became legal and their numbers began to increase very quickly. At first glance, this rapid change in the media was one of the most important factors which affected the relationship between television and the Turkish family, but there were significant changes in the structure of the latter. Basically, after Turgut Özal, a Turkish political leader who was the 19th prime minister in 1983 and the 8th president of Turkey in 1989, and his expansion of liberalisation, many things changed. The increasing migration from rural to urban areas, and urban distortions, were the results of these emerging elements. As a result, suburban culture and Arabesque music became the most important representatives of the media market. The channels, which closely monitor these changes, established the contents of programmes according to the characteristics of Arabesque and popular culture, achieving great success in a short period. As the family structure changed, technology and the media served as an agent of these changes. Turkish Society and Entertainment Programmes The effects of the mass media on social change have been the subject of several pieces of research. It is clear that television has shaped and influenced social culture. In the last twenty years, especially in the cultural field, the velocity of social change has increased even further. Television as the most common and cheapest mass media appliance became the main conveyer of popular culture in terms of cultural changes. Day by day the line between the boundaries of private intimate life and official public life began to disappear Popular culture is a common public culture and represents the common beliefs and practices shared by society. On the other hand, mass culture is a process which uses manipulation techniques to maintain power and does not allow creativity. In Turkey, especially in the 1990s, with the spread of private channels, the changes in cultural fields increased and the presence of popular culture has gained intensity (Yildiz, 2004: 175). In recent years, magazines have proliferated on all TV channels. And we can say that they are the product of this popular culture. These programmes, which have been running on almost every channel, cause cultural corruption in the name of cultural function. As a result, day by day the line between the boundaries of private intimate life and official public life began to disappear.
3 Quaderns de la Mediterrània 15, 2011: Sebnem Soyguder explains its causes very well: Popularism increased especially in Turkey in the period because of the military coups and these programmes are the product of this general social trend (2003: 89). Moreover, at this time the private channels increased their numbers and Turkish society began to enter a period of liberation after the repressive military environment. Again, as stated by Soyguder: In this period, society encountered the entertainment industry and started to move away from the products of the superstructure (2003: 90). In Turkey, marriage shows always attract a huge percentage of the television audience As a result, people are close to the products of popular culture. The concept of popular has two general meanings: public ownership and widely accepted and consumed. While the first definition of this concept is positive, the second seems negative because it implies cultural distortion and banality (Yildiz, 2004: 175). As is known, the reasons for this negative point of view are the values which were produced by the media: success, glorification of the good, get-rich-quick scam, being famous and competing for praise. When all these values are combined with entertainment, the result is a new visual ideology (Kose, 2006: 64). Turkey was just one more stop in the march of American and European reality shows toward global domination, with stations importing formats such as Big Brother, Survivor, Pop Idol and audiences watching in numbers that ensured the shows kept coming (Vick, 2005). Then Pelin Akat had her revelation. Pelin Akat is the person who imported these programmes to Turkey. She had particular success with a marriage show called Will You Be My Bride and she sold her format to the entire world. It was a new interpretation from the girl-meets-boy to the girl-meets-boy-and-boy s mother reality show. These reality programmes aimed to show the importance of family decisions in the marriage of children. The season finale drew 74% of the television audience (Vick, 2005). In Turkey, marriage shows always attract a huge percentage of the television audience. Since 2003, there have been many different formats on this subject but the new age started with Esra Erol, who is a presenter of marriage reality shows. New Trend in Turkey: Marriage Reality Shows and the Incurability of Participants A short time ago, there were four different programmes on various private channels. On ATV, Esra Erol da Evlen Benimle [Marry Me with Esra Erol], every weekday from 3 pm to 6.30 pm, thus filling over 17 hours of air time per week. The other one is on Star TV, S Zuhal Topal la İzdivaç [Marriage with Zuhal Topal] between am and 3 pm, covering four hours a day and twenty hours a week. FOX also has a marriage programme: Songül Karli and Uğur Arslan introduce the programme Su Gibi [Like Water] every weekday from pm to 3 pm. Fox s daily broadcast schedule devotes two hours and 45 minutes to the marriage programme, approximately 12 hours per week. Star TV, ATV and FOX devote 50 hours per week to marriage programmes, giving them a huge place on television. The three channels broadcast live every day for 10 hours. Isn t it interesting that they do not have any trouble finding people who are looking for a partner? 1 There are a lot of people who want to marry in my country!! 1. A. Eyüboglu, Evlilik programları kime ne kazandırıyor?, evlilik-programlari-kime-ne-kazandiriyor, 24th November 2009.
