DUTCH WORD ORDER AND BINDING


 Randall Gibson
 2 years ago
 Views:
Transcription
1 Chapter 1 DUTCH WORD ORDER AND BINDING Glyn Morrill Abstract This paper offers a typelogical account of Dutch word order with special reference to quantifier binding in subordinate clauses. This paper offers a typelogical account of Dutch word order with special reference to quantifier binding in subordinate clauses. The word order of simple subordinate clauses is exemplified by the following: a. (:::dat) Jan zong (:::that) J. sang (:::that) Jan sang b. (:::dat) Jan boeken las (:::that) J. books read (:::that) Jan read books c. (:::dat) Jan boeken aan Marie gaf (:::that) J. books to M. gave (:::that) Jan gave books to Marie (1.1) We see that the finite tensed verb appears clausefinally. When the main verb is an infinitival complement of a modal or control verb, a socalled verb raising trigger, it appears after the verb raising trigger(s) in a clausefinal verb cluster: a. (:::dat) Jan boeken kan lezen (:::that) J. books is able read (:::that) Jan is able to read books b. (:::dat) Jan boeken wil kunnen lezen (:::that) J. books wants be able read (:::that) Jan wants to be able to read books (1.2) Work partially supported by CICYT project PB C
2 2 The semantic form of (1.2a) is (able (read books)) and that of (1.2b) is (want (able (read books))). Thus we have a syntactic/semantic mismatch with the discontinuous constituent boeken:::lezen interpreted as a semantic unit (read books), with an indefinite number of verb raising triggers intervening. If such a subordinate clause contains a quantifier, there is scope ambiguity as to whether the quantifier takes scope within or outside of the verb raising trigger: (:::dat) Jan alles wil lezen (:::that) J. everything wants read (:::that) Jan wants to read everything (1.3) Main clause yes/no interrogative word order, V1 word order, is derived from subordinate clause word order by fronting the finite verb: Wil Jan boeken lezen. Does Jan want to read books? (1.4) Main clause declarative word order, V2 word order, is further derived by fronting a major constituent: Jan wil boeken lezen. Jan wants to read books. (1.5) In this paper we offer an account of these various facts of Dutch word order. 1. ASSOCIATIVE LAMBEK CALCULUS The associative D(AB)=fs1+s2js12D(A)&s22D(B)g D(AnB)=fsj8s02D(A);s0+s2D(B)g D(B=A)=fsj8s02D(A);s+s02D(B)g D(I)=fg F::=AjIjFnFjF=FjFF Lambek calculus with product unit (Lambek 1988) is the calculus of a monoid(l;+;)where+is seen as the associative operation of concatenation:s1+(s2+s3)=(s1+s2)+s3andis seen as the empty string: s+=+s=s. The category type formulasfare defined on the basis of a setaof atomic category type formulas by the type forming operators I (product unit),n( under ), / ( over ) and( product ) as follows: (1.6) Each category type formulaais interpreted as a setd(a)las follows: (1.7)
3 :A +:B :AnBnE :B=A a:a +:B :A=E a+:bnin :AnB 3 Where we write:ato indicate that expressionis in categoryathe following deduction rules are valid: :A+a:B=In :B=A a:a n +:AB :BI (1.8) :I II (1.9) (1.10) (1.11) The overline inni and /I indicates cancellation of a hypothesis with the coindexed rule. The rules fore and IE, which are more difficult to formulate, are excluded since they are not needed in this paper. D(AB)=fs1Ws2js12D(A)&s22D(B)g D(A#B)=fs2j8s12D(A);s1Ws22D(B)g D(B"A)=fs1j8s22D(B);s2Ws12D(A)gthat1hs1;s2i= 2. DISCONTINUITY Versmissen (1991) and Solias (1992, 1994, 1996) treat discontinuity in terms of split strings. Solias works with an algebra(l;+;h;i)where+is associative andh;iis strictly nonassociative, i.e.(l;+)is a semigroup and(l;h;i)is a free groupoid. Wrap is derived as a parcial operation. This is made more explicit in Morrill and Solias (1993) where the algebra is augmented with projection functions,(l;+;h;i;1;2), such s1and2hs1;s2i=s2. Then wrapping,w, is defined as a total operation bys1ws2=df1s1+s2+2s1, whence infixation, extraction and discontinuous product operators are interpreted by: (1.12) However, these formulations encounter the technical difficulty of the incompleteness of the nonassociative Lambek calculus for free groupoids (Venema 1994), therefore Morrill (1994, 1995) proposes wrap as a primitive operation
4 (B"C)#D)((AnB)"C)#(AnD) 4 in an algebra(l;+;(;);w)where(l;+)is a semigroup and(l;(;))and (L;W)are groupoids such that(s1;s2)ws=s1+s+s2. Nevertheless this does not assure all the expected behaviour of wrap, for example it does not validate the intuitively valid Geachlike shift: (1.13) Thus in D(A#B)=fsj8hs1;s2i2D(A);s1+s+s22D(B)g Morrill (1995, appendix) and Morrill and Merenciano (1996) an alternative tack D(B"A)=fhs1;s2ij8s2D(A);s1+s+s22D(B)g is taken which consists in sorting the categorial types. The concatenation adjunction has functionalityl;l!l. We further define an interpolation adjunctionwof functionalityl2;l!l:hs1;s2iws=s1+s+s2. We refer to sortlas sort string, and sortl2as sort split string. Les us assume that atomic formulasaare of sort string. The wellsorted category formulas or typesfof sort string andf2of sort split string are defined by mutual recursion (1;2):A 1++2:B :A#B#E n Each formulaaof sort string has an interpretationd(a)land each formula Aof sort split string has an interpretationd(a)l2: (1;2):B"A (a1;a2):a D(AB)=fs1+s+s2jhs1;s2i2D(A)&s2D(B)g(1.15) 1++2:B :A"E a1++a2:b#in :A#B Valid deduction rules are as follows: (1;2):A(1;2):B"A 1+a+2:B"In a:a n 1++2:AB :BI (1.16) (1.17) (1.18) thus:f::=ajijfnfjf=fjffjf2#fjf2f F2::=F"F (1.14)
