1 Ó tattoos are like potato chips... you can t have just one: the process of becoming and being a collector D. Angus Vail University of Connecticut Storrs, Connecticut, USA The following article examines the processes tattoo collectors undergo to become collectors. I examine how tattoo collectors learn that they want to become collectors, are recruited into the social world of tattoo collectors by other collectors and artists, and learn how to interpret their collecting as appropriate for themselves. This ethnographic study is framed in Matza s (1969) theory of the etiology of deviance and Schutz s (1962, 1967) phenomenology. The Hartford Courant (1997) recently reported the results from an American Business Information, Inc., survey listing the top six growth businesses in Along with the expected high-tech entries such as Internet service, a decidedly unexpected industry made the list : Tattooing. Similar attention has come to tattooing by way of recent New York Times, New York Post, and All Things Considered stories on the recent legalization of tattooing in New York City after a 37-year ban. In the following pages, I discuss how those who are largely responsible for tattooing s I would like to thank the following for their un agging support, advice, and friendship: Clint Sanders, Eleanor Lyon, Gaye Tuchman, Florence MaaÈ tita, Marti L. Blose, the qualitative analysis discussion group at the University of Connecticut, my parents and sisters, and the anonymous reviewers whose comments have made this article stronger. Address correspondence to D. Angus Vail, Department of Sociology, Box U-68, Storrs, CT Deviant Behavior: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 20: , 1999 Copyright 1999 Taylor & Francis /99 $
2 254 D. A. Vail growth become collectors. 1 INTRODUCTION People learn how to become deviant. How each individual learns his or her particular brand of deviance depends on the kind of deviance in which she or he participates. Professional thieves learn their trade from other professional thieves (Sutherland 1937), marijuana users learn how to smoke marijuana and how to interpret the drug s e ects from other marijuana users (Becker 1963), and tattoo collectors learn how to interpret tattoos from those who wear them (Vail 1997). That deviance is a learned process is well documented (e.g., Sutherland 1939; Glaser 1956; Becker 1963; Burgess & Akers 1966; Matza 1969; Sutherland and Cressey 1974). Deviance theories have explained many expressions of deviance (both formal and informal), in many contexts (be they subcultural or individualistic phenomena). One form of deviance not yet examined in the sociological literature, however, is tattoo collecting. In the following pages, I examine how tattoo collectors learn to become collectors. In discussing how one becomes a tattoo collector, I discuss how collectors learn about aesthetics appropriate for their body suits, what motifs appropriately and accurately convey their ideas, iconographies appropriate for those motifs, and how to choose artists to complete their collections. I frame this discussion in Matza s (1969) theory of affinity, affiliation, and signi cation and the phenomenology of Alfred Schutz (1962, 1967). METHOD Data for this article were collected through several ethnographic and auto-ethnographic (Denzin 1989; Ellis 1991a, 1991b; Hayano 1979; Hollbrook 1995; Ronai 1992) methods. I conducted most interviews at a recent four-day tattoo convention in the south- 1 The term tattoo collector is subcultural jargon describing a person who becomes heavily tattooed. In the tattoo subculture, amassing extensive bodily coverage with tattoos is called building a collection. Just as Warhol collectors might call their Warhol originals collections, extensively tattooed people call the art adorning their bodies collections. Although the term does not, by necessity, refer to ne-art tattoos alone, in this article I focus on ne-art collectors. The reader will notice that I refer to body suits thoughout the article as well. A body suit is a collection that covers much of the arms, the entire back, sides, front torso, buttocks, and legs.
