This new world now revealed: Hernán Cortés and the presentation of Mexico to Europe

Transcription

1 This new world now revealed: Hernán Cortés and the presentation of Mexico to Europe ELIZABETH HILL BOONE Three years after Hernán Cortés affected the conquest of the Aztec empire and the destruction of the Mexica Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan, a visualization of that great city at its peak was offered to the reading public of Europe. It was presented by means of a woodcut accompanying the 1524 publication of Cortés s second letter to the Hapsburg emperor Charles V, which reproduced a plan of Tenochtitlan, pictured as an island city surrounded by its lakes and, on the left, a map of the coastline of the Gulf of Mexico (figure 1). The plan of Tenochtitlan is well known: it has been analyzed from several perspectives and is often illustrated and invoked by those interested both in Aztec Mexico and in city plans in general; these scholars almost always ignore the map, however. 1 Likewise, the map has been attended to by cartographic historians interested in the early mapping of the Gulf of Mexico, but they, in turn, ignore the city plan. 2 The plan and the map appear together in the woodcut, however, which requires us to consider them thus within a single presentation and in the specific context of Cortés s letters to Charles that describe his remarkable exploits in Mexico. This article considers the plan and the map, together with the accompanying inscription, to achieve several goals. First, I hope to contribute to our understanding of the city plan as a document that describes Tenochtitlan before its destruction, when it was on the cusp of being secured for Charles. Then I turn to the coastal map to explain its special features and its origins within the circle of Cortés. The map and the plan were based on drawings sent from the Americas, likely separate documents sent at different times, but they complement and take meaning from each other through their union in the woodcut. Their features allow me to argue that the coastal map and the city plan are integrated components of a conscious strategy to present to Europe the vast extent and incredible riches of New Spain. It was a strategy that served two goals. One was to celebrate Charles V as an imperial Caesar whose realm had been greatly expanded by the addition of a new American empire. The accompanying inscription also articulates this position. The other goal was to aid Cortés s own ambitions to cement his control of central Mexico and to extend his authority to even more of the lands newly discovered. The woodcut advances arguments made in the text of the second letter to legitimize Cortés s actions by highlighting the great prize he was bringing to his emperor. The woodcut print was included as a foldout plate in the Latin translation of Cortés s second letter, Praeclara de Nova maris Oceani Hyspania Narratio..., published in Nuremberg in 1524 by Friedrich Peypus, a publisher known for his scientific and humanistic works. 3 Its full title, in translation, conveys the exciting flavor of the work: The splendid narrative of Ferdinand Cortes about the New Spain of the Ocean Sea, transmitted to the most sacred and invincible, always august Charles, Emperor of the Romans, King of the Spaniards, in the year of the Lord 1520; in which is contained many things worthy of knowledge and admiration about the excellent cities of their provinces... above all about the famous city of Temixtitan and its diverse wonders, which will wondrously please the reader. This second letter is usually bound with the fourth decade of Peter Martyr d Anghiera and sometimes also with the Latin translation of Cortés s third letter to Charles, which Peypus also issued that year. 4 The five letters sent from Mexico to Charles V between 1519 and 1526 have generally been acknowledged as self-serving discourses styled by Cortés to justify and legitimize his deeds in Mexico and to bolster his stature as a devoted servant of the Crown. 5 As Cortés s original mission was only to explore, trade, and rescue any survivors of previous explorations all under the auspices of Diego Velazquez, the governor of Cuba Cortés s break with Velazquez and his reconstitution as an independent agent of conquest and colonization freed him to report directly to Charles, but his actions also required Charles s forgiveness. 6 The letters are works of self-authorization, which downplay the previous explorations by Hernando de Cordova and Juan de Grijalva and blacken the reputation of Velazquez while presenting Cortés as the most loyal, and successful, of royal subjects. The second letter is particularly important in this respect because it describes the rich empire that Cortés acquired for Charles. It tells of the march into Tenochtitlan, describes the features of the marvelous and famed Aztec city, and suggests the vastness of Moctezuma s empire; crucially, it includes Moctezuma s speech to Cortés by which the Aztec emperor voluntarily surrendered his empire to Charles. 7 Although this second letter must also explain the Spaniards expulsion by the angry citizens of Tenochtitlan, the subsequent third letter recounts the siege and eventual conquest of the Aztec capital. Following Moctezuma s early speech of donation, however, all of Cortés s subsequent actions toward victory in Mexico WORD & IMAGE, VOL. 27, NO. 1, JANUARY-MARCH Word & Image ISSN # 2011 Taylor & Francis DOI: /

2 Figure 1. Woodcut map and plan of Tenochtitlan, in Praeclara de Nova maris Oceani Hyspania Narratio (Nuremberg, F. Peypus, 1524). Courtesy of Edward E. Ayer Collection, The Newberry Library. are implicitly to recover the empire that was already rightfully Charles. The woodcut s responsibility was to present this empire in visually compelling and authoritative terms. It did so by picturing the splendid capital of Tenochtitlan and by suggesting Tenochtitlan s control of an immense territory. Plan of the Aztec capital The plan of the city of Tenochtitlan poses problems of interpretation and orientation (figure 2). The identities of some features have been contested, and its features are arranged according to two different orientations (one for the plan as a whole and another for the ritual precinct). There are also controversies about its authorship, for some see the plan as a European construction, whereas Barbara Mundy has argued for an indigenous creator. The fundamental question is how this plan with its particular set of features came to be. The plan represents Tenochtitlan graphically as a series of concentric circles, with a square in the center: an island city located in the center of a lake. The central square is the ritual precinct, the ideological heart of the Aztec empire and the focus of so much attention in Cortés s account. The city that embraces it extends outward as a circular concentration of buildings and pavements that barely rise above the lake that surrounds and intrudes between them; they are grouped into clusters by canals and joined by bridges. The lake itself is also roughly circular; broad causeways tie the city to the far shores. Framing the lake is a circular strip of verdant earth, a strip punctuated with mountains and cities and having its own encircling horizon. This final concentric strip encloses and qualifies the immediate environment of Tenochtitlan but offers no information about the territory beyond. The plan presents the natural and built environment of the Valley of Mexico in greatly conventionalized form. When compared with a modern map of the valley of Mexico as it is projected to have been in 1519 (figure 3), one notices first that the 1524 plan is oriented with the direction of west at the top. Although this goes against the European convention of locating east at the top, it is in accord with two indigenous maps from sixteenth-century Mexico: the 1550 map of the Valley of Mexico now in the Uppsala University Library (the so-called Santa Cruz map ) and the left, geographic, side of the Mapa 32 ELIZABETH HILL BOONE

3 Figure 2. Detail of the plan of Tenochtitlan, in Praeclara de Nova maris Oceani Hyspania Narratio. Courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library, Brown University. Sigüenza, both which locate west at the top. 8 The orientations of indigenous Mexican maps varied, although they usually followed an east west axis. 9 The Tenochtitlan plan offers a fairly accurate but conceptual projection of Tenochtitlan and its surroundings, not drawn to absolute scale but with the distant features pulled toward the center so as to be equidistant from that point. Of the three original lakes, Lake Xaltocan to the north and Lake Texcoco in the center have been compressed into a single body, and Lake Xochimilco in the south has been shrunk to a small appendage. It is a concentric projection of features of the Valley of Mexico. Included are the major features of the city and its environs as well as those of interest to the Spaniards or that attested to the character and privileges of the Aztec ruler Moctezuma. Starting at the top (in the west) and moving counterclockwise around the lake, one can identify the bosque of Chapultepec, depicted as a densely forested area, with the spring that famously provided freshwater to Tenochtitlan. 10 The artist traced the route of the stream from its source to the lake and then along the aqueduct that carried its waters straight into the city. The western orientation of the plan means that the waters flow down the page. Next to the left is the unnamed town of Tacubaya, with the Hapsburg 33