5 John:Nthinks:(NnS)=N QUANTIFICATION John+thinks+someone+walks:S thinks+someone+walks:nnsne a:nwalks:nnsne (;walks):s"nsomeone:(s"n)#s#e a+walks:s"i1 someone+walks:s=e Quantification is derived by assigning quantifier phrases type (S"N)#S. Consider the narrow scope (nonspecific) and wide scope (specific) readings of John someone walks. The narrow scope reading is derived by infixation at the level of the subordinate clause as follows: jthink1 (1.19) ((think9y(walky))j) (think9y(walky))ne x(walkx)x9y(xy)#e (walksx)"i1 xwalkne 9y(walky)=E Semantics is given by the CurryHoward rendering of categorial deductions: functional application for rules of implicational use (elimination) and functional abstraction for rules of implicational proof (introduction); node for node with (1.19): John:Nthinks:(NnS)=S1 (1.20) (John+thinks;walks):S"N John+thinks+a+walks:S"I1 thinks+a+walks:nnsne John+thinks+someone+walks:S a:nwalks:nnsne a+walks:s=esomeone:(s"n)#s#e In the wide scope derivation on the other hand, infixation is at the level of the superordinate clause: (1.21)
6 x((think(walkx))j)x9y(xy)#e ((think(walkx))j)"i1 jthink1 (think(walkx))ne 9y((think(walky))j) xwalkne (walkx)=e 6 Node for node, the semantics is thus: that:r=((s"n)i)m::nsent:((nns)=pp)=n1 a:n=e (1.22) 4. FRONTING Fronting such as relativisation can be treated by assignment of the relative pronoun to (CNnCN)/((S"N)I). that+mary+sent+to+john:r (Mary+sent;to+John):S"N Mary+sent+a+to+John:S"I1 sent+a:(nns)=ppto+j::pp=e Mary+sent+to+John:(S"N)I=E sent+a+to+john:nnsne :II II For example (the book) that Mary sent to John is derived thus: the+book:n:(nns)=((s"n)i)mary+sent+to+john:(s"n)i=e (1.23) the+book+mary+sent+to+john:s Mary+sent+to+John:NnS Fronting such as topicalisation can be derived by assignment to the empty string of (XnS)/((S"X)I). For example The book, to John is derived thus: (1.24)
7 b:a3(b+a1;a2):b"a b+a1+c+a2:b"i2 (a1;a2):(anb)"c a1+c+a2:anb1c:c"e 2 :((AnB)"C)#(AnD) a1++a2:and#i1 b+a1++a2:dni3 :(B"C)#D#E 7 5. GEACH EFFECT The intuitively valid Geachlike shift (1.13) is derivable as follows: (1.25) 6. DUTCH VERB RAISING PLUS QUANTIFIER RAISING: MULTIPLE DISCONTINUITY Consider the following example with quantification in a subordinate clause: (:::dat) Jan alles aan Marie wil given (:::that) J. everything to M. wants give (:::that) Jan wants to give everything to Marie (1.26) A wide scope derivation is obtained on the following pattern: a. aan Marie geven b. aan Marie wil geven c. Jan aan Marie wil geven d. Jan alles aan Marie wil geven (1.27) A narrow scope derivation is obtained on the following pattern: a. aan Marie geven b. alles aan Marie geven c. alles aan Marie wil given d. Jan alles aan Marie wil given (1.28) The essential puzzle is the manageament of multiple points of discontinuity. We treat this by adding to the type language a logical constant J which is interpreted as a subsetjof the underlying algebraic field such that2j. We refer to this as the connection set. Intuitively, connections allow for hypothetical reasoning over discontinuous strings as if they were continuous, by supposing that they are connected; the connection set includesbecause the empty string always connects adjacent
8 :J JI 8 strings. Semantically, J is neutral, like I. It has the following rule of introduction: (1.29) 7. FINITE AND INFINITE VERBS For the generation of simple Dutch subordinate clauses let us assume the following assignments: aan+marie m := PP boeken books := N gaf gave := PPn(Nn(NnS)) Jan j := N las read := Nn(NnS) zong sang := NnS (1.30) These derive in a straightforward way the following: a. (:::dat) Jan zong (:::that) Jan sang b. (:::dat) Jan boeken las (:::that) Jan read books c. (:::dat) Jan boeken aan Marie gaf (:::that) Jan gave books to Marie (1.31) The possibility of verbcomplement discontinuity will be accommodated by having infinite verbs combine with a connection to the left. Where a finite verb has categoryx, the corresponding infinite verb has categoryjnx: geven give := Jn(PPn(Nn(NnS))) lezen read := Jn(Nn(NnS)) zingen sing := Jn(NnS) (1.32)
9 Jan:Nboeken:NJI Jan:NJI Jan+zingen:S :Jzingen:Jn(NnS)nE zingen:nnsne 9 Note that this allows Jan+boeken+lezen:S boeken+lezen:nnsne :Jlezen:Jn(Nn(NnS))nE lezen:nn(nns)ne bare infinitival clauses to be generated as continuous strings: (1.33) (1.34) 8. FINITE AND INFINITE VERB RAISING TRIGGERS boeken:n1 a:jzingen:jn(nns)ne (;zingen):(nns)"jkan:((nns)"j)#(nns)#e a+zingen:nns"i1 1 kan+zingen:nns isable := ((NnS)"J)#(NnS) (1.35) wil wants := ((NnS)"J)#(NnS) (boeken;lezen):(nns)"j boeken+a+lezen:nns"i1 a:jlezen:jn(nn(nns))ne a+lezen:nn(nns)ne boeken+kan+lezen:nns kan:((nns)"j)#(nns)#e (1.36) (1.37) A finite verb raising trigger is defined to infix at the connection site of a verb phrase: This situates the verb raising trigger at the left of an infinitival verb:
10 10b::Naan+M:1 (boeken+aan+marie;geven):(nns)"j boeken+aan+marie+a+geven:nns"i1 aan+marie+a+geven:nn(nns)ne a:jgeven:jn(ppn(nn(nns)))ne boeken+aan+marie+kan+geven:nns a+geven:ppn(nn(nns))nekan:((nns)"j)#(nns)#e(1.38) boeken:n1 (boeken;lezen):vp"j boeken+a+lezen:vp"i1 a:jlezen:jn(nnvp)ne a+lezen:nnvpne (boeken;kunnen+lezen):vp"j boeken+b+kunnen+lezen:vp"i2 b:jkunnen:jn((vp"j)#vp)ne boeken+wil+kunnen+lezen:vp b+kunnen:(vp"j)#vp#e 2 wil:jn((vp"j)#vp)#e(1.40) As was the case for ordinary verbs, so it is for verb raising triggers that where the finite verb has categoryx, the infinite verb has categoryjnx: kunnen beable := Jn(((NnS)"J)#(NnS)) willen want := Jn(((NnS)"J)#(NnS)) (1.39) This accounts for multiple verb raising as in the following, where VP abbreviates NnS: 9. VERB RAISING PLUS QUANTIFIER RAISING Recall the following example: (:::dat) Jan alles wil lezen (:::that) J. everything wants read (:::that) Jan wants to read everything (1.41)
11 Jan:N2 b:n1 (b;lezen):(nns)"j a:jlezen:jn(nn(nns))ne 11 (Jan;wil+lezen):S"N b+a+lezen:nns"i1 a+lezen:nn(nns)ne Jan+a+wil+lezen:S"I2 b+wil+lezen:nnsne The wide scope reading for the Jan+alles+wil+lezen:S wil:((nns)"j)#(nns)#ealles:(s"n)#s#e quantifier is derived thus, where the quantifier joins the derivation after wil : (1.42) The narrrow scope reading is derived thus, where the quantifier joins the derivation before wil : Jan:N c:n2 b:n1 (c;a+lezen:s"n c+b+a+lezen:s"i2 b+a+lezen:nnsne a:jlezen:jn(nn(nns))ne a+lezen+nn(nns)ne Jan+alles+wil+lezen:S (alles;lezen):jn(nns) alles+a+lezen:nns c+alles+a+lezen:sni alles+wil+lezen:nns alles:(s"n)#n#ewil:((nns)"j)#(nns) (1.43) x(x):=m=((s"a)j) :=fva V1 10. V1 AND V2 For V1 yes/no interrogative order we assume lexical lifting of finite verbs (cf. Hepple 1990): (1.44)
12 wil:m=((s"x)j)jan:nboeken:n1 (boeken;lezen):(nns)"j boeken+a+lezen:nns"i1 a+lezen:nn(nns)ne a:jlezen:xne 2 12 Hence the following, wil+jan+boeken+lezen:m (Jan+boeken;lezen):S"X Jan+boeken+b+lezen:S"I2 boeken+b+lezen:nnsne Jan+boeken+lezen:(S"N)J=E b:((nns)"j)#(nns)#e:ji JI where X is Jn(Nn(NnS)). follows: xy(yx):=(xnt)=((m"x)j) (1.45) Jan+wil+boeken+lezen:T wil+boeken+lezen:nntne wil+boeken+lezen:(m"n)j=e :JI And for V2 declarative order we furthur assume assignment to the empty string as (1.46) (1.47) Thus:Jan:N:(NnT)=((M"N)J)(wil;boeken+lezen):M"NJI In this way the basic facts of Dutch subordinate and main clause word order are accommodated, including the case of quantifier binding.
13 O2::=pF2jF;O2jO2;Fj1pF2;O2;2pF2 Appendix A 13 2::=O2)pF2 O::=jF;OjO;Fj1pF2;O;2pF2 ::=O)F Appendix: Sequent calculus for sorted discontinuity In this appendix we present sequent calculus for sorted discontinuity (cf. Morrill 1998). The basic idea is to represent split strings by two formula occurrences at their two loci of action. These components are punctuated as roots. Sequents come in two sorts. A sort string sequenthas a sort string succedent on the right and a sort string configurationoon the left. A sort split string sequent2has a sort split string succedent the right and a sort split string 1pA;pA;2pA)pA A)A?)A(A))YCut (?))Y configurationo2on the left. The wellformed configurations and sequents of sort string and split string are defined as follows: (A.1) We have sort string and sort split string identity rules. The notation?() indicates a configuration?with a distinguished subconfiguration.yandz?)anb id2?(pa))pa(1pa;;2pa))ycut2 (?()))Y vary over formulas of?)a)br A;?)BnR?;A)B=R?)B=A)I IR?())YIL sort string and the roots of formulas of sort split string.?;)ab?)a(b))z=l?)a(b))znl (?;AnB))Z (B=A;?))Z?(I))Y?(AB))Z?(A;B))ZL (A.2) (A.3) The rules for the Lambek connectives are thus: (A.4)?(pB"A))pB"A 1pA;?;2pA)B#R?)A#B?(A))B"R?(pA))pA(B))Z#L )J (1pB"A;?;2pB"A))Z JR?)A(B))Z"L (?(A#B)))Z (A.5) (A.6) (A.7) J is like I but has no left rule: (A.8) The rules for the discontinuity connectives are as follows: (A.9) (A.10)
14 ?(pa))pa)br?())ab?(1pa;b;2pa))zl?(ab))z 14 (A.11) References Hepple, M. (1990) The Grammar and Processing of Order and Dependency: a categorial approach, Ph.D. thesis, Centre for Cognitive Science, University of Edinburgh. Lambek, J. (1988) Categorial and Categorical Grammars in Richard T. Oehrle, Emmon Bach and Deirdre Wheeler (eds.) Categorial Grammars and Natural Language Structures, D. Reidel, Dordrecht, pp Morrill, G. (1994) Type Logical Grammar: categorial logic of signs, Kluwer, Dordrecht. Morrill, G. (1995) Discontinuity in categorial grammar, Linguistics and Philosophy 18, Morrill, G. (1998) Proof syntax of discontinuity, in P. Dekker, M. Stokhof and Y. Venema (eds.), Proceedings of the 11th Amsterdam Colloquim, ILLC, Amsterdam, pp Morrill, G. and J.M. Merenciano (1996) Generalising Discontinuity, Traitement Automatique des Langues 37 2, pp Morrill, G. and T. Solias (1993) Tuples, Discontinuity and Gapping, in Proceedings of the European Chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics, Utrecht, pp Solias, T. (1992) Gramáticas Categoriales, Coordinación