4 160 New Marriage Trend in Turkey: Screen Marriage Gozde Demirel Anyone aged can participate in these programmes. The conditions are: to be single and have a job (for male candidates). Every day, just two of these programmes have a waiting list of four thousand people. About half of these cannot be considered for reasons such as being unemployed or not officially divorced. Every day 14 people from the two thousand have a chance to appear on screen. Each week 70 people introduce themselves in the live broadcast. Sometimes, the family is asked for permission and the weddings are held in the studio. 59% of those people who apply for marriage are male, 41% are women. 20% of applicants are aged between 18 and 25, 35% between 26 and 40 and 45% of participants are over 40. We can say that marriage programmes on television represent a serious social problem. None of them aim to marry the candidates; they want to use them as an element of entertainment. Almost all of them have the same content: the studio is filled by men and women from various parts of the country. They introduce themselves and explain their situation and what are they looking for. If someone from the audience likes them, the producer invites him/her to the studio and they start talking with a partition screen between them. When the screen is opened, Esra Erol asks: Did you feel any electricity? (In other words, did you like him/her?) No, there was no electricity. (In other words, he or she didn t like them) Well, then we ll find you somebody else!! And while all of this is happening, someone is singing a song, someone is crying, and the grandfathers and grandmothers are dancing on the stage. 2 Then the screen is brought back, and the senseless chat about electricity, in poor quality Turkish, starts again: And did you get any electricity from this one? I want a man with blue eyes and brown hair, naturally with a job and house as I do not want to pay rent. Ok, ok, where is the other candidate? Come on, dance, dance. Men and women who have no ideas about themselves and have never seen each other apply to participate in these programmes. Some of them use these programmes as a last resort to get married. They come with pure emotions and imaginations. Unfortunately, they do not understand that they are on a reality show and so these people will be disappointed because they believe in them, they believe the presenters. For example, public surveys show that in Turkey people believe Seda Seyan, who is a singer and presenter of a women s programme with nearly the same format, more than the president. We can say that marriage programmes on television represent a serious social problem. None of them aim to marry the candidates; they want to use them as an element of entertainment Why do these people become like that? Why are they looking for their partner in front of 70 million people, exposing themselves to all kinds of insults? Why is marriage, which is accepted as a respectable institution, wrapped up in such a watered-down format? It is so hard to understand why pseudo-intellectuals, who described arranged marriage as an outdated form, now say nothing about this screen marriage? The media is certainly not interested in marriage; they want to earn money and increase ratings. If we examine those programmes positively, we can say that they are a new and modern 2. M. Bayraktar, Evlilik Programlari Furyasi, April 2010.