4 Within the lake the artist depicted and named a number of features. In the upper left (southwest), just below Tacubaya, a forest (probably a hunting preserve) and a pleasure house of Moctezuma are named. 13 Toward the bottom, on the eastern edge of the city, is a temple of worship. Further down, below (to the east of) the dike is an unnamed fortified island (Tepetzinco [Peñon de los Baños]). Tenochtitlan itself sits in the very center of the lake, dominated by its ritual precinct, where the four major roads converge. Among the monotony of conventionalized houses, the artist depicted a number of elaborate buildings and notable features around the precinct, but only a few that had special meaning for the Spaniards are named: there is the palace of Moctezuma (labeled Domus Don Muteczuma [House of Don Moctezuma]), the zoo (labeled Domus animalium [House of Animals]), which the Spaniards considered a great curiosity, and the great market of Tlatelolco (labeled simply Forum [plaza]). It is the precinct itself that is of greatest interest, for us as for the original audience, and the printer has chosen to focus on those features that were most striking to the Europeans (figure 4). The largest construction in the precinct is the Templo Mayor, here rendered as a great stepped pyramid with twin towers (or temples), each with its separate stairway, and between the temples the face of the sun. Anthony Aveni and Sharon Gibbs have shown that this is the sun rising at the equinox, 14 and an aspect of Aztec religious and astronomical ideology that a Nuremberg printer would not have invented. The Latin text labels this Templum ubi Sacrificant (Temple of Sacrifice). The printer also Figure 3. Map of the Valley of Mexico as it was in imperial flag flying above it. 11 Continuing south around the lake, the artist located the unnamed city of Coyoacan between mountainous terrain, then the short causeway leading to the town of Churubusco, where Lake Xochimilco (the small lake to the left) joined Lake Texcoco. Below this are the city of Ixtapalapan, here named, and then the mountains that border the lake in this area. Toward the bottom of the plan, in the eastern portion of the lake, is the dike built by the Texcocan ruler Nezahualcoyotl in the fifteenth century to separate the sweet water of the western and southern lakes from the brackish water in the east and north. Beyond the edge of the southern lake shore is an unnamed city (Chimalhuacan), and then on the horizon to the right is the city of Texcoco, which is named. On the right (north) side of the lake, causeways connect Tenochtitlan to the unnamed cities of Tepeyacac and Tenayuca. Toward the top (west), a final causeway leads toward Tacuba, which is also named. As Mundy has noted, the only cities the printer named outside Tenochtitlan are the two other Triple Alliance cities of Tacuba and Texcoco, plus Ixtapalapan, the last city through which Cortés passed as he rode into Tenochtitlan. 12 Figure 4. Detail of the ritual precinct of Tenochtitlan, in Praeclara de Nova maris Oceani Hyspania Narratio. Courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library, Brown University. 34 ELIZABETH HILL BOONE

5 included the little desert garden, three unnamed temples, and the low building on the left that is surely the House of the Eagles (dedicated to the military orders). He also included two tzompantli, or skull racks, representing them as great tall scaffolds of severed heads, the heads displayed with wild spiky hair. So as to leave no doubt about their identity, he labeled them both Capita sacrificatorum (sacrificed heads). The only sculpted image in the precinct, and an image that has often been misunderstood or simply ignored, is the headless human figure in the center. Seemingly unclothed, it stands on a platform, with outstretched arms, its hands holding long serpentine strips. Its pose is slightly to one side (not fully frontal or profile) and slightly contrapposto, with weight unequally distributed on the proper right leg; it is a pose that could almost be considered classical. The figure is ambiguously sexed: the lines bordering the lower stomach may refer to the stretch marks of women who have borne children (a common Aztec convention), and the profile outline of the upper torso may refer to a breast; on the other hand, there may be a penis between the legs. The figure is labeled Idol Lapideum (stone idol). Although it has been interpreted differently by others, 15 it is most likely to be either a version of one of the monolithic Coatlicue statues (figure 5) or, as Emily Umberger and Eduardo Matos Moctezuma have proposed, the statue of Coyolxauhqui (the defeated sister of the principal god Huitzilopochtli) that was located at the base of the stairs to the Huitzilopochtli temple (on the right side of the Templo Mayor) in 1520, a successor to the Coyolxauhqui relief found in 1978 (figure 6). 16 Its standing pose, decapitated state, and serpents grasped by the hands align it with the colossal Coatlicue statue that now exists intact, which is also decapitated and has blood serpents issuing from its wrists. 17 But the Coyolxauhqui is a likelier bet, for, as the quintessential defeated foe, she is represented unclothed, and the very essence of the Coyolxauhqui is her decapitation. 18 As represented in the great relief found at the base of the Templo Mayor stairs, Coyolxauhqui also has stretch marks on her stomach, is displayed in a pin-wheel pose that shares something of the animation of the stone idol, and wears around her loins a snake tied as a man s loincloth; in this respect she is gendered both male and female. 19 The headless state of the stone idol and the multiplicity of devilish heads on the skull racks in the center of Tenochtitlan are both being highlighted in the plan, for these would be aspects that would arouse the wonder of the European audience. Another curiosity about this rendering of the ritual precinct is that the printer, or the original artist, inverted or flipped the precinct, so that east, rather than west, is at the top. 20 This flipping effectively positions the buildings, and particularly the Templo Mayor, so it can be more clearly articulated for the viewer. We view the Templo Mayor as if we are standing in front of it. It is generally recognized that the woodblock print of the plan is the work of a Nuremberg woodcutter who Europeanized the features of the plan. 21 This is why many buildings are embellished with square and circular towers topped by domes or battlemented roofs and spires, and why Moctezuma s palace features an arch Figure 5. Statue of Coatlicue (Serpents her Skirt), andesite, 270 cm, Museo Nacional de Antropología, Mexico. Courtesy of the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico. over the central entrance from its courtyard. The architecture is rendered much like the architecture of European cities of the time, although the roofs of Tenochtitlan s houses are lower and flatter than those pictured in northern European views, probably because the originals were thatched. 22 In the hand-colored print owned by the Newberry Library, the roofs have been painted a tile red. The dike of Nezahualcoyotl, which was constructed of parallel stake-and-wattle walls filled in with stone and rubble, is visualized like a woven sapling fence, common in Europe (as seen in other German woodcuts). 23 The sun behind the twin towers of the Templo Mayor has a frontal face, and the stone idol has the corporeal plasticity of a classical statue. Additionally, the House of Animals holds, in addition to various birds and other creatures, two lions posed in passant as on heraldic shields, one facing left above another facing right. 35

6 Figure 6. Relief of Coyolxauhqui ( Painted with Bells ), andesite, 325 cm, Museo del Templo Mayor. Drawing by Emily Umberger. Although it is clear that the woodcut itself was produced by a European printmaker working in a well-established medium, Mundy has persuasively argued that the plan of Tenochtitlan is based on a prototype sent by Cortés from Mexico, and that this prototype was of indigenous authorship. 24 Cortés probably sent the plan with his second letter to Charles in 1520, for the conqueror refers to it in his third letter (1522) when he explains that a dike separated the salt water from the sweet as Your Majesty may have seen from the map of Temixtitan which I sent. 25 Mundy argues that the published woodcut plan could not have been entirely fabricated in Nuremberg because it contains specific features such as the dike, the source of the city s water, and the alignment of the Templo Mayor that could not have been derived from Cortés s second letter alone. 26 Other features that point to a Mexican source are the overall layout of the city, the specific features and layout of the ritual precinct, the identity of other places (such as Moctezuma s pleasure house), and the low roofs of the houses, which probably replicate thatch, rather than the steeper pitched roofs common to northern Europe. Although knowledge of the dike and the source of water could have been derived from the third letter, which had been published in Seville in 1522 and was being reissued in Latin translation in Nuremberg in 1524, many of the other features are mentioned in neither the second nor the third letter. This in itself still does not prove the prototype to be indigenous, because some of these features could well have been observed by a draftsman in the company of Cortés. During the eight months the Spaniards were residing in the city of Tenochtitlan, from 8 November 1519 to 1 July 1520, they surely saw the dike and were told about the source of the city s water. 27 They could easily have visited Moctezuma s island pleasure house and island forest when they accompanied the ruler about, and they would have gained a general sense of Tenochtitlan s immediate surrounds. It is also possible that they knew about the alignment of the Templo Mayor, for they could have been told about it or observed the sun rising between the twin temples near the vernal equinox around 21 March However, I agree with Mundy that an indigenous hand was at work on the prototype for the plan. It is highly unlikely that a Spanish draftsman would have specified the precise alignment of the Templo Mayor; certainly none of the conquerors mentioned the alignment. The Spaniards largely avoided the great temple, and its alignment would hold no significance for them. It was significant for the Aztecs, however, so much so that as the Templo Mayor was successively enlarged, adjustments were made to preserve this alignment. 28 Moreover, an indigenous conception of space governs the overall structure of the plan. It is an ideal that arranges cartographic features concentrically around a central point, that distinguishes the center from the periphery, and that adheres to a quadripartite division of the whole. A unique feature of this Tenochtitlan plan is its concentric, or fish-eye, view of the city and environs. The temples in the precinct are presented to face inward, which they probably did in reality, but the houses and structures around the precinct are also presented as if each quadrant were being viewed from the center. This is a particularly indigenous orientation, as Barbara Mundy has shown. 29 To use her example (figure 7), the Lienzo Figure 7. Siege of Tenochtitlan depicted in the Lienzo de Tlaxcala, scene 42. Alfredo Chavero, ed., Homenaje a Cristóbal Colón: Antigüedades mexicanos (Mexico: Junta Colombina de México, 1892), Vol. 2, pl ELIZABETH HILL BOONE