3 Tattoos Are Like Potato Chips 255 eastern United States. I conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with tattoo collectors and artists 2 at the convention site. I also conducted formal interviews with artists and collectors in California and Connecticut. Informal eld conversations with tattoo artists and collectors (from Austria, Australia, France, Japan, Switzerland, California, Connecticut, Michigan, New Jersey, New Mexico, Ohio, Oregon, and Texas), participant observation at tattoo conventions, participation in the tattoo subculture for the past 12 years, and over 150 hours getting tattooed have all provided me with preliminary data on which to base my suppositions. The data taken 2 Countless authors (e.g., Lo and 1976; Lo and and Lo and 1995) have written about standard problems in gaining the trust of interviewees. Speci cally, both Sanders (1989) and DeMello (n.d.) have written about difficulties in gaining the trust of tattooers as respondents. I do not know if it was hubris or inexperience that led me to think I would be any di erent. I assumed that my connections to the tattoo world and the quality of my collection would speak for themselves. I realized, however, after attempting to schedule interviews with numerous artists and collectors, that they were suspicious of my intentions. In all fairness, many of these people were on the job and did not have time to sit down with a stranger/sociologist and discuss what many expect to be some form of hypothesis testing. Others, however, did have the time but were suspicious that I would reveal their secrets and misinterpret their words. The following comments illustrate one respondant s concerns. L A guy wrote a book, once upon a time, and his name was G r. And he s a folklorian. So that means doing interviews and putting down on paper without making sure whether it s right or wrong.... And it was like, I thought it was going to be a goddamm historic epic, because I looked in the index and it had like M I and all these people in it. And then I ran across myself, and I read the two places that I was mentioned and it wasn t one fuckin iota of truth in it. Another interviewee warned me to be careful with the information that I divulged about tattooing and the people who partake in it. At one point in our interview, H was discussing how people misuse the information to which they are privy. H But being a sociologist, you got the inside track before anybody else does. Keep your eyes open. I ll tell you this, Angus. I ll tell you straightforward. No man, there are no secrets on the face of the earth NOT ONE! If you are a chief, you can walk up to any other chief... and you can ask him and he ll tell you... what s the truth and exactly what is. The only thing you never want to do is put a loaded gun in a child s hands. That s where the secret lies. Some people shouldn t have some information. It s a loaded gun. This kind of mistrust was typical among tattoo artists. Collectors who do not tattoo, however, have been far more trusting. For example, one collector closed our interview with the following statement. CH This has been good. Nobody has sat down before and interviewed me or talked about it in this shape.
4 256 D. A. Vail from these less formal observational techniques have been recorded in ethnographic eld notes over the past four years. I collected further secondary interview data from videos focusing on prominent ne-art tattoo artists from the San Francisco Bay area (Stearns 1988, 1990). SCHOLARLY RESEARCH ON TATTOOING Tattooing and the people who practice it are burgeoning areas in several scholarly elds. Recent articles and books focusing on dermographic embellishment have come from psychologists, sociologists, researchers of marketing practices and theory, and anthropologists. Within these elds, paradigmatic focus runs the gamut from psychological determinism to postmodernism. The empirical research in the psychological literature has tended to focus on tattooing as a sign of psychopathology (see Sanders 1989 for review), although recent research (Copes and Forsyth 1993) has examined tattoos as a sign of extraversion. Because extraverts require more social and physical stimulation, according to Copes and Forsyth, they are more likely to engage in behaviors deemed socially unacceptable. As a result, they are often labeled pathological. Hence, tattoos are not indicative of psychopathology. Rather, those who wear them are merely boisterous and likely to be labeled troublemakers. Those who study tattooing from a marketing perspective have focused primarily on what is attractive about the tattoos themselves. Hoerr et al. (n.d.), for example, have focused on the freedom and hedonism associated with bikers (a prototypical tattoo community). Hence, marketing researchers have, as have psychologists, tended to look for intrapersonal explanations for becoming tattooed. In both cases, researchers seem to have drawn the conclusion that tattooing provides a way for one to aunt one s individuality, sometimes to the level of assuming a criminal or pseudocriminal image. Interdisciplinary studies of popular culture have examined recent trends in fashion models wearing tattoos (Friedman 1996), current (Dalrymple 1995) or passing (DeMello 1995a, b) cultural impressions of tattoos as symbolic of criminality, and analyses of the contexts in which we are exposed to tattoos in the mass media (Gallic 1996). These analyses have tended to be less judgmental than their psychological and marketing counterparts, but