Generalizada y Elisión, Ph.D. thesis, Departamento de Lingüística, Lógica, Lenguas Modernes y Fílosofia de la Ciencia, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Solias, T. (1994) Unassociativity, Sequence Product, Gapping and Multiple Wrapping, in M. Abrusci, C. Casadio and M. Moortgat (eds.) Linear Logic and Lambek Calculus, proceedings of the 1993 Rome Workshop, pp Solias, T. (1996) Gramática Categorial: modelos y aplicaciones, Editorial Sintesis, Madrid. Venema, Y. (1994) Tree models and (labeled) categorial grammar, in P. Dekker and M. Stokhof (eds.) Proceedings of the Ninth Amsterdam Colloquium, ILLC, Amsterdam, Versmissen, Koen (1991) Discontinuous Type Constructors in Categorial Grammar, ms. Onderzoeksinstituut voor Taal en Spraak, Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht.
Deep Structure and Transformations
Lecture 4 Deep Structure and Transformations Thus far, we got the impression that the base component (phrase structure rules and lexicon) of the Standard Theory of syntax generates sentences and assigns
More informationCHAPTER 7 GENERAL PROOF SYSTEMS
CHAPTER 7 GENERAL PROOF SYSTEMS 1 Introduction Proof systems are built to prove statements. They can be thought as an inference machine with special statements, called provable statements, or sometimes
More informationLing 130 Notes: English syntax
Ling 130 Notes: English syntax Sophia A. Malamud March 13, 2014 1 Introduction: syntactic composition A formal language is a set of strings  finite sequences of minimal units (words/morphemes, for natural
More informationThe compositional semantics of same
The compositional semantics of same Mike Solomon Amherst College Abstract Barker (2007) proposes the first strictly compositional semantic analysis of internal same. I show that Barker s analysis fails
More informationLecture 3. Mathematical Induction
Lecture 3 Mathematical Induction Induction is a fundamental reasoning process in which general conclusion is based on particular cases It contrasts with deduction, the reasoning process in which conclusion
More informationInfinitive verbs are common in child speech, crosslinguistically. She sleeps. (Jens [Da] 2;0) Little baby sleep. (Daniel [Fr] 1;11)
CAS LX 500 Topics: Language acquisition Spring 2010, January 21 2b. Root infinitives 1 Root infinitives 1.1 Properties of root infinitives Root infinities in the world Infinitive verbs are common in child
More informationSemantics and Generative Grammar. Quantificational DPs, Part 3: Covert Movement vs. Type Shifting 1
Quantificational DPs, Part 3: Covert Movement vs. Type Shifting 1 1. Introduction Thus far, we ve considered two competing analyses of sentences like those in (1). (1) Sentences Where a Quantificational
More informationPlural Type Quantification Proceedings of the Amsterdam Colloquium 1999
Plural Type Quantification Proceedings of the Amsterdam Colloquium 1999 Yoad Winter Technion This paper introduces some of the main components of a novel type theoretical semantics for quantification with
More informationTruth Conditional Meaning of Sentences. Ling324 Reading: Meaning and Grammar, pg
Truth Conditional Meaning of Sentences Ling324 Reading: Meaning and Grammar, pg. 6987 Meaning of Sentences A sentence can be true or false in a given situation or circumstance. (1) The pope talked to
More informationComputational Linguistics: Syntax I
Computational Linguistics: Syntax I Raffaella Bernardi KRDB, Free University of BozenBolzano P.zza Domenicani, Room: 2.28, email: bernardi@inf.unibz.it Contents 1 Syntax...................................................
More informationBasic syntax of quantification in English
Basic syntax of quantifiion in English Jeff peaks phil 43916 eptember 15, 2014 1 The problem posed by quantified sentences.................... 1 2 Basic syntactic egories for quantifiion in English..............
More informationRegular Expressions and Automata using Haskell
Regular Expressions and Automata using Haskell Simon Thompson Computing Laboratory University of Kent at Canterbury January 2000 Contents 1 Introduction 2 2 Regular Expressions 2 3 Matching regular expressions
More informationWord order in LexicalFunctional Grammar Topics M. Kaplan and Mary Dalrymple Ronald Xerox PARC August 1995 Kaplan and Dalrymple, ESSLLI 95, Barcelona 1 phrase structure rules work well Standard congurational
More informationž Lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammar (LTAG) associates at least one elementary tree with every lexical item.
Advanced Natural Language Processing Lecture 11 Grammar Formalisms (II): LTAG, CCG Bonnie Webber (slides by Mark teedman, Bonnie Webber and Frank Keller) 12 October 2012 Lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammar
More informationFixedPoint Logics and Computation
1 FixedPoint Logics and Computation Symposium on the Unusual Effectiveness of Logic in Computer Science University of Cambridge 2 Mathematical Logic Mathematical logic seeks to formalise the process of
More informationSYNTAX. Syntax the study of the system of rules and categories that underlies sentence formation.