7 de Tlaxcala represents the siege of Tenochtitlan by representing a circular island (with the glyph for a pyramid designating the ritual capital) surrounded by a circle of water and war canoes on all sides; the canoes and attackers are presented as if seen from the center. This circular, inwardly grounded perspective is a feature of other indigenous representations as well, as for example with ritual dancers in the central Mexican Manuscript Tovar and in the Mixtec Codex Selden (p. 7a). 30 Although these examples are all early colonial, we need look no further for a Pre- Columbian example than the famous first page of the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (figure 8), also cited by Mundy. This quintessential representation of cosmological space presents the cardinal directions as the four arms of a Formée cross, in which are positioned the supernatural patrons and birds of each direction, all oriented and grounded around the center. The central cell is the gravitational core for all that surrounds it, just as in the Tenochtitlan plan. A second indigenous cartographic ideal in the Tenochtitlan plan is the representation of polity and territory by emphasizing a centrally located place that is ringed by its surroundings but is distinct from them. This is a feature of indigenous lienzos and some cartographic histories, in which the borders of a territory form a delineated frame that defines the lands that belong to the centrally located city or town. 31 The measurable distance between the bordering features and the center is of little concern; instead the bordering features are pulled together as an irregular circle or a cartographic rectangle around the center. 32 This is the organizational principle underlying the Fejérváry- Mayer projection, which is not a geographically accurate map in Figure 8. Cosmogram of the Aztec world meshed with a divinatory almanac, Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (M12014), p. 1. # National Museums Liverpool. the Cartesian sense, but a conceptual diagram of the world and its properties. The cosmos is governed by symmetry and balance rather than by measurable distance; the ends of the earth are pulled together toward the center. This is also the principle that shapes the plan of Tenochtitlan, in which the cities, lakes, and other geographic features of the Valley of Mexico are brought forward as an equidistant ring that frames the capital. The third indigenous ideal is the quadripartite arrangement of space. The Tenochtitlan plan emphasizes the broad avenues that extend outward from the mid-points of the four sides of the ritual precinct, effectively dividing the city into quarters. These quarters visually echo the real division of the city into the four major districts. The Lienzo de Tlaxcala image and the Fejérváry- Mayer cosmogram likewise emphasize the quadripartite nature of the world and of Tenochtitlan. Like the Tenochtitlan plan, they show the territory in question as being divided into four quarters oriented to a center. In the Tenochtitlan plan the orientation also preserves the dominating east west axis that is seen in most indigenous maps. The direct source of the woodcut plan, however, could not have been an unadulterated and unmediated indigenous map. A Nuremberg draftsman or printmaker would not have been able to read and interpret correctly all the relevant features and signifying symbols of a purely indigenous pictographic document. However, Cortés and his men could, with the help of their indigenous allies and hosts. In his letters Cortés speaks comprehendingly about indigenous maps, and his lieutenant Bernal Díaz del Castillo gained insights into indigenous warfare by looking at native paintings of battles their Tlaxcalan allies had previously fought. 33 If the map that Cortés sent to Charles V was an indigenous one, he or his men would certainly have glossed and annotated it for the monarch, explaining the name and nature of specific features. The features they were likely to label are those that are labeled in the woodcut plan: the ones that attested to Moctezuma s power and civility (the two other Triple Alliance cities, his palaces and pleasure gardens, the zoo, and the great marketplace) or to the barbarism of Aztec religious practice (the features inside the ritual precinct). Writing from Seville, the chronicler Peter Martyr tells in his fifth decade of seeing numerous maps that Cortés s secretary, Juan de Rivera, had brought from Mexico along with other treasures for Charles V. One was a native painting representing the town of Temistitlan, with its temples, bridges, and lakes. 34 This painting of Tenochtitlan may be the very one Cortés sent for Charles, or a variant. Rivera, who Martyr said spoke the language of Tenochtitlan (Nahuatl) and participated in all the important events in Mexico, would have been able to annotate it or a copy. Mundy has reasonably speculated that a copy of this painting could have been sent to Charles, who was then in Germany, and that this copy may well have been the source for the woodcut made in Nuremberg. 35 The woodcut plan, then, belongs to two worlds and two spatial understandings. It is a view of Tenochtitlan founded on indigenous knowledge but reworked to suit a European 37

8 audience. It presents Tenochtitlan as the cosmic center of a world that stretches from the distant horizons and is focused inward toward its ritual heart. Here Tenochtitlan has been Europeanized to fit the visual codes that were accepted and understood by Europeans. This is why the dike is like a sapling fence, the large buildings like the structures of Europe, and the Aztec temples like medieval towers. The enlarged temple of sacrifice, the headless stone idol, and the great racks of human skulls, all of which are clearly labeled, cater to the sensationalist desires of the publisher and audience. They visually support Cortés s description of the city as a marvelous and well-ordered urban construction, but one centered on diabolical religious practices. The plan also presents Tenochtitlan as belonging to two temporalities. It displays Tenochtitlan before the conquest, when the ritual center and the surrounding palaces and houses were all intact, when Moctezuma still had his palace and island pleasure house, when boatmen still peacefully plied the waters of the lake, and when the island city was at its greatest. There are signs in the woodcut plan that the Preconquest world of Moctezuma had already ended, however. The Hapsburg flag flying above Tacubaya announces the presence of Spanish forces, most specifically Cortés as Charles s agent. In this respect the banner may simply foretell the conquest to come, about which the viewer of the plan has already heard. But because the woodcut illustrates Cortés s second letter, which includes Moctezuma s speech of donation that transferred his empire to Charles, the banner may well signify that the indigenous capital was already a Hapsburg domain. There is also a sign that Christianity had been introduced in Tenochtitlan. At the top of the main pyramid, just to the left of the leftmost temple (the Tlaloc shrine), is a cross. It is very small in comparison with the overall plan, and to my knowledge Matthew Robb is the first scholar to notice it. 36 It surely is a direct reference to the installation of Christian imagery at the Templo Mayor. Cortés tells of cleaning the temples and installing statues of the Virgin and other saints, and Díaz del Castillo explains that they installed a cross as well. 37 The cross on the woodcut could have been added to the indigenous plan by one of the conquerors while the prototype was still in Mexico or it could have been added back in Europe. It and the Hapsburg flag signal that the essentials of conquest and Christianity have already come to Tenochtitlan and that the old order has, in fact, already passed. It is useful to remember that this woodcut was prepared for a volume that celebrates the discovery of Cortés in his own words and that describes in stunning terms the Aztec capital city at the height of its glory, before its destruction. Cortés s second letter, written on 30 October 1520, from Segura de la Frontera near Tepeaca in the Puebla valley, describes his initial march inland from Cempoala on the gulf coast, his negotiations and battles with the indigenous lords and armies along the way, his first entry into Mexico-Tenochtitlan, and the 8-month residence there, including his imprisonment of Moctezuma. Importantly, the letter emphasizes Moctezuma s acceptance of Charles V as his monarch, and it tells of the installation of the faith at the Templo Mayor. It closes by chronicling the uprising by the citizens of Tenochtitlan against the Spaniards and their allies and their expulsion from the city on the Noche Triste. This second letter thus addresses the glories of the city but leaves its fate in doubt. The thirdletter,writtenon15may1522,fromcoyoacan,afterthe conquest had been effected, offers needed closure and assures the audience of the city s fate: it describes the siege and the actual conquest of Tenochtitlan, as well as subsequent events. Coastal map The map that accompanies the plan also presents problems of interpretation as well as origin: as with the plan, my goal is to identify its features and to determine its authorship (figure 9). The map s orientation is also an issue, for it has neither east nor Figure 9. Detail of the woodcut map of the gulf coast, in Praeclara de Nova maris Oceani Hyspania Narratio. Courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library, Brown University. 38 ELIZABETH HILL BOONE