5 Tattoos Are Like Potato Chips 257 they have largely ignored collectors and trends in ne-art tattooing. The anthropological literature has touched on cross-cultural perspectives and analyses of tattooing in America and abroad (Govenar 1988; McCallum 1988; Rubin 1988; Mascia-Lees and Sharpe 1992; Gell 1993; DeMello 1993, 1995a, b, n.d.), using ethnographic, descriptive analyses and postmodernist discourses. Of the anthropologists, DeMello is currently the most proli c. Her Borrowed Symbols, Borrowed Meanings (n.d.) examined current changes in the American tattoo post-modern community as it expands across class and gender lines. Although she makes problematic postmodernist claims about the novelty of the current tattoo world, her discussions of the history of tattooing in America and tattoo publications are informative and insightful. The sociological literature has, until recently, consisted solely of Sanders s (1985, 1987, 1988a, 1988b, 1989, 1991) seminal body of literature on street-level tattooing. Sanders described the interaction strategies used by tattooers and tattooees 3 as they navigated the process of becoming tattooed. Atkinson (1996) recently replicated Sanders s ndings by doing a case study of a street shop in Canada. My focus (Vail 1996a, 1996b, 1996c, 1997) has been on ne-art tattoo collectors and tattoo conventions. Taken en masse, the scholarly literature is rich with analyses of people who wear tattoos, 4 the context in which they wear them, and how nontattooed people view those tattoos and the people who wear them. Excepting my work to date, researchers in the social sciences have avoided looking at those for whom tattoos have become a master status (Becker 1963; Schur 1971). I have, from a sociology of emotions perspective (Vail 1996b, 1996c), looked at one way that collectors form and solidify their identities as tattooed people (i.e., by attending tattoo conventions). I turn now to the process of becoming and being a collector. 3 The reader will notice that I refer to tattooees instead of collectors in reference to Sanders s (1985, 1987, 1988a, 1988b, 1989, 1991) respondents. This is because, by and large, the people that he studied were not collectors. Rather, they tended to be prototypical tattooed people who wore several, but not extensive, tattoos. Furthermore, they tended to get tattooed in street-level shops, not in custom studios as many collectors do. 4 For a discussion of the di erence between those who wear tattoos and those who are tattooed, see Vail (1996b, 1996c).
6 258 D. A. Vail BECOMING AND BEING A COLLECTOR Becoming a tattoo collector is a transformative experience in more ways than one. This transformation is physical (i.e., one actually alters skin pigmentation), psychological and subcultural. Becoming a collector involves not only changing the way that light re ects o one s skin, but also the way that others view that skin and the person inside it. The images one chooses and the ways one combines them say a lot, not only about the person who has chosen them, but also about who has in uenced those choices. For example, Ch, an arborist, describes his collection as follows. Ch For my arm-band, I went out in the woods and cut a piece of branch with bittersweet around it... because... I climb trees and work outdoors... a lot doing tree removals and pruning and shit like that... And this one over here... is sort of like... a protector. That s my climber line with my protecting dragons on either end. And then the third one [is] my back.... That design [a graphic depiction of a bare tree] came from... my belt buckle... T r did both of these pieces [on the lower legs]. This one here, I said, I want some leaves in it. I want the Polynesian design, [Celtic] design, a band around by calf, but I want leaves in it. What he did was put in unfolding springtime ferns. In Japanese tattoo iconography, the oral motifs, deities, and mythological characters all carry speci c meanings. For example, The peony originally symbolized wealth and good fortune. In Japan these attributes are retained and several are added. Since the peony makes its appearance in the popular card game of hana-fuda, there is the association with the Edo days when gamblers sporting tattoos sat around playing this old card game. Hence, the peony has come to suggest gambling daring and masculine rakishness. (Richie and Buruma 1980:40) The placement of a design and those surrounding it have their own signi cance as well. Unlike Japanese tattooing, however, American ne-art tattooing is, in many respects, a melting pot of motifs and aesthetics. The current tattoo renaissance (Rubin 1988) encompasses such diverse styles as photorealism, cybertech, traditional Japanese style, neotribalism, and any number of combinations of the above. Artists have also made profound technical advances.