SYNTAX Syntax the study of the system of rules and categories that underlies sentence formation. 1) Syntactic categories lexical:  words that have meaning (semantic content)  words that can be inflected
More informationCassandra. References:
Cassandra References: Becker, Moritz; Sewell, Peter. Cassandra: Flexible Trust Management, Applied to Electronic Health Records. 2004. Li, Ninghui; Mitchell, John. Datalog with Constraints: A Foundation
More informationSounds Like Like. Peter Lasersohn. University of Rochester. Abstract: It is argued that the verb sound is ambiguous between
Sounds Like Like Peter Lasersohn University of Rochester Abstract: It is argued that the verb sound is ambiguous between one reading where it denotes a twoplace relation between individuals and properties,
More informationIP PATTERNS OF MOVEMENTS IN VSO TYPOLOGY: THE CASE OF ARABIC
The Buckingham Journal of Language and Linguistics 2013 Volume 6 pp 1525 ABSTRACT IP PATTERNS OF MOVEMENTS IN VSO TYPOLOGY: THE CASE OF ARABIC C. Belkacemi Manchester Metropolitan University The aim of
More informationWhat is a sentence? What is a sentence? What is a sentence? Morphology & Syntax Sentences
2 What is a sentence? Morphology & Syntax Sentences Sentence as a informationaldiscursive unit A complete thought, generally including a topic and a comment about the topic Boys are naughtier. Boys will
More information2. The Language of Firstorder Logic
2. The Language of Firstorder Logic KR & R Brachman & Levesque 2005 17 Declarative language Before building system before there can be learning, reasoning, planning, explanation... need to be able to
More informationParsing Natural Language using LDS: A Prototype
Parsing Natural Language using LDS: A Prototype MARCELO FINGER, Departamento de Ciência da Computação, Instituto de Matemática e Estatística, Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil. Email: mfinger@ime.usp.br
More informationCooperative questionresponses and question dependency
FINAL DRAFT. Appeared in: Logica Yearbook 2012, eds. V. Punčochář and P. Švarný, College Publications, 2013, p. 79 90. Cooperative questionresponses and question dependency Paweł Łupkowski Abstract The
More informationMovement and Binding
Movement and Binding Gereon Müller Institut für Linguistik Universität Leipzig SoSe 2008 www.unileipzig.de/ muellerg Gereon Müller (Institut für Linguistik) Constraints in Syntax 4 SoSe 2008 1 / 35 Principles
More informationStructure of Clauses. March 9, 2004
Structure of Clauses March 9, 2004 Preview Comments on HW 6 Schedule review session Finite and nonfinite clauses Constituent structure of clauses Structure of Main Clauses Discuss HW #7 Course Evals Comments
More informationON THE LOGIC OF PERCEPTION SENTENCES
Bulletin of the Section of Logic Volume 11:1/2 (1982), pp. 72 76 reedition 2009 [original edition, pp. 72 76] Esa Saarinen ON THE LOGIC OF PERCEPTION SENTENCES In this paper I discuss perception sentences
More informationSome notes on Clause Structure
Some notes on Clause Structure Alan Munn 1 he head of sentence In a simple sentence such as (1a), we would normally give a tree like (1b). (1) a. he. b. S Aux However, re is a problem with this tree, assuming
More informationAikaterini Marazopoulou
Imperial College London Department of Computing Tableau Compiled Labelled Deductive Systems with an application to Description Logics by Aikaterini Marazopoulou Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements
More informationCoherent infinitives in German: An experimental perspective
Coherent infinitives in German: An experimental perspective Tanja Schmid, Markus Bader & Josef Bayer University of Konstanz, Germany tanja.schmid@unikonstanz.de 1 Introduction Since Bech (1955/57) and
More informationIntroduction. W. Buszkowski Type Logics in Grammar
W. Buszkowski Type Logics in Grammar Introduction Type logics are logics whose formulas are interpreted as types. For instance, A B is a type of functions (procedures) which send inputs of type A to outputs
More information3. Recurrence Recursive Definitions. To construct a recursively defined function:
3. RECURRENCE 10 3. Recurrence 3.1. Recursive Definitions. To construct a recursively defined function: 1. Initial Condition(s) (or basis): Prescribe initial value(s) of the function.. Recursion: Use a
More informationLecture 20 November 8, 2007
CS 674/IFO 630: Advanced Language Technologies Fall 2007 Lecture 20 ovember 8, 2007 Prof. Lillian Lee Scribes: Cristian Danescu iculescumizil & am guyen & Myle Ott Analyzing Syntactic Structure Up to
More informationSAND: Relation between the Database and Printed Maps
SAND: Relation between the Database and Printed Maps Erik Tjong Kim Sang Meertens Institute erik.tjong.kim.sang@meertens.knaw.nl May 16, 2014 1 Introduction SAND, the Syntactic Atlas of the Dutch Dialects,
More informationModal Nonassociative Lambek Calculus with Assumptions: Complexity and ContextFreeness
Modal Nonassociative Lambek Calculus with Assumptions: Complexity and ContextFreeness Zhe Lin Institute of Logic and Cognition, Sun Yatsen University, Guangzhou, China Faculty of Mathematics and Computer
More informationA Propositional Dynamic Logic for CCS Programs
A Propositional Dynamic Logic for CCS Programs Mario R. F. Benevides and L. Menasché Schechter {mario,luis}@cos.ufrj.br Abstract This work presents a Propositional Dynamic Logic in which the programs are
More information4 Domain Relational Calculus
4 Domain Relational Calculus We now present two relational calculi that we will compare to RA. First, what is the difference between an algebra and a calculus? The usual story is that the algebra RA is
More informationSimulationBased Security with Inexhaustible Interactive Turing Machines
SimulationBased Security with Inexhaustible Interactive Turing Machines Ralf Küsters Institut für Informatik ChristianAlbrechtsUniversität zu Kiel 24098 Kiel, Germany kuesters@ti.informatik.unikiel.de
More informationIntroducing Formal Methods. Software Engineering and Formal Methods
Introducing Formal Methods Formal Methods for Software Specification and Analysis: An Overview 1 Software Engineering and Formal Methods Every Software engineering methodology is based on a recommended
More informationDiscrete Mathematics, Chapter 5: Induction and Recursion
Discrete Mathematics, Chapter 5: Induction and Recursion Richard Mayr University of Edinburgh, UK Richard Mayr (University of Edinburgh, UK) Discrete Mathematics. Chapter 5 1 / 20 Outline 1 Wellfounded
More informationSimulating Optional Infinitive Errors in Child Speech through the Omission of SentenceInternal Elements
Simulating Optional Infinitive Errors in Child Speech through the Omission of SentenceInternal Elements Daniel Freudenthal (D.Freudenthal@Liverpool.Ac.Uk) Julian Pine (Julian.Pine@Liverpool.Ac.Uk) School
More informationOutline of today s lecture
Outline of today s lecture Generative grammar Simple context free grammars Probabilistic CFGs Formalism power requirements Parsing Modelling syntactic structure of phrases and sentences. Why is it useful?