9 Figure 10. Map of the Gulf of Mexico. west at the top, but south. If the map is flipped, one easily recognizes that it charts the coast of the Gulf of Mexico from the Yucatan Peninsula to Florida (figure 10). The map has figured importantly in studies of the exploration and mapping of the Gulf of Mexico, for it is the earliest published map that reflects the features of the full coastline of the gulf with relative accuracy. 38 The place names identify rivers and notable features along the coast that were significant to the Spanish, and they represent the discoveries of three different expeditions: those of Juan de Grijalva (1518), Hernán Cortés (1519), and Francisco de Garay (1519). Surprisingly, there has been no systematic attempt to assign them to known locations; I do so in the appendix. 39 Beginning with the point of Cuba, on the left, and moving clockwise, one sees the Yucatan Peninsula (here as an island named Yucatan) and the series of rivers and points along the Campeche, Tabasco, and Veracruz coast. For example, there is the Río de Grijalva (formerly known as the Tabasco River but renamed by the Grijalva expedition), the broad Río de Coatzacoalcos (of the same name), which is traced inland some ways, and the rivers Banderas (formerly and now known as the Jamapa) and Alvarado (formerly and now known as the Papaloapan), with the two rivers here reversed. Porto de Sant Juan is San Juan de Ulúa, now the port city near Veracruz; Sevilla is the name Cortés gave to Cempoala; and Almeria is the name Grijalva gave to the town of Nautla. The northernmost name in this tight series, Sant Pedro, identifies the Río San Pedro y San Pablo (now the Tecolutla), which was the southernmost point claimed by the Garay expedition. Just south of the Río Pánuco we see the barrier island or peninsula (now called Cabo Rojo) that protects the Laguna de Tamiahua; the adjacent label, Archidona, probably refers to this section of the coastline. Inland, the designation Provincia Annchel [or Amichel] refers to the land claimed by the Garay expedition. The label Río panu co laoton identifies both the Río Pánuco and the Otomí territory inland ( la Oton ). Continuing northward toward Texas and the gulf states of the USA, the locations marked are scarcer and less securely identified. Tamacho [or Tamahox] provincia is the Huastec region of Tamiahua, but the three subsequent locations have descriptive rather than identifying names. The largest of the rivers emptying into the gulf is usually identified as the great Mississippi River. Here it is named Río del Espiritu Santo, by which the Mississippi was known throughout the sixteenth century. Florida, shown here to be connected to the mainland, is clearly identified. In fact this woodcut is the first published map to identify both the Yucatan and Florida. 40 Although the direct source for the woodcut map is unknown, I think it is unlikely to have been an indigenous map. 41 Cortés and Martyr both describe native maps, but neither seems to include all the features of the woodcut map. Cortés describes a map that Moctezuma had painted for him of all the coast... with all its rivers and coves.... [ It was a] cloth with all the coast painted on it, and there appeared a river which ran to the sea, and according to the representation was wider than all the others. This river seemed to pass through the mountains which we call Sanmin [San Martín mountains], and are so high they form a bay which the pilots believed divided a province called Mazamalco [Coatzacoalcos]. 42 Cortés s men used this map to explore up all the coast from San Juan de Ulúa to Coatzacoalcos looking for a suitable port, and indeed the Coatzacoalcos River in the woodcut is appropriately represented as being wider and more prominent than the other rivers adjacent to it. However, this native map seems to have been restricted to the southern gulf coast, and it is not likely that an indigenous map would represent the Yucatan Peninsula as an island, as does the woodcut. The map that Martyr saw in Seville, which was brought from Mexico by Cortés s secretary, was less a coastal map than a territorial map. Painted on cloth, it measured about 30 by 30 feet and showed all the plains and the provinces, whether vassal or hostile to Muteczuma... as well as the lofty mountains which completely surround the plain. The map also shows the southern coast ranges, whose inhabitants stated that off the coast lie the islands we have... described as producing an abundance of spices, gold, and precious stones. 43 The geographic reach of the woodcut map also argues against an indigenous prototype because it extends all the way from the Bay of Honduras to Florida and includes the point of Cuba. Although the indigenous lords of Xicalanco could and did provide maps by which Cortés marched overland to Honduras, 44 the northern part of the woodcut map seems a great stretch for Aztec cartographers, especially as distant Florida had nothing to offer the Aztec empire economically or politically; there would have been little reason for Aztec vessels to sail and chart that coast. Aztec vessels are not known to have reached Cuba either. 39

10 Additionally, the woodcut map focuses, as do European portolan charts, on rivers and coastal features, and the names it employs reflect Spanish nomenclature. Therefore, I think we must look to Europeans for the map s sources. The southern part of the map, from the Río Pánuco south to the Bay of Honduras, very likely derives from one or more maps prepared by or for Anton de Alaminos. Alaminos is considered to have been the most experienced pilot in the Indies of his time. He sailed on Columbus s fourth voyage, which explored the coasts of Central America from Honduras to Panama in , and had been the chief pilot on Juan Ponce de León s expedition that discovered Florida in His navigational expertise then recommended him as the chief pilot for Francisco Hernández de Córdoba s 1517 expedition from Cuba to the Yucatan, and afterwards he directed the Grijalva and Cortés voyages. 45 Grijalva s 1518 expedition sailed from Cuba to the eastern coast of the Yucatan Peninsula (from the Bay of Ascension), up and over the northern coast of the peninsula, and then along the southern gulf coast as far as Cabo Rojo (south of Río Pánuco); there Díaz del Castillo reports that strong currents and anxiety over weather forced it to turn back and return to Cuba. 46 Shortly after Grijalva returned to Cuba, three of his captains and Alaminos joined the newly formed Cortés expedition, which set off for Mexico a few weeks later; again Alaminos was chief pilot. Cortés s enterprise landed first at Cozumel and then traced Grijalva s route, eventually sailing as far northward as the Río Pánuco. With Alaminos leading both efforts, we should consider the Grijalva and Cortés expeditions as a common repository of knowledge about the coastline. Alaminos was convinced that the Yucatan was an island, separated from the mainland by the intersection of the Bay of Ascension (Chetumal) on the east and the Laguna de Terminos on the west 47 ; the geography is represented thusly in the map. The names Grijalva and Cortés assigned to the rivers and points they passed are those that were used in the woodcut. The source of the southern part of the woodcut map is therefore a product of the Alaminos-led expeditions of Grijalva and Cortés. The northern half of the woodcut map, however, comes from a different source. It derives from a map prepared by Alonso Álvarez de Pineda, who explored the northern gulf coast in 1519 for Francisco de Garay, the governor of Jamaica. Under Garay s sponsorship, Álvarez de Pineda was to search for a water passage to the Pacific Ocean and Asia. He sailed from Jamaica through the channel between Cuba and Yucatan to reach the western tip of Florida, whence he attempted to sail eastward, but contrary winds and a strong current forced him to turn back to the west. He was the first to sail along the entire gulf coast from the Florida keys to Veracruz, where he encountered Cortés at Villa Rica. 48 The one existing map that traces Álvarez de Pineda s expedition is usually called the Pineda map, although it is surely a later version and one that encompasses much more territory than Álvarez de Pineda s voyage (figure 11). 49 The map is Figure 11. The so-called Pineda map, 1519, that defines the territories explored under the auspices of Juan Ponce de León, Francisco de Garay, Diego de Velázquez, and others. Gobierno de España. Ministerio de Cultura. Archivo General de las Indias, ES AGI/ //MP-MEXICO.5. attached to a royal cedula of 1521 granting Garay the patent to settle the lands of the Provincia de Amichel, which lie between the discoveries of Ponce de León (Florida) and those made under Velázquez (Veracruz, as discovered by the Grijalva and Cortés expeditions). 50 The Pineda map achieves a very accurate rendering of the gulf coastline, although the features are only sparsely named. 51 Florida is identified by a gloss that also notes its discovery by Ponce de León. The Río del Espiritu Santo is identified (here for the first time); on the left the Río Pánuco is marked, and below it Tamahox Provincia (Tamiahua). Glosses near the present Florida Alabama border define the respective limits of Garay s and Ponce de León s separate claims. A long gloss at Villa Rica claims To this point, Francisco de Garay discovered toward the west and Diego Velázquez toward the east as far as Cabo de las Higueras (at the Bay of Honduras), which was discovered by the Pinzones and has been settled by them. 52 Aside from establishing firmly the boundaries of different explorers claims, the map is notable for showing Florida as connected to the mainland (Ponce de León thought it was an island), for recognizing that Yucatan is a peninsula, and for rendering the coastline of lower Central America from Honduras to El Nombre de Díos in Panama. Since this map was attached to the cedula of 1521, it could not physically itself be the direct source for the northern part of the woodcut map. Additionally, its rendering of the Río del Espiritu Santo is less developed than in the woodcut map, and it lacks the indications of shoals and barrier islands, as well as some of the named features, along the northern coastline that appear in the woodcut. It represents an official disposition of newly found lands to Garay, Velázquez, and the Pinzon brothers and is a compilation from multiple sources. In Seville, the chronicler Martyr said he saw another map reporting the discoveries of Garay, which seems very similar to 40 ELIZABETH HILL BOONE