7 Tattoos Are Like Potato Chips 259 In many respects, the work of ne-art tattooers like Filip Leu, Cli Raven, Ed Hardy, Bill Salmon, The Dutchman, Leo Zulueta, Shotsie Gorman, and Tin Tin have brought a new respectability to tattooing. Fine artists abilities to use di erent motifs have allowed tattoo collectors to create individually designed body suits that are truly postmodern 5 in impact. Hence, we see Japanese aesthetics used to create body suits composed entirely of di erent depictions of Godzilla (Bannatyne 1992:22 24) or traditional Polynesian aesthetics used in a tattoo of M. C. Escher s Metamorphosis (Stearns 1990). Although the meaning of speci c tattoos is inherently individual, 6 people learn how to build their collections from other people. It takes a great deal of research for one to become intimately familiar with a particular motif and the iconography appropriate to use within it. It takes still more comparative research to gure out what styles and/or motifs one will use in building one s collection. Some do this research using tattoo magazines (DeMello n.d.) and some learn through symbolic interaction with other collectors and artists. In the end, however, collectors learn how to become collectors (Sutherland 1939; Glaser 1956; Matza 1969). Learning to Become a Collector: Affinity Matza (1969) discussed the process of becoming deviant. Although tattoos are less a statement of deviance than they once were, 7 becoming heavily tattooed still stands outside social norms. Becoming a collector requires devotion to a lifestyle that is more marginal than that associated with fraternities or tasteful owers. In short, one must want to become a collector. This desire is what Matza (1969:90 100) called affinity. [ Affinity] may be regarded as a natural biographical tendency borne of personal and social circumstance that suggests but hardly compels a direction of movement (P. 93). In essence, affinity refers to a person s desire to become deviant. Comments 5 I am referring to the postmodern movement in art and architecture, not social theory. In this context, postmodernism refers to the mixing of diverse artistic schools and in so doing creating imagery and e ect that surpass what is possible by staying within the bounds of any of the schools that contribute to the nal product. 6 For a con icting view, see DeMello (n.d.). 7 Certainly, Dennis Rodman adorning the cover of Gentlemen s Quarterly dressed solely in a pair of briefs speaks volumes about how acceptable tattooing and piercing have become of late.
8 260 D. A. Vail like the following were common among respondents both in formal interviews and in informal eld conversations. Ch My wife s been collecting for about 20 years, o and on, small pieces. And I ve always wanted one, I just, y know, never came across the right idea or the right person to do it. Ch is not alone in having always wanted a tattoo. However, not everyone who gets one tattoo becomes a collector. 8 To make the jump from having tattoos to being a collector, one must rst have an affinity for being a collector. Here, I mean not only wearing tattoos (often, but not necessarily, many of them), but conceiving of oneself as tattooed. 9 Several of the people that I just talked to discussed becoming collectors in terms of starting with just one tattoo and building their collections from that starting point. The experience of getting several small, bad tattoos as a start seems to be a common one. It is only after they start to conceive of themselves as collectors, however, that they... begin to visualize their collections as conceptual and stylistic wholes. This becomes apparent by starting their collections by covering their old, small tattoos. This cover work tends to evolve in either geographic (i.e., speci c areas of the body) or conceptual patterns. ( eld notes) This excerpt from my eld notes speaks to how people express themselves di erently once they have conceived of themselves as tattooed as opposed to wearing tattoos. The tattoos with which they started are pictures in their skin. The collections that they have started to build represent a new selfimage: that of the tattoo collector. Part of what allows the collector to fully realize this transition is what Matza (1969) called Affiliation. 8 Certainly, all collectors had to start somewhere. However, as Sanders (1987, 1988a, 1988b, 1989, 1991) has covered the processes addressed in this article as they apply to tattooees, I will not spend the reader s time reviewing that literature. Suffice it to say that the discussions covered in this article pick up where he left o (i.e., when the tattooee decides to become a collector). 9 I discuss this in greater detail in the section on signi cation.
9 Tattoos Are Like Potato Chips 261 Learning to Become a Collector: Affiliation Affiliation describes the process by which the subject is converted to conduct novel for him but already established for others (Matza 1969:101). This process has also been analyzed by Sutherland (1937, 1939) as di erential association. According to both Sutherland and Matza, deviance is taught in symbolic interaction with successful deviants. [ Sutherland s] method of affiliation harbors an idea of conversion.... Unless one always was deviant, in which case little illumination is required, becoming deviant [ emphasis added] depends on being converted (Matza 1969:106 7). Thus, the collector learns how to feel good about becoming a collector, as well as learning where to place his or her tattoos. She or he learns how to become a collector from other collectors and tattooers. As previously mentioned, for this conversion to be successful, one must want to be converted. Hence, affinity and affiliation work together in creating both deviance and deviants. Respondents typically talked about tattooing as a desirable experience, the quality of which a ected the perceived quality of the tattoo more than the crispness of lines or the boldness of the shading. In this way, collectors and artists alike see becoming collectors in terms of recruitment. L What goes into a great tattoo is, I guess, is the experience, because it s like a personal album or something.... It s like a montage of your life. That s why the Japanese said I got tattooed for memories, and he got tattooed for a story. Some stupid fucking Japanese, Oriental story, he got tattooed for, y know? The pejorative some stupid fucking Japanese, Oriental story shows how L views the appropriate way to become tattooed. For L, collectors should get tattooed to hold on to their memories. For him, the Japanese notion of getting tattooed for a story is inappropriate. Other collectors view tattoos as a means of expression of personal spirituality and, thus, a moral enterprise. Sh For me to do a tattoo on somebody that runs against the grain of my philosophical life, it s impossible, it s just not going to happen. Y know, if somebody comes to me and says I want a tattoo of dismembered babies and whatever I m like, Sorry. Y know? Wrong guy. Go see P h,
10 262 D. A. Vail y know what I mean? Don t come to me with this stu. It s not my life, it s not my style, it s not my belief system. I m not going to violate that. And by doing that, I ve always held close to my beliefs. In this statement, Sh shows how he goes about recruiting select people into his philosphical approach to tattooing. He not only is concerned with expressing himself artistically, he is concerned with teaching people that tattoos should be a means of positive self-expression. By turning away work that he nds indicative of destructive tendencies, he is not only strengthening the resolve of those he tattoos, he is also telling those whom he refuses to work on that their notion of what is acceptable for tattooing is awed. In essence, he is recruiting the right kind of people into the tattoo world. Sh also recruits through means other than tattooing or showing his collection. The following exchange shows how his beliefs of the appropriate reasons for becoming tattooed run counter to common misconceptions about the exhibitionistic tendencies of tattoo collectors. In essence, becoming a collector involves learning how to act like one. DAV Do you ever exhibit your collection? Sh No. Because they re real personal, my tattoos. I always get asked to take my clothes o, but I never do. And the line that I always give... is that when you start taking your clothes o, nobody listens to what you have to say. You lose credibility real fast. This is a culture which does not... which has demonized the body. I m not going to go on a big blabber about American culture s demonization of the body, but I m writing a book on it, so it s consumed the last ve years of my writing on tattooing. Here, Sh shows how recruitment is not just a matter of preaching to the proverbial choir. By appearing in mass media outlets, Sh shows both those who are, and those who are not, tattooed how to be tattooed and respectable at the same time. In essence, then, he recruits collectors into acting the right way. He also recruits those who will never become tattooed into a culture that nds tattooing if not acceptable, at least not reprehensible. Both tattooers and collectors teach other collectors about
11 Tattoos Are Like Potato Chips 263 appropriate use of the canvas. 1 0 Fine-art tattoos take into account musculature, size, shape, and texture of a given area of the collector s body. Fine-art backpieces, 1 1 for example, incorporate the breadth of the collector s shoulders and narrowness of his or her waist in the design. Another example is Filip Leu s watershed color portrait of Jimi Hendrix (Bannatyne 1992:52), done on my right thigh in Because the thigh is roughly the same size as a face and follows similar outlines (roughly oval), the portrait used all of the canvas, and used it appropriately. Interviewees often spoke of beginning their collections with smaller tattoos that did not incorporate the structure of the body well. As their collections grew, however, they started to learn about appropriate designs for their speci c canvases. Co [a collector and tattooer] just talked about the transition from large, bright color fantasy work [ at the shoulders and chest] into a slightly narrower section of color fantasy and music as represented by the Muppet band [on his stomach], into the smaller black and gray photorealistic depictions of [ rock] musicians directly below. Each of those sections has a particular style appropriate for it, and the concept dictated the style and motif. ( eld notes) Co s collection began with smaller tattoos on the arms (now covered), but once he began thinking of himself as a tattoo collector, he began using his canvas to its full advantage. The frontal torso of Co s collection is in a V shape. The fantasystyle tattoos on the chest caps are bold and striated (much like pectoral musculature), the Muppet band members are round and fuzzy (much like Co s stomach), and the portraits at the bottom follow, both singularly and collectively, the contours of his hips and lower abdomen. In talking further about his collection, Co discussed his back. He talked about how he loves all of his tattoos, but he got a 10 Active members of the tattoo world view the body as a canvas. Hence, untattooed skin represents open canvas, or areas that have yet to be artistically embellished. High-quality tattoos use skin texture, body placement, and the tattoos surrounding open canvas. 11 The term backpiece refers to a single design that covers the collector s entire back, from the base of the neck and tops of the shoulders to the back of the thighs, including the buttocks.
12 264 D. A. Vail sort-of small piece early on, on his shoulder blade, which ruined taking up the entire back with one design. He now realizes, for instance, that the outside of the thigh is roughly half of a back. ( eld notes) We see, therefore, that Co has learned how to conceptualize the human canvas in terms of what kinds of tattoos best t where. 12 Co learned this from working in his wife s tattoo shop and from discussing collections with other ne-art collectors. Another collector, Sa, learned about appropriate use of the canvas from her husband (a tattoo collector and motorcycle mechanic). Her collection, still in its initial stages, is of gargoyles. Currently, she has four gargoyles, all of similar size and style. They begin on her left shoulder and descend down the center of her back. Eventually, they will nish on her right hip, connected by vines. She was not ready to get a full back piece, but she had seen other women s backs, tattooed in the same basic shape, in tattoo magazines. As she described it to me, the contours of the string of gargoyles accent her gure. Also, the design leaves two fairly large open canvases. ( eld notes) Hence, Sa has learned about appropriate use of the canvas and has shown respect for its shape and possibilities. She learned about use and respect for the canvas from other collectors (her husband and collectors in tattoo-oriented publications) and from her artists. These interviewees were recruited, and continue to recruit others, by learning and sharing what makes a tattoo (and/or a tattooer) good. Although every respondent talked about the artistic ability of his or her tattooer(s), 75 percent 1 3 said that technique was less important than rapport. For example, when I asked Sh why he chose to visit a particular artist, he responded, 12 Clint Sanders has pointed out to me that this discussion may sound like I am forcing rationality on what is often haphazard process. Schutz helped us to understand the apparent rationality of building a collection. According to Schutz (1967:75 78), people can only assign meaning to an event once it is complete. Hence, through their re ective glances, collectors assign logic to their collections only after themes have begun to develop therein. Although many collections appear to be uni ed wholes, they often begin as discrete tattoos that the collector unites thematically once he or she notices a way to tie them together respondents out of a population of ve in-depth interviews and 20 informal eld conversations.
13 Tattoos Are Like Potato Chips 265 Sh The professional quality of his studio is what struck me the most. The shop he had... on Sunset Strip was so clean, and the presentation was so beautiful, I was stunned when I saw it. You could have eaten o the oors in that place, it was so clean. Every bottle was labeled. This was a guy that was working with gloves and protecting himself long before anybody in the vicinity. And his work was way in advance of anybody I have ever seen.... DAV Talk to me about how you learned what goes into a good tattoo. Sh Well, it was just exposure. Most of us learn by experience. After a while, I began to see what was possible with tattooing and the level of quality that could be achieved.... For me, after a few bad experiences with personalities, I began to make decisions about getting tattooed from a whole di erent direction. It has more to do with the person. Even more to do with the person than with technique, actually. Thus, the rapport between Sh and his artist is more important to him than artistic ability. In a sense, his collecting is based more on feeling a connection with an artist than acquiring ne art. Now that he sees himself as a collector, he is going to make this self-applied label work for him. This is the nal element of Matza s (1969) process of becoming deviant : signi cation. Learning to Become a Collector: Signi cation After one learns the techniques of being deviant, one often reconceptualizes one s life in terms of that deviance. In discussing indication, Matza (1969:165) elaborated on this notion of identity building among professional thieves. Quite di erent from consequence, indication points the subject to a consideration of himself; to the question of the unity of meaning of the various things he does and the relation of those things to what he conceivably is. To consider the possibility that the theft was important in the sense of being indicative of him puts the subject well into actively collaborating in the growth of deviant identify by building its very meaning. In essence, once deviants have internalized their deviant labels, they reconceptualize their actions in terms of being appropriate for people who are like that. Tattoo collectors see collecting
14 266 D. A. Vail as appropriate for tattooed people. This can have profound e ects on how they view their collections as well as appropriate ways to display them. As I said in the section on affiliation, once collectors begin to think of themselves as collectors, they often begin to plan how each new tattoo will work within the canvas. An aspect of collecting that exhibits signi cation is working around public skin. 1 4 Co illustrates this point nicely. Co is working on a full body suit, accompanied by facial piercings 1 5 and satyr-horn implants on either side of his widow s peak at the hairline. The following excerpt from eld notes shows how Co has planned his suit, at various stages, to combine his tattooed identity with one that is acceptable to those outside the subculture. [Before] he became a full-time tattooer and piercer... his crew chief wouldn t let him work with any... tattoos showing. So, he had to get long-sleeved t-shirts to cover the tattoos that went to his elbow. He [ has subsequently covered his arms] down to the wrists and is now going on to the tops of his hands. He said that he... is thinking about leaving the collar untattooed and, that way, he can take out the facial piercings and put on a hat and go out in public with a long-sleeved shirt and still look somewhat respectable. Thus, even though Co is obviously devoted to body modi cation, he still is concerned with getting along in normative society. By leaving open canvas at the collar, he will be able to pass (Go man 1963; Gar nkel 1967) more easily. Other collectors are less concerned with passing than with planning their remaining space. L s collection has been complete for about 20 years, but in the following excerpt from our interview he recalls when he realized what he had to do to nish the collection. L Well, yeah. You look at yourself and you just, y know, you see that there are these spaces that just need to be lled 14 By public skin, I mean skin that is easily visible, for example, the hands, neck, and face. 15 His facial piercings include three posts through the bridge of his nose, two hoops through the corners of his lower lips, one labret (a post that passes from the inside to the outside of the center of the lower lip, approximately halfway between the chin and mouth), four stretched holes adorned with hoops in each ear, posts running up the rest of his ear, and posts through the cartilage of his ears.
15 Tattoos Are Like Potato Chips 267 up. It s not that you re comparing yourself to someone else, or some kind or image, it s just that those spaces aren t complete. It s like you re on a course and you ve gotta nish it.... Most tattoo suits t within standard barriers. Some people go above and beyond, but the prescribed cover job is like, a neck band, ankle bands, wrist bands, put a cargo net underneath your nuts and then just ll the rest of it up. So when it s done, you can tell. Thus, L completed his collection within standard barriers. He lled his canvas from those barriers into the body of the suit. Other collectors work within a section at a time, while remaining cognizant of how to expand on what is already covered. The following excerpt from an interview with Ch shows how he has collaborated with an artist within the constraints of neotribalism. Ch And what I learned from T is that the pieces he s done on my legs... he s left em open to continue. Cause I... was always told when you put an arm band... around, that de nes an end. But he says Yeah, that s right, but I always leave an opening so I can move it in a di erent direction. That s what he did with this, too. Thus, Ch has left room for expansion, should it be necessary. Yet the tattoos can stand on their own. He conceived of his back piece, a sparse, solid black depiction of a bare tree, in a similar way. Ch This was interesting. That design came from [my belt buckle]. My wife gave me this 25 years ago, right after we rst got married. I ve always liked the design, and I brought it up to J, and all she did was add on the roots at the bottom, cause she said Without the roots, it s gonna tip over.... DAV Do you think of yourself as a collector? Ch Yeah. A beginning collector, but the pieces I ve collected are a hell of a start.... The back piece was... that was... I mean getting tattooed here was interesting. With the back piece, to me, that was like I am really getting into this fucking tattoo shit. DAV Talk to me about that. Ch I mean, this is a tattoo [pointing at his arm]. This [his back] is a tattoo. I mean, it s just so much deeper into the
16 268 D. A. Vail cult, not, well maybe the cult, but the... I keep going back to the industry. I mean maybe that s not right, but I keep going back to the fact that it s hard core... This was... it just crossed the line into the fact that I knew I was gonna get a whole lot more tattoos. We did the outline [of the tree] and I looked at it and I said, Wow! That s my whole back. It just sunk in. DAV Are you working toward a full body suit? Ch No. I don t think so... Mainly because a full body suit is too much for me. Too confusing... It s confusing to follow it. DAV So, what will you leave out of the body suit? Ch If I put... The chest piece that I have planned, If I put anything else here, it s gonna fuck it up. You know what I mean? The tree, everybody keeps saying, Well, why don t you ll it in? Where the fuck are the leaves? Y know? I says, No, that s it. I had originally thought of putting an eyeball in the middle, an owl behind it, y know? It s just, fuck that. Just leave it simple. This excerpt shows how Ch conceives of his collection in the future perfect tense (i.e., as a collection that will have been done, Schutz 1962, 1967) in several ways. He does not want to ruin the impact of his backpiece or his yet-to-be-applied chestpiece. He also sees his collection as respectful of his canvas. Other collectors, while conscious of their open canvas, are less concerned with what speci c designs will ll their remaining space. Rather, they are concerned with saving canvas for speci c artists. The following excerpt from eld notes describes such a collector. I just spoke with a tattooer on the oor who said that she bases her choices on who to get work from on personality (although she has work from F which shows that she is concerned with collecting ne art too). I asked her what her plans are for future work and she said that she gets mostly small pieces, one or two a year