More informationA Problem of/for Tough Movement. Randall Hendrick University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill October 2013
A Problem of/for Tough Movement Randall Hendrick University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill October 2013 Abstract This paper aims to further our understanding of complements to tough movement predicates
More informationPredicate Logic. For example, consider the following argument:
Predicate Logic The analysis of compound statements covers key aspects of human reasoning but does not capture many important, and common, instances of reasoning that are also logically valid. For example,
More informationLecture 9: Formal grammars of English
(Fall 2012) http://cs.illinois.edu/class/cs498jh Lecture 9: Formal grammars of English Julia Hockenmaier juliahmr@illinois.edu 3324 Siebel Center Office Hours: Wednesday, 12:151:15pm Previous key concepts!
More informationConstraints in Phrase Structure Grammar
Constraints in Phrase Structure Grammar Phrase Structure Grammar no movement, no transformations, contextfree rules X/Y = X is a category which dominates a missing category Y Let G be the set of basic
More informationFull and Complete Binary Trees
Full and Complete Binary Trees Binary Tree Theorems 1 Here are two important types of binary trees. Note that the definitions, while similar, are logically independent. Definition: a binary tree T is full
More informationINTRODUCTION TO LOGIC Lecture 4 The Syntax of Predicate Logic Dr. James Studd. SubjectPredicate form. Designators/Constants. is a tortoise Predicate
Introduction INTRODUCTION TO LOGIC Lecture 4 The Syntax of Predicate Logic Dr. James Studd I counsel you, dear friend, in sum, That first you take collegium logicum. Your spirit s then well broken in for
More informationThe role of memorised phrases in language learning
The role of memorised phrases in language learning Florence Myles University of Essex 25 June 2015 Outline Research context What are memorised phrases The study Implications for teaching Research context
More informationUNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM FACULTY OF SCIENCE. EDUCATION AND EXAMINATION REGULATIONS Academic Year 20122013 PART B THE MASTER S PROGRAMME IN LOGIC
UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM FACULTY OF SCIENCE EDUCATION AND EXAMINATION REGULATIONS Academic Year 20122013 PART B THE MASTER S PROGRAMME IN LOGIC September 1 st 2012 Chapter 1 Article 1.1 Article 1.2 Chapter
More informationA Note on Context Logic
A Note on Context Logic Philippa Gardner Imperial College London This note describes joint work with Cristiano Calcagno and Uri Zarfaty. It introduces the general theory of Context Logic, and has been
More informationC H A P T E R Regular Expressions regular expression
7 CHAPTER Regular Expressions Most programmers and other powerusers of computer systems have used tools that match text patterns. You may have used a Web search engine with a pattern like travel cancun
More informationA Primer in the Semantics of English
A Primer in the Semantics of English Some Nuts and Bolts 20002010 by Terence Parsons A Primer in the Semantics of English Some Nuts and Bolts Chapter 0: Preliminary Issues 0.1 What Sentences Do 0.2 Standingfor
More informationIntelligent Systems (AI2)
Intelligent Systems (AI2) Computer Science cpsc422, Lecture 25 Nov, 9, 2016 CPSC 422, Lecture 26 Slide 1 Morphology Syntax Semantics Pragmatics Discourse and Dialogue KnowledgeFormalisms Map (including
More informationDrawing Tree Diagrams: Problems and Suggestions
ISSN 17984769 Journal of Language Teaching and Research, Vol. 1, No. 6, pp. 926934, November 2010 Manufactured in Finland. doi:10.4304/jltr.1.6.926934 Drawing Tree Diagrams: Problems and Suggestions
More informationInterpretation of Test Scores for the ACCUPLACER Tests
Interpretation of Test Scores for the ACCUPLACER Tests ACCUPLACER is a trademark owned by the College Entrance Examination Board. Visit The College Board on the Web at: www.collegeboard.com/accuplacer
More informationInduction and Recursion
Induction and Recursion Jan van Eijck June 3, 2003 Abstract A very important proof method that is not covered by the recipes from Chapter 3 is the method of proof by Mathematical Induction. Roughly speaking,
More informationRelational Calculus. Module 3, Lecture 2. Database Management Systems, R. Ramakrishnan 1
Relational Calculus Module 3, Lecture 2 Database Management Systems, R. Ramakrishnan 1 Relational Calculus Comes in two flavours: Tuple relational calculus (TRC) and Domain relational calculus (DRC). Calculus
More informationData exchange. L. Libkin 1 Data Integration and Exchange
Data exchange Source schema, target schema; need to transfer data between them. A typical scenario: Two organizations have their legacy databases, schemas cannot be changed. Data from one organization
More informationA Chart Parsing implementation in Answer Set Programming
A Chart Parsing implementation in Answer Set Programming Ismael Sandoval Cervantes Ingenieria en Sistemas Computacionales ITESM, Campus Guadalajara elcoraz@gmail.com Rogelio Dávila Pérez Departamento de
More informationDynamic Cognitive Modeling IV
Dynamic Cognitive Modeling IV CLS2010  Computational Linguistics Summer Events University of Zadar 23.08.2010 27.08.2010 Department of German Language and Linguistics Humboldt Universität zu Berlin Overview
More informationTextToSpeech Technologies for Mobile Telephony Services
TextToSpeech Technologies for Mobile Telephony Services PaulsephJohn Farrugia Department of Computer Science and AI, University of Malta Abstract. TextToSpeech (TTS) systems aim to transform arbitrary
More informationAutomata and Formal Languages
Automata and Formal Languages Winter 20092010 Yacov HelOr 1 What this course is all about This course is about mathematical models of computation We ll study different machine models (finite automata,
More informationCS510 Software Engineering
CS510 Software Engineering Propositional Logic Asst. Prof. Mathias Payer Department of Computer Science Purdue University TA: Scott A. Carr Slides inspired by Xiangyu Zhang http://nebelwelt.net/teaching/15cs510se
More informationHow Do We Identify Constituents?
How Do We Identify Constituents? Tallerman: Chapter 5 Ling 222  Chapter 5 1 Discovering the Structure of Sentences Evidence of structure in sentences Structural ambiguity Black cab drivers went on strike
More informationRemarks on NonFregean Logic
STUDIES IN LOGIC, GRAMMAR AND RHETORIC 10 (23) 2007 Remarks on NonFregean Logic Mieczys law Omy la Institute of Philosophy University of Warsaw Poland m.omyla@uw.edu.pl 1 Introduction In 1966 famous Polish
More informationEnglish Grammar. A Short Guide. Graham Tulloch
English Grammar A Short Guide Graham Tulloch This book was prepared in the English Discipline of the Flinders University of South Australia and printed by Flinders Press. 1990 Graham Tulloch FURTHER READING
More informationRelatives and thereinsertion. Alastair Butler
Relatives and thereinsertion This paper offers an explanation for why unexpected things happen when relatives relativise into thereinsertion contexts. Unlike restrictive relatives, such relatives only
More informationLimits on the human sentence generator
Limits on the human sentence generator Anthony S. Kroch University of Pennsylvania The problem of language generation is the problem of translating communicative intent into linguistic form. As such, it
More informationGrammar Year 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6. Year 1. There are a few nouns with different morphology in the plural (e.g. mice, formulae).
Grammar Year 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 Term digraph grapheme phoneme Year 1 Guidance A type of grapheme where two letters represent one phoneme. Sometimes, these two letters are not next to one another; this
More informationMathematical Induction
Chapter 2 Mathematical Induction 2.1 First Examples Suppose we want to find a simple formula for the sum of the first n odd numbers: 1 + 3 + 5 +... + (2n 1) = n (2k 1). How might we proceed? The most natural
More informationPhrase Structure Rules, Tree Rewriting, and other sources of Recursion Structure within the NP
Introduction to Transformational Grammar, LINGUIST 601 September 14, 2006 Phrase Structure Rules, Tree Rewriting, and other sources of Recursion Structure within the 1 Trees (1) a tree for the brown fox
More informationA Formalization of the Turing Test Evgeny Chutchev
A Formalization of the Turing Test Evgeny Chutchev 1. Introduction The Turing test was described by A. Turing in his paper [4] as follows: An interrogator questions both Turing machine and second participant
More informationChapter 2 Mathematical Background
Chapter 2 Mathematical Background We start this chapter with a summary of basic concepts and notations for sets and firstorder logic formulas, which will be used in the rest of the book. Our aim is to
More informationDEGREES OF CATEGORICITY AND THE HYPERARITHMETIC HIERARCHY
DEGREES OF CATEGORICITY AND THE HYPERARITHMETIC HIERARCHY BARBARA F. CSIMA, JOHANNA N. Y. FRANKLIN, AND RICHARD A. SHORE Abstract. We study arithmetic and hyperarithmetic degrees of categoricity. We extend
More informationMATH20302 Propositional Logic. Mike Prest School of Mathematics Alan Turing Building Room
MATH20302 Propositional Logic Mike Prest School of Mathematics Alan Turing Building Room 1.120 mprest@manchester.ac.uk April 10, 2015 Contents I Propositional Logic 3 1 Propositional languages 4 1.1 Propositional
More informationProblems on Discrete Mathematics 1
Problems on Discrete Mathematics 1 ChungChih Li Kishan Mehrotra 3 L A TEX at July 18, 007 1 No part of this book can be reproduced without permission from the authors Illinois State University, Normal,
More informationPhrase Structure. A formal hypothesis for representing constituency
Phrase Structure A formal hypothesis for representing constituency Constituents are hierarchically organized TP NP VP The man eats at fancy restaurants. D N V PP the man eats P at AdjP Adj fancy NP N restaurants
More informationSoftware Verification and Testing. Lecture Notes: Temporal Logics
Software Verification and Testing Lecture Notes: Temporal Logics Motivation traditional programs (whether terminating or nonterminating) can be modelled as relations are analysed wrt their input/output
More informationParametric Domaintheoretic models of Linear Abadi & Plotkin Logic
Parametric Domaintheoretic models of Linear Abadi & Plotkin Logic Lars Birkedal Rasmus Ejlers Møgelberg Rasmus Lerchedahl Petersen IT University Technical Report Series TR007 ISSN 600 600 February 00
More informationMath 2602 Finite and Linear Math Fall 14. Homework 9: Core solutions
Math 2602 Finite and Linear Math Fall 14 Homework 9: Core solutions Section 8.2 on page 264 problems 13b, 27a27b. Section 8.3 on page 275 problems 1b, 8, 10a10b, 14. Section 8.4 on page 279 problems
More informationFormal Languages and Automata Theory  Regular Expressions and Finite Automata 
Formal Languages and Automata Theory  Regular Expressions and Finite Automata  Samarjit Chakraborty Computer Engineering and Networks Laboratory Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) Zürich March
More information2 nd Semester: Tuesday: :00; 13:3014:00 Thursday: 9:4510:30 Friday: 9:4510:30; 13:3015:00
COURSE INFORMATION GRAMMATICAL THEORIES OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE Degree in English Philology Academic Year 201112 Optional course, 5 th year Annual course: 3 hours a week, 2 days a week. 9 credits TEACHING
More informationCode Kingdoms Learning: What, where, when and how
codekingdoms Code Kingdoms Learning: What, where, when and how for kids, with kids, by kids. Resources overview We have produced a number of resources designed to help people use Code Kingdoms. There are
More information(LMCS, p. 317) V.1. First Order Logic. This is the most powerful, most expressive logic that we will examine.
(LMCS, p. 317) V.1 First Order Logic This is the most powerful, most expressive logic that we will examine. Our version of firstorder logic will use the following symbols: variables connectives (,,,,
More informationCategorial Type Logics
Categorial Type Logics Michael Moortgat Utrecht Institute of Linguistics, OTS Excerpt from Chapter Two in J. van Benthem and A. ter Meulen (eds.) Handbook of Logic and Language. Elsevier, 1997. Contents
More informationConstituency. The basic units of sentence structure
Constituency The basic units of sentence structure Meaning of a sentence is more than the sum of its words. Meaning of a sentence is more than the sum of its words. a. The puppy hit the rock Meaning of
More informationBound and Referential Pronouns and Ellipsis. Heim and Kratzer Chapter 9
Bound and Referential Pronouns and Ellipsis Heim and Kratzer Chapter 9 1 9.1 Referential pronouns as free variables 2 9.1.1 Deictic versus anaphoric, referential versus boundvariable pronouns In traditional
More informationAspect Look at the following data: [50] a. John had broken the vase. Tree 21. Aux V. Complementation. Head
7. The structure of VP We have already at various points given indications about the structure of VP, notably in section 5.4. But there are still many outstanding questions, for example about the functions
More information3515ICT Theory of Computation Turing Machines
Griffith University 3515ICT Theory of Computation Turing Machines (Based loosely on slides by Harald Søndergaard of The University of Melbourne) 90 Overview Turing machines: a general model of computation
More informationLogic and Discrete Mathematics for Computer Scientists. James Caldwell Department of Computer Science University of Wyoming Laramie, Wyoming
Logic and Discrete Mathematics for Computer Scientists James Caldwell Department of Computer Science University of Wyoming Laramie, Wyoming Draft of August 26, 2011 c James Caldwell 1 2011 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
More informationClause Types. A descriptive tangent into the types of clauses
Clause Types A descriptive tangent into the types of clauses Clause = subject+predicate phrase Clause = subject+predicate phrase subject: the NP being assigned a property Clause = subject+predicate phrase
More informationSyntactic Theory. Background and Transformational Grammar. Dr. Dan Flickinger & PD Dr. Valia Kordoni
Syntactic Theory Background and Transformational Grammar Dr. Dan Flickinger & PD Dr. Valia Kordoni Department of Computational Linguistics Saarland University October 28, 2011 Early work on grammar There
More informationCS103B Handout 17 Winter 2007 February 26, 2007 Languages and Regular Expressions
CS103B Handout 17 Winter 2007 February 26, 2007 Languages and Regular Expressions Theory of Formal Languages In the English language, we distinguish between three different identities: letter, word, sentence.
More informationAUTOMATIC PROTOCOL CREATION FOR INFORMATION SECURITY SYSTEM
AUTOMATIC PROTOCOL CREATION FOR INFORMATION SECURITY SYSTEM Mr. Arjun Kumar arjunsingh@abes.ac.in ABES Engineering College, Ghaziabad Master of Computer Application ABSTRACT Now a days, security is very
More informationContextFree Grammars
ContextFree Grammars Describing Languages We've seen two models for the regular languages: Automata accept precisely the strings in the language. Regular expressions describe precisely the strings in
More informationUNIT 2 MATRICES  I 2.0 INTRODUCTION. Structure
UNIT 2 MATRICES  I Matrices  I Structure 2.0 Introduction 2.1 Objectives 2.2 Matrices 2.3 Operation on Matrices 2.4 Invertible Matrices 2.5 Systems of Linear Equations 2.6 Answers to Check Your Progress
More informationImproving interaction with the user in CrossLanguage Question Answering through Relevant Domains and Syntactic Semantic Patterns
Improving interaction with the user in CrossLanguage Question Answering through Relevant Domains and Syntactic Semantic Patterns Borja Navarro, Lorenza Moreno, Sonia Vázquez, Fernando Llopis, Andrés Montoyo,
More informationIndex. 344 Grammar and Language Workbook, Grade 8
Index Index 343 Index A A, an (usage), 8, 123 A, an, the (articles), 8, 123 diagraming, 205 Abbreviations, correct use of, 18 19, 273 Abstract nouns, defined, 4, 63 Accept, except, 12, 227 Action verbs,
More informationSatisfiability Checking
Satisfiability Checking FirstOrder Logic Prof. Dr. Erika Ábrahám RWTH Aachen University Informatik 2 LuFG Theory of Hybrid Systems WS 14/15 Satisfiability Checking Prof. Dr. Erika Ábrahám (RWTH Aachen
More informationTo discuss this topic fully, let us define some terms used in this and the following sets of supplemental notes.
INFINITE SERIES SERIES AND PARTIAL SUMS What if we wanted to sum up the terms of this sequence, how many terms would I have to use? 1, 2, 3,... 10,...? Well, we could start creating sums of a finite number
More information