11 the northern half of the woodcut map. Martyr describes this as a painted map that represents a bow; starting from Temistitan the line is traced toward the north as far as the bend of the arch; then inclining slightly towards the south in such wise that if it were prolonged to the extreme point of the land north of the island of Fernandina [Cuba], first explored by Juan Ponce [this would be Florida], it would correspond to the string of the bow. 53 This description matches the top half of the extant Pineda map well. The woodcut map could not have been derived solely from a variant of the Pineda map, such as described by Martyr, or from a map by Cortés s Alaminos. Álvarez de Pineda did not travel south of Vera Cruz, and Alaminos did not journey along the coast north of Río Pánuco, so neither had knowledge of all the coastline rendered in the woodcut. Instead the woodcut represents a merging of information from these two sources. This merger could have taken place in Mexico or in Spain; in either case, the woodcut map conclusively reflects Cortés s interests against his Spanish competitors. Despite the blending of cartographic information from their two expeditions, Garay and Cortés were intense rivals for the right to colonize along the Gulf of Mexico. 54 Garay, like Cortés, had heard the reports from the Hernández de Cordoba and Grijalva expeditions about well-populated lands rich in gold. Both were anxious to explore and colonize. Garay sought permission to explore from the Crown s West Indies administrators in Santo Domingo, and Cortés sailed under the authorization of the governor of Cuba, Diego Velázquez, an authorization he soon shed, however. Garay s captain, Álvarez de Pineda, left Jamaica only a few weeks after Cortés left Cuba; when the two finally met in Vera Cruz, Álvarez de Pineda attempted to settle or established a boundary between the lands he explored for Garay and those claimed by Cortés, but he was rebuffed by the latter. After Álvarez de Pineda returned to Jamaica, Garay petitioned the Crown for a royal license to settle the lands his captain had discovered, and his petition included a map that would have looked something like the northern portion of the Pineda map and much like the one Martyr saw in Seville. Not waiting for permission, Garay sent Álvarez de Pineda to settle in Pánuco, where the latter died in a Huastec uprising. The few survivors of this failed Pánuco settlement eventually joined Cortés in the south. It is at this point that a map of Álvarez de Pineda s gulf explorations could have come into the hands of the Cortés contingent. 55 Although Garay finally received his license via the cedula of 1521, he waited until 1523 to journey personally to Pánuco to reestablish the settlement. He waited too long. By this time, Tenochtitlan was conquered, Cortés had been named governor and captain-general of New Spain (1522), and Cortés had already established a colony at Pánuco. Garay s license to settle had also been countermanded by a 1523 directive from the Crown not to intrude... in the jurisdiction of Hernán Cortés. 56 Outmaneuvered and defeated, Garay visited Cortés outside Tenochtitlan to negotiate another place for his settlement of Amichel. They reached an agreement and then dined together; shortly thereafter Garay became violently ill and died within three days. This threat to Cortés s territorial control had effectively been neutralized and eliminated. 57 The map shows nothing of this rivalry or potential threat to Cortés s plans. Instead it draws upon the knowledge of Garay s skilled captain but silences Garay s claim. The woodcut reduces Amichel the territory that Álvarez de Pineda explored between Florida and Veracruz and that had been assigned to Garay for settlement to the small area south of the Río Pánuco and north of Río de San Pedro y San Pablo, an area that Cortés already controlled. The woodcut also includes the label Archidona beside and parallel to the coast here; because this was the name Cortés s men gave to the region of the first settlement of Villa Rica, the label effectively claims this land for Cortés rather than Garay. The map effectively denies Garay any territory. The woodcut also suavely wards off any claim Velázquez might have to this land, for it renders Yucatan as an island. Although Alaminos did believe that Yucatan was an island, by 1524, when the woodcut was produced, other cartographers knew otherwise (e.g. the Pineda map ). The woodcut may therefore represent a conscious attempt to keep Yucatan separate. If so, the reason was probably that Velázquez had a license to explore Yucatan but not a license to explore the coast of Tabasco and Veracruz. By maintaining Yucatan as an island, the woodcut locates what had since become New Spain (the land Cortés was bringing to Charles V) outside Velázquez s jurisdiction. 58 The orientation of the coastal map also contributes to this strategy of swelling Cortés s gift to Charles. The map s uncommon orientation, with south at the top, has the effect of situating Tenochtitlan almost due west of San Juan de Ulúa and Villa Rica de la Veracruz, where Cortés landed and settled, and Cempoala, where he began his inland march, an orientation that corresponds to geographic reality. 59 It also puts the Atlantic Ocean and Europe on the left side of the sheet, with Mexico and all the new lands on the right. The woodcut The fact of this orientation and the special features of the coastal map indicate that careful consideration went into the joining of the coastal map and the plan of Tenochtitlan. The woodcut presents all the lands to the south, west, and north of the Gulf of Mexico as a single great expanse, an expanse in which Tenochtitlan was its greatest feature. It implies that despite the explorations of Ponce de León and Álvarez de Pineda all this land belonged to the island city and was, therefore, Cortés s to conquer. Conscious too was the inclusion of a scale that fairly accurately indicates the distances relevant to the coastal map and that suggests the vastness of the territory that is implicated here. 60 The coastal map was therefore not a mere addendum to the plan of Tenochtitlan, although the title of the publication highlights the Aztec capital. It was purposefully joined to the city 41

12 plan to situate Tenochtitlan within the larger land mass of what is now Mexico and the southeastern USA, to proclaim in visual terms the conquest of all this by Cortés, and to aggrandize Cortés s presentation to Charles. This is made explicit by the dedication at the top left of the woodcut. Printed in type, rather than carved as part of the woodblock, and worded in florid and formal Latin, it characterizes Charles V as an imperial Caesar, who now rules two empires. It proclaims: This world, once outstanding and most glorious, has been subjected to Caesar s rule. He, under whose rule the Eastern World, and the New, which is the other, are now revealed, is most outstanding. 61 This juxtaposition of the Eastern World of Charles s empire in Europe and the New, other, world of Aztec Mexico echoes and reaffirms Cortés s own equation of the two. In the opening paragraph of his second letter, Cortés alludes to Charles as the emperor of this kingdom [Mexico] with no less glory than of Germany, which by the Grace of God, your Sacred Majesty already possesses. 62 Cortés was the first to refer to the American realm as a second empire and to introduce the notion of an equivalence with Europe. In this he was contributing, in what was surely a conscious way, to Spanish ambitions toward a universal empire. 63 It was a strategy designed to please Charles. The coastal map and the city plan work together in the woodcut to bolster Cortés s textual description of this great new empire, which Moctezuma voluntarily gave over to Charles and Cortés then secured by force. The plan shows Tenochtitlan in its magnificence as a well-ordered, rich, and complex city, the capital of a realm outstanding and most glorious. The map indicates the vast extent of the territory under consideration, an expanse as impressive as Charles s European holdings. Their union in the woodcut compellingly argues for the imperial character of Aztec Mexico. The woodcut also gives Cortés sole credit for bringing this new world, here revealed, to Charles V. All earlier explorers are silenced, and all rivals are denied. This publication of the Latin translation of Cortés s second letter to Charles, with its astonishing woodcut, was a conscious effort to praise and glorify Cortés and his accomplishments and to present to Europe the New World he brought into the Hapsburg empire. The greatest prize, of course, was Tenochtitlan, the shining capital of the Aztec empire, which Cortés described as the most noble and populous city in the world. Although the woodcut purports to present Aztec Mexico before its final conquest, both the city plan and the coastal map are securely situated in a colonial temporality. They look back on a Preconquest world that has already ended. The city plan is grounded in indigenous conceptions of space and organizational structure, and it reflects the kinds of local, intimate knowledge of Tenochtitlan that would not have been easily available to the Spaniards. Yet the plan in the woodcut is far from an indigenous document. The blades of a Nuremberg woodcutter have translated Aztec temples and palaces, skull racks and sculptures, and even zoo animals into forms that might tantalize but be understandable to a European audience. Latin labels objectify the most important or shocking of the royal and sacred features of the city. The Hapsburg banner proclaims that Hapsburg rule has already come, and the small cross on the Templo Mayor signals nascent Christianity. Likewise, the coastal map is less an unmediated rendering of the geography of the coastline, or a reflection of locations that were economically and politically important to the Aztecs, than it is a European portolan chart, one that lists the rivers and features the Spaniards had explored; most of these now bear Spanish names. The added dedication speaks of this new world in imperial terms. As the first published image to represent Tenochtitlan and new discoveries along the Gulf of Mexico with any verisimilitude, the woodcut is fully a colonial document that, like Cortés s letters to Charles, shaped the discourse about Aztec Mexico and Cortés s role in its conquest. NOTES 1 For studies of the plan of Tenochtitlan and its later renditions, see Ignacio Alcocer, Apuntes sobre la antigua México-Tenochtitlan (Tacubaya, Mexico: Publicación, Instituto Panamericano de Geografia e Historia, no. 14, 1935); Manuel Toussaint, El plano atribuído a Hernán Cortés, studio histórico y analítico, in Planos de la ciudad de México, siglos XVI y XVII, Manuel Toussaint, Federico Gómez de Orozco, Justino Fernández (Mexico: XVI Congreso Internacional de Planificación y de la Habitación, 1938), pp ; Justino Fernández, El plano atribuído a Hernán Cortés, studio urbanístico, in Planos de la ciudad de México, siglos XVI y XVII, Toussaint et al., pp ; Federico Gómez de Orozco, El plano atribuído a Hernán Cortés,studio bibliográfico, in Planos de la ciudad de México, siglos XVI y XVII, Toussaint et al., pp ; Jean Michel Massing, Map of Tenochtitlan and the Gulf of Mexico, in Circa 1492: Art in the Age of Exploration, ed. Jay Levenson (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1992), pp ; Barbara Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital: the 1524 Nuremberg map of Tenochtitlan, its sources and meanings, Imago Mundi, 50 (1998), pp ; Dominique Gresle-Pouligny, Un plan pour Mexico- Tenochtitlan. les représentations de la cité etl imaginaireeuropéen (XVIe-XVIII siècles) (Paris and Montreal: L Harmattan, 1999); Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, Reflexiones acerca del plano de Tenochtitlan publicado en Nuremberg in 1524, Caravelle: Cahiers du monde hispanique et luso-brésilien, 76 7 (2001), pp ; Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital, is alone in considering the coastal map along with the plan. For the analyses of the plan vis-à-vis other city plans, see Juergen Schultz, La cartografia tra scienza e arte. Carte e cartografi nel rinascimento italiano (Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini, Modena, 1990), pp. 40 1, 62 3; Lucia Nuti, Ritratti di città. visione e memoria tra medioevo e settecento (Venice: Marsilio, 1996), pp , figs. 44, 45, 47; Richard Kagan, Urban Images of the Hispanic World (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000), pp. 64 7; David Y. Kim, Uneasy reflections: images of Venice and Tenochtitlan in Benedetto Bordone s Isolario, Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics, 49/50 (2006), pp See for example Henry Wagner, The Discovery of New Spain in 1518 by Juan de Grijalva (Berkeley: The Cortes Society, 1942), p. 3; Robert S. Weddle, Spanish Sea: The Gulf of Mexico in North American Discovery (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985); Paul E. Hoffman, Discovery and early cartography of the northern Gulf coast, in Charting Louisiana: Five Hundred Years of Maps, eds Alfred E. Lemmon, John T. Magill, and Jason R. Wiese (New Orleans: Historic New Orleans Collection, 2003), pp Cortés s second letter, Carta de relacion embiada a su. s. majestad del emperador nuestro señor por el capital general de la Nueva Spaña: llamado Fernando Cortes, was first 42 ELIZABETH HILL BOONE

13 published in Seville in 1522 by Jacobo Cromberger. The standard English translation is Hernán Cortés, Letters from Mexico, trans. and ed. Anthony Pagden (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986). For Peypus see Jeffrey Chipps Smith, Nuremberg, a Renaissance City, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983), p. 42. The so-called first letter that is extant was sent to Charles by the judiciary and municipal council of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, although it was probably drafted by Cortés. Pagden, in Letters from Mexico, pp. liii lx, discusses the various extant and lost letters. 4 Martyr d Anghiera s De rebus, et Insulis noviter repertis recounts the Juan de Grijalva expedition to Mexico of Peter Martyr d Anghiera, De orbe novo: the Eight Decades of Pater Martyr D Anghera, ed. Francis Augustus MacNutt (New York: G. P. Putnam s Sons, 1912). Tertia Ferdina[n]di Cortesii sac. Caesar. et cath. maiesta. in nova maris oceani Hyspania generalis præfecti p[rae]clara narratio (Nuremberg: Friedrich Arthemesium [Peypus], 1524); copies in the Houghton Library at Harvard and New York Public Library have the two letters bound together. 5 For the rhetorical strategies of Cortés s letters, see John Elliott, Cortés, Velázquez and Charles V, in Cortés, Letters from Mexico, pp. xi xxxvi; John Elliott, Spain and Its World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), p. 4; Victor Frankl, Imperio particular e imperio universal en las cartas de relación de Hernán Cortés, Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos, 165 (1963), pp ; Glen Carman, Rhetorical Conquests: Cortés, Gómara, and Renaissance Imperialism (West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, 2006). 6 Cortés was able to achieve this by the founding of the town of Villa Rica de la Veracruz, whose citizens (all Cortés s men) then elected Cortés chief justice and alcalde mayor and received him as captain of the royal armies; Cortés, Letters from Mexico, pp For the legal principles on which this finesse rested, see Victor Frankl, Hernán Cortés y la tradición de las Siete Partidas, Revista de Historia de América, 53 4 (1962), pp This speech, written a year after its supposed occurrence, was undoubtedly invented by Cortés. Elliott, Cortés, Velázquez and Charles V, pp. xxvii xxviii; Pagden in Cortés, Letters from Mexico, p. xliii; Carman, Rhetorical Conquests, pp Although the 1550 map bears the name of the royal cosmographer, Alonso de Santa Cruz, it is the work of an indigenous draftsman; Miguel León-Portilla and Carmen Aguilera, Mapa de México Tenochtitlán y sus contornos hacia 1550 (Mexico: Celanese Mexicana, 1986), pp For the Mapa Sigüenza see María Castañeda de la Paz, Pintura de la peregrinación de los Culhuaque-Mexitin (Mapa de Sigüenza): análisis de un documento de origen tenochca (Mexico: El Colegio Mexiquense and Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 2006). 9 Barbara Mundy, Mesoamerican cartography, in The History of Cartography, Volume 2, Book 3, Cartography in the Traditional African, American, Artic, Australian, and Pacific Societies, eds David Woodward and G. Malcolm Lewis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp , esp ; Mary Elizabeth Smith, Picture Writing from Ancient Southern Mexico: Mixtec Place Signs and Maps (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1973), p The identification of the features follows Toussaint, El plano atribuído a Hernán Cortés, pp. 97, Toussaint, El plano atribuído a Hernán Cortés, pp , identified this town near Chapultepec as Tacubaya, but his schematic diagram relocates the flag to fly above Coyoacan in the south, which was where Cortés based his activities after the conquest and where he penned his third letter to Charles. Matos Moctezuma, Reflexiones acerca del plano de Tenochtitlan, pp , pointed out that the banner is actually flying above Tacubaya, which suggested to him that Cortés launched his final attack on Tenochtitlan from there (although Cortés s third letter supports Tacuba as the attack point). Both authors assumed that the flag marks Cortés s headquarters and the royal seat. However, the banner may well have been added to the plan later in Europe and may have nothing to do with Cortés s location during the last days of the conquest, especially if Cortés sent the prototype for the woodcut plan to Charles with his second letter, before the siege had actually begun. The flag s placement at Tacubaya has the virtue of locating it at the top center of the printed sheet. 12 Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital, pp Alcocer, Apuntes sobre la antigua México-Tenochtitlan, p. 10, transcribes the descriptive Latin labels on the plan. Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital, p. 32, lists and translates them into English. 14 Anthony F. Aveni and Sharon L. Gibbs, On the orientation of Precolumbian buildings in Central Mexico, American Antiquity, 41 (1976), pp , were building on Motolinia [Toribio de Benavente], Memoriales o libro de las cosas de la Nueva España y de los naturales de ella, ed. Edmundo O Gorman (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1971), p. 51, who mentioned that the feast of Tlacaxipehualiztli was scheduled when the sun was over the temple of Huitzilopochtli at the equinox. See also Anthony F. Aveni, Edward E. Calnek, and Horst Hartung, Myth, environment, and the orientation of the Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan, American Antiquity, 53 (1988), pp Alcocer, Apuntes sobre la antigua México-Tenochtitlan, p. 11, and Jean Michel Massing, Map of Tenochtitlan and the Gulf of Mexico, in Circa 1492: Art in the Age of Exploration, pp , suggested it refers to the stone cult statues that Cortés threw from the Templo Mayor. Toussaint, El plano atribuído a Hernán Cortés, p. 100, described it as a decapitated atlantid. Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital, pp. 20 1, explained it as a generalized reference to the human sacrifices that occurred there, although she raised the possibility of it being as sculpture of Coatlicue or Coyolxauhqui. Gresle-Pouligny, Un plan pour Mexico-Tenochtitlan, pp , offered several suggestions: that it is a generalized reference to destroyed stone statues and human sacrifices, an image of the Coyolxauhqui, or an image of a victim defeated in gladiatorial combat. 16 Emily Umberger, Art and imperial strategy in Tenochtitlan, in Aztec Imperial Strategies, eds Frances F. Berdan, Richard Blanton, Elizabeth Boone, Mary Hodge, Michael Smith, and Emily Umberger (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1996), pp , esp. 95; Matos Moctezuma, Reflexiones acerca del plano de Tenochtitlan, pp Fragments of other similar statues indicate that there were at least three such statues of the type now called Coatlicue; see Elizabeth Hill Boone, The Coatlicues at the Templo Mayor, Ancient Mesoamerica, 10 (1999), pp ; Cecelia F. Klein, The Devil and the skirt: an iconographic inquiry into the pre- Hispanic nature of the Tzitzimime, Ancient Mesoamerica, 11 (2000), pp See Cecelia F. Klein, Rethinking Cihuacoatl: Aztec political imagery of the conquered woman, in Smoke and Mist: Mesoamerican Studies in Memory of Thelma D. Sullivan, eds J. Kathryn Josserand and Karen Dakin (Oxford: BAR International Series 402, 1988), pp , for the nakedness of defeated enemies. 19 For this argument, see Klein, Rethinking Cihuacoatl, p. 242; Umberger, Art and imperial strategy in Tenochtitlan, p Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital, p. 30 note 23; Gresle-Pouligny, Un plan pour Mexico-Tenochtitlan, p. 195, and Matos Moctezuma, Reflexiones acerca del plano de Tenochtitlan, pp Matos Moctezuma, pp , suggested that the precinct might have been drawn and cut onto a separate woodblock, different from the block that recorded its surroundings, and that this or the outer block was flipped in Nuremberg. 21 Olga Apenas, Mapas antiguos del valle de México (Mexico: Universidad National Autónoma de México, 1947), p. 20, reported a proposal by Federico Gómez de Orozco that the creator of the woodcut was an engraver named Martin Plinius, who (according to an investigation conducted by the German Legation in Mexico, at Gomez de Orozco s request) was working in Nuremberg between 1510 and 1536 and whose signed works were executed in a style identical to that of the Tenochtitlan plan. I have not been able to find other information about this engraver. 22 Cf. view of Nuremberg in Hartmann Schedel, Liber chronicarum (Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 1493), pp. 99v 100r. 23 For the dike s construction, see Perla Valle, Ordenanza del Señor Cuauhtémoc (Mexico: Gobierno del Distrito Federal, 2000), p. 79. See Max Geisberg, The German Single-leaf Woodcut, ed. Walter L. Strauss (New York: Hacker Art Books, 1974), 1312, for a German sapling fence. 24 Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital. 43

14 25 Cortés, Letters from Mexico, p Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital, p The dike ended at Iztapalapa, where Cortés had paused before he first entered the city, and would have been visible from that town and from the top of the principal temples in Tenochtitlan. Later during the eight-month stay, the Spaniards built two sloops and sailed Moctezuma to the rocky island of Tepepolco (Peñon del Marqués), beyond the dike in the east, for a hunting expedition, and they would have had to pass through one of the moveable sluices in the dike that controlled water flow and traffic; Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, , ed. Genaro García, trans. and notes Alfred P. Maudslay (New York: Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, 1956), pp During his stay in the city, Cortés sent long-range reconnaissance missions to identify good harbors along the gulf goast and sources of gold throughout the land, and his men escorted Moctezuma often on trips beyond the city; Cortés, Letters from Mexico, pp. 94 6, , 91; Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, p Thus, I think it likely that Cortés understood early on the source of the city s water. 28 Motolinia, Memoriales o libro de las cosas de la Nueva España, p. 51; Aveni, Calnek, and Hartung, Myth, environment, and the orientation of the Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan, pp Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital. 30 Manuscrit Tovar: Origines et croyances des indiens du Mexique, ed. Jacques Lafaye (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1972), pl. 18. Códice Selden/Codex Selden, ed. Alfonso Caso (Mexico: Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología, 1964), facs. p. 7a, where the priests, advisors, and family members dance at the wedding of the Mixtec Lady 6 Monkey, even though the rest of the codex is organized in registers. 31 Mundy, Mesoamerican cartography, pp , see pp ; M. E. Smith, Picture Writing from Ancient Southern Mexico, p M. E. Smith, Picture Writing from Ancient Southern Mexico, p. 166, believed, however, that the format of a perfect circle (e.g., Teozacualco map) was a European import. 33 Cortés,Letters from Mexico, p. 94; Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, p Martyr d Anghiera, De orbe novo, Vol. 2, pp. 198, 201, Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital, p Personal communication April Robb asked about the cross in the discussion after I presented a draft of this article at the symposium Journey to Mexico, April 2008, University of North Carolina, Charlotte, organized by Angela Marie Herren. A detail of the ritual precinct in the plan had been displayed on the screen for some minutes, and the cross was clearly visible; its presence surprised us all. 37 Cortés, Letters from Mexico, p. 106; Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, pp. 252, E.g., Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, p Manuel Toussaint, La conquista de Pánuco (Mexico: El Colegio Nacional, 1948), p. 79, lists them and assigns a few. The 1524 Italian edition of the second letter, published in Venice, reproduces the woodcut but with mistranscriptions of some of the place names. 40 Weddle, Spanish Sea, p Mundy, Mapping the Aztec capital, pp. 25 6, 31, has proposed that this woodcut map, as with the plan of Tenochtitlan, was based on an indigenous map that Cortés sent to Europe. 42 Cortés, Letters from Mexico, p Martyr d Anghiera, De orbe novo, Vol. 2, p Francisco López de Gómara, Cortés, the Life of the Conqueror by His Secretary, ed. and trans. Lesley Byrd Simpson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964), p For Alaminos, see Weddle, Spanish Sea, pp. 41, 57, 67, Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, p Weddle, Spanish Sea, p Weddle, Spanish Sea, pp Woodbury Lowrey, The Lowrey Collection: A Descriptive List of Maps of the Spanish Possessions within the Present Limits of the United States, , ed. Philip Lee Phillips (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, 1912), pp Weddle, Spanish Sea, p. 101, butseep. 104, identifiesthe Pineda map as the drawing made by the pilots, which Garay included in his petition for a license to settle; however, the existing map shows locations in Panama (Veragua and El Nombre de Díos) that, even if known to the pilots, would have been extraneous to their purpose of charting their voyage. 50 The cedula is published in Manuel Toussaint, Pánuco, pp The glosses on the map are (beginning with Cuba and continuing counterclockwise): Cuba; La Florida que dezian Bimini que descubrio Juan Ponce; Hasta aqui descubrio Juan Ponce; Desde aqui comenzo a descubrir Francisco de Garay; Rio del Espiritu Santo; Rio Panuco; Tamahox provincia; Hasta aqui descubrio Francisco de Garay hazia/el oeste y Diego Velazques hazia de este/hasta el Cabo de las Higueras que descubrieron los Pinzones y se les ha dado la poblaron; Sevilla Veracruz; Almeria; Cozomel [the island]; C y Puerta de las Higueras; Pinzones; Terra Firme; Veragua; El Nombre de Dios. 52 Weddle, Spanish Sea, p Martyr d Anghiera, De orbe novo, Vol. 2, pp For the rivalry between Garay and Cortés to explore new lands, see Weddle, Spanish Sea, pp ; David J. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), pp Kenneth Nebenzahl, Atlas of Columbus and the Great Discoveries (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1990), p. 76. The Pánuco survivors joined the Cortés group before he entered Tenochtitlan, so it is possible that if cartographic knowledge from Álvarez de Pineda was then absorbed by Cortés s cartographer/s, a map reflecting the two expeditions could have been sent with Cortés s second letter. 56 Weddle, Spanish Sea, p For Garay s first, failed Pánuco settlement, see Donald E. Chipman, Nuno de Guzman and the Province of Panuco in New Spain (Glendale, CA: A. H. Clark, 1966), pp. 50 2; Weddle, Spanish Sea, pp , 105, 108; for the competition between Gary and Cortés over Pánuco, see Toussaint, Pánuco, pp ; Chipman, Nuno de Guzman and the Province of Panuco in New Spain, pp , 65 73; Weddle, Spanish Sea, pp John H. Parry, The Navigators of the conquista, Terrae Incognitae, 10 (1978), pp , noted this. 59 I thank Anthony Aveni for making this observation. 60 The text reads: Every large point contains twelve and a half leagues, so that two large points contain twenty-five leagues. Each league also contains four Italian miles, so that all points that can be seen here [the full measurement within the brackets] contain one hundred leagues. At about 4.2 km to a league, the scale measures out about 420 km. I am grateful to Eva Struhal for this translation. 61 Res fuerat quondam prestans, & Gloria summa/orbis subiectus Cesaris Imperio,/Hic longe prestat, cuius nunc Orbis Eous,/Et Novus, atque alter panditur Auspitiis. I thank Eva Struhal and Stanko Kokole for this translation. A variant is in Kagan, Urban Images of the Hispanic World,p.212note Cortés, Letters from Mexico, p Elliott, Cortés, Velázquez and Charles V, p. xxvi; Elliott, Spain and Its World, pp. 8 9; Frankl, Imperio particular; Frances A. Yates, Astraea: The Imperial Theme in Sixteenth Century (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975), pp Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, pp. 30, 108, Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, p. 194 note 5; Toussaint, Pánuco, p See Weddle, Spanish Sea, p Cortés, Letters from Mexico, p Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, pp. 34, 145, 186 note 26, p. 196 note 31; France V. Scholes and Ralph L. Roys, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan- Tixchel: A Contribution to the History and Ethnohistory of the Yucatan Peninsula (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), op Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, p. 47; Cortés, Letters from Mexico, pp. 95, 561; Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, pp. 24, 112, 145, 172; Toussaint, Pánuco, p Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, pp. 74, 200 note 27; Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, p Scholes and Roys, Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan-Tixchel, pp. 24, 31, 97; Pagden in Cortés, Letters from Mexico, p. 515 note ELIZABETH HILL BOONE

15 72 Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, pp. 27, 66; Weddle, Spanish Sea, p Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, pp. 23, 66; Toussaint, Pánuco, p Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, p. 200; Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, p Toussaint, Pánuco, p. 72; Weddle, Spanish Sea, p Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, pp. 23, 66; Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, p Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, pp. 23, 66; Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, pp. 36, 50, Toussaint, Pánuco, p. 72; Weddle, Spanish Sea,p Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, pp. 26, 66; Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, p Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, pp , Cortés, Letters from Mexico, p. 50; Weddle, Spanish Sea, p Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, pp. 41, 66, 79, 189; Cortés, Letters from Mexico, p. 53; Chipman, Nuno de Guzman and the Province of Panuco in New Spain, p. 43; Weddle, Spanish Sea, p Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, pp ; José García Payón, ed., Descripción del pueblo de Gueytlalpan (Zacatlan, Juxupango, Matlaltan y Chila, Papantla) 30 de mayo de 1581 (Xalapa: Universidad Veracruzana, 1965), p. 66 note 53; Weddle, Spanish Sea, pp. 96, Díaz del Castillo, Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, pp. xxvi, 27; Wagner, Discovery of New Spain, p. 41, Chipman, Nuno de Guzman and the Province of Panuco in New Spain, pp. 43, Toussaint, Pánuco, p Hernán Cortés, Cartas y documentos, ed. Mario Hernández Sánchez- Barba (Mexico: Editorial Porrúa, 1963), Vol. 2, p. 333; José Luis Melgarejo Vivanco, Historia de Veracruz (Jalapa: Enriquez, 1949), Vol. 2, p Jesús Galindo y Villa, ed., Las ruinas de Cempoala y del Templo del Tajín (Estado de Veracruz): exploradas por el director del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia y Ethnología, en mission en Europa, Francisco del Paso y Troncoso (Mexico: El Museo, 1912), p. cv. 87 Toussaint, Pánuco, p Weddle, Spanish Sea, pp ; Toussaint, Pánuco, pp The cedula is published in Toussaint, Pánuco, pp Bernardino de Sahagún, Florentine Codex, General History of the Things of New Spain, Book 10 - the People, eds Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles Dibble (Santa Fe: School of American Research and University of Utah, 1961), pp , Melgarejo Vivanco, Historia de Veracruz, Vol. 1, pp , op Toussaint, Pánuco, p Ibid.; Weddle, Spanish Sea, p. 103; Gabriel Cruz Reyes, Salvador Hernández García, and Nina Salguero, Tamiahua: una historia compartida (Veracruz: Gobierno del Estado, 1997), p Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, Obras históricas, ed. Edmundo O Gorman (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1985), Vol. 1, p Juan Manuel Pérez Zevallos, ed., La visita de Gómez Nieto a la Huasteca, (Mexico: Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social, Archivo General de la Nación, Centro Francés de Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos Sierra Leona, and El Colegio de San Luis [Potosí], 2001), pp ; Cruz Reyes, Hernández García, and Salguero, Tamiahua: una historia compartida, pp. 51, Chipman, Nuno de Guzman and the Province of Panuco in New Spain, p. 49; Weddle, Spanish Sea, p Jean Delanglez, El Rio del Espiritu Santo: An Essay on the Cartography of the Gulf Coast and the Adjacent Territory During the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. Thomas J. McMahon (New York: United States Catholic Historical Society, Monograph Series 21, 1945); see discussion in Paul E. Hoffman, Discovery and early cartography of the northern Gulf coast, in Charting Louisiana: Five Hundred Years of Maps, eds Alfred E. Lemmon, John T. Magill, and Jason R. Wiese (New Orleans: Historic New Orleans Collection, 2003), pp Weddle, Spanish Sea, p Appendix Puncta de Cuba: This marks the westernmost point of Cuba. yncatan [Yucatan]: The peninsula is here depicted as an island, separated from the mainland by what was believed to be an extension of the Laguna de Terminos and the Bay of Chetumal. Anton de Alaminos, the pilot for the Juan de Grijalva and Hernán Cortés expeditions, thought Yucatan was an island. 64 Punta de las higueras: Literally, point of the figs, this is probably a misspelling of Hibueras, as Honduras was then called, 65 and thus names the point where the coastline breaks into the Bay of Honduras. Its ambiguous location near the supposed strait separating Yucatan from the mainland, however, suggests that it could be the southern point of Chetumal Bay. 66 Santo Anton: Cortés refers to a Río San Antón which is next to the Grijalba River. 67 This may be the Río San Pedro y San Pablo, which lies between the Laguna de Terminos and the Grijalva River and retains its name today; it is a stream of the Usumacinta. 68 Rio de Grijalva: Formerly the Tabasco River, it was renamed the Grijalva. 69 Rio de la palma: This was so named by the Grijalva expedition because of the many palms, according to Francisco Cervantes de Salazar; Bernal Díaz del Castillo mentions a Cape of the Palms about half a league (2.1 km) from the town of Tabasco. Wagner identifies it as the Barria de Tupilco, located 45 miles (72.4 km) west of the Tabasco River. 70 Rio de dos bocas: This has been identified as the present Río Seco of Comacoalco. 71 Caribes: The identity of this place name is unknown. It is unlikely to be the modern town of Caribes, whose location on the Río San Pedro y San Pablo (at ) does not fit the location of Caribes on the Cortés map. Santo Andres: This is surely a mistake for the Río San Antón, now known as the Tonalá River. It was entered during the Grijalva expedition and sighted by Cortés. 72 Rio de cocuqualauo [Coatzacoalcos]: This great river has retained its name today. It was sighted by both the Grijalva and Cortés expeditions. 73 Roca partida: The point with the dramatically split rock is still called the Punta Roca Partida today. The chroniclers of 45

16 the Grijalva expedition refer to what is probably this location but do not mention it by name. Díaz del Castillo described it well when reporting on the Cortés expedition. 74 Rio de vanderas [Banderas]: This was formerly and is once again known as the Jamapa River. 75 The Grijalva expedition renamed it the Banderas because of the great cloth banners that the local men attached to their lances and waved about; it was also sighted by Cortés. 76 Its location on the map is reversed with the Río de Alvarado (below). Rio de Alvarado: This was formerly and is once again known as the Papaloapan River. The Grijalva expedition renamed it the Alvarado because Pedro de Alvarado was the first of the group to enter it. 77 Its location is reversed with Río de Banderas (above). Isla del sacreficio [Sacrificio]: This is the island that is today named Isla de Sacrificios, located just to the east of Veracruz (old San Juan Ulúa). It was named by the Grijalva expedition because of the remains of recent human sacrifices found on the altars. 78 Porto de Sant Juan: The port is San Juan de Ulúa, now the port city of Veracruz. Grijalva landed there opposite Isla de Sacrificios and named it San Juan after San Juan Bautista, according to Oviedo and Las Casas. Wagner argues that the name Ulúa was added later by Cortés. 79 Sevilla: This city was formerly and is now known as Cempoala. Cortés renamed it Sevilla. 80 Almeria: This community was formerly and is now known as Nautla. Grijalva renamed it Almeria after an Andalusian town along the Mediterranean. 81 Sant Pedro:ThismustbetheRío San Pedro y San Pablo that Díaz del Castillo reported to be the southern boundary of the territory assigned to Francisco de Garay for exploration. A Río San Pedro y San Pablo is rendered in the 1581 Relación geográfica map of Gueytlalpan. It can be identified with the Tecolutla River, just north of Almeria and south of the Río Cazones. 82 Archidona: The name is printed parallel to the coast, and it is unclear to what it actually refers. It is very near an island represented just off the coast, which is probably Cabo Rojo, the barrier island/peninsula that protects the Laguna de Tamiahua, south of the Pánuco River. The Grijalva expedition sailed to this point before strong currents, anxiety over the weather, and other considerations caused it to turn back and return to Cuba. 83 Although Toussaint suggested that Archidona was the small island of Lobos just to the east of Cabo Rojo, that island is too small to have figured on the map so largely. 84 It is more likely that Archidona refers to the extension of the Sierra Madre Oriental mountain chain as it meets the coast at Quiahuiztlan, despite the fact that Quiahuiztlan (located between Sevilla/Cempoala and Almeria/Nautla) would be to the south of the label on the map. The first settlement of the Cortés expedition was established on the coast at the base of the Quiahuiztlan heights, and its governing body named this first settlement Villa Rica de la Veracruz del Puerto de Archidona. 85 Paso y Troncoso suggested that it was given the name Archidona because it was at the foot of a steep slope, as is the city of Archidona in the Spanish province of Málaga. 86 Provincia Annchel: A variant of the name Amichel, which may be a paleographic error for Annchel 87 is found in a royal cedula of 1521 that granted Garay the patent to discover and settle the Province of Amichel, a territory extending from the lands in Florida discovered by Juan Ponce de León to the lands in Mexico being explored by Cortés. The territory, whose coast had been explored by Alonso Álvarez de Pineda in 1519, extended from the Río de San Pedro y San Paulo in Mexico to the western part of Florida. Anticipating the cedula, Garay sent Álvarez de Pineda in 1520 to settle Pánuco, which is probably why the name of the province is located here on the map. 88 Rio Panuco: The Río Pánuco, the major river at Tampico, retains its name. laoton [la Oton]: Not a part of the label for the Río Pánuco, this label must refer to the Otomí territory located inland to the west. According to Bernardino de Sahagún the Otomí took their name from their first leader, Oton, who was an incarnation of their god Otontecuhtli; the temple to another of their gods was the temple of Oton. The Otonchichimeca were Chichimeca who spoke Otomí. 89 The Sierra de Otontepec is located just west of Tamiahua. 90 Tamacho provincia: This is a Huastec place name (the tam being a locative). 91 It is probably a variant spelling of Tamahox Provincia, which is located on the Pineda map as being south of the Río Pánuco (rather than north, as here). Tamahox (or Tamaox) has been identified as Tamiahua, 92 a major polity located at the southern point of the Laguna de Tamiahua. One of the Chichimec ruler Xolotl s wives was described as a lady of the province of Pánuco, Tampico, and Tomiyauh. 93 Although less likely, the name may instead refer to the polity of Tamancho, which was a cabecera of the Province of Pánuco in the 1530s, or to Tamoch, which was a major Huastec city according to Cruz Reyes et al. 94 Rio la Palma: This is the Río Soto la Marina. 95 Rio de Arboledas: ( River of Groves ) This has not been identified. Puerto de Arrecifos [Arrecifes]: ( Point of Reefs ) This has not been identified. Rio del spiritu sancto [Espiritu Santo]: The largest river on the map, this has generally been identified as the Mississippi, and later maps reflect this correspondence. However, other identities have also been proposed, with reason, including Mobile Bay, Galveston Bay, and the Sabine River that separates Texas and Louisiana. 96 La Florida: The name Florida appears here for the first time on a printed map ELIZABETH HILL BOONE