5 Quaderns de la Mediterrània 15, 2011: dimension of arranged marriages which is very frequent in our society. But those programmes can only correspond to the concept of an arranged marriage up to a point because the first principle of an arranged marriage is based on the direct or indirect knowledge that the parents have about the marriage candidates. In the screen marriage no one can guarantee the authenticity of the information given. During the broadcast, people can lie to each other or they can expect something different and then the image they encounter can be more negative than they thought and they can be hugely disappointed. However, the most important issue to be discussed is people s desperation. Marrying in marriage programmes is like winning the lottery: you need luck. There are some couples who meet in these programmes and have a storybook ending, but this is a remote possibility. What Purpose Is Served by Marriage Programmes? The family structure of Turkish society has changed. As is known, families are divided into several types according to social, economic and local conditions. The traditional extended and nuclear families are the two common types in Turkey. The traditional extended family generally means that three generations live together: grandfather, adult sons and sons sons, their wives and their unmarried daughters; the married daughter becomes a member of her husband s family and lives with them. There is a unity of production and consumption together with common property. This type of family is becoming rarer today. The nuclear family, parallel to industrialisation and urbanisation, is replacing traditional families. The nuclear family consists of a husband, wife and unmarried children and is more suited to modern Turkish social life today. 3 But this change has also had effects, because we are living in a period when people try to find other ways to overcome loneliness. And this new trend of marriage programmes is their solution. We must carefully evaluate the purpose that has been served by these programmes. The most important issue to be discussed is people s desperation. Marrying in marriage programmes is like winning the lottery: you need luck Do producers really think in terms of a well-intentioned Let our people get married, don t let anyone be alone or are they only pursuing ratings? Also, do participants come with simple pure emotions or do they set their sights on being famous? Do people give accurate information about themselves? Do their families support them? How much opportunity do they have to get to know the person that they meet there? This is very important because marriage is a serious decision and when families get involved, many different problems can arise. The astonishing thing is that families believe them, and send their children or even sometimes accompany them to the studio. Since time immemorial, Turkey has presented an image of a closed community but in the last five years we have been in a period of mutation and it is incredible that we have become accustomed to sharing everything that we experience. The private lives of people can be very easily deciphered from the screen and values such as confidentiality and privacy are eliminated from society. Now unscrupulous families can send their children to those places to find a prince on a white horse. 3. S. Yenen, Turkish Odyssey,
6 162 New Marriage Trend in Turkey: Screen Marriage Gozde Demirel On the other hand, there are people who are really alone and the programme provides an environment to meet the opposite sex and get married. From this point of view, it serves a good purpose. But, nevertheless, bringing people together and leading them towards an important decision about their future is a huge responsibility. Each person will come to the programme with different expectations of marriage and these expectations can be material or moral. When we watch these programmes carefully, we see that many of those who participate are definitely at the end of their tether, especially when women explain their reasons: that they want a house, a good life and are looking for a husband who can look after their children. It is no easy task to look for a partner on a TV show and psychological makeup should be considered. Moreover, a person can really be in desperate need and may have to resort to this method. From this point of view, it can be also considered to serve a good purpose. However, decisions taken in haste, without knowing each other or each other s families and being influenced by the comments of others, will result in a bad marriage. Because marriage is a matter of patience: it is easy to start but painful to continue. Therefore, it is necessary to make better decisions. References AZIZ, A., Televizyonun Yetişkin Eğitimindeki Yerin ve Önemi, Ankara, Todaie Yayınları, BAYRAKTAR, M., Evlilik Programları Furyası, http: // id=1508, 17th April BUTLER, J.G., Television: Critical Methods and Applications, New Jersey, Taylor & Francis e-library, EYÜBOGLU, A., Evlilik programları kime ne kazandırıyor?, yazarlar/ali-eyuboglu/176-evlilik-programlarikime-ne-kazandiriyor, 24th November KOSE, H., Magazin Medyası ve Gençliğin Nevrotik Evrimi: Pop Star, Biz Evleniyoruz, Sevda Masalı v.b. Yarışma Programlarına Eleştirel Bakış, Selçuk İletişim, No. 2, Konya, 2006, p. 64. MUTLU, E., Televizyonu Anlamak, Istanbul, Ayraç Yayınları, OZSOY, A., İzliyorum Öyleyse Varım: Türkiye de Kentli Ailenin Televizyon İzleme Sureci Üzerinde Genel Bir Değerlendirme, Bilim ve Aklin Aydınlığında Eğitim Dergisi, No. 57, Ankara, SOYGUDER, S., Eyvah Paparazzi, Istanbul, Om Yayınevi, TEKINALP, S., Camera Obsura dan Synoption a Radyo ve Televizyon, Istanbul, Der Yayınları, VICK, K., On Turkish Reality Shows: Reality Shows Put Mother in Charge, Washington Post Foreign Service, 10th October, YAPICI, S., Bir Eğitim Aracı Olarak Televizyon ve Etkileri, text.php3?id=272. YENEN, S., Turkish Odyssey, turkishodyssey.com /turkey/culture/people.htm. YILDIZ, S., Televizyonlarda Yayınlanan Magazin, Eğlence ve Yarışma Türü Programların Toplumsal Kültür Üzerine Etkileri Kırıkkale ve Ankara Örneği-, Bilim ve Aklın Aydınlığında Eğitim, Popüler Kültür ve Gençlik Özel Sayısı, No. 57, Ankara, 2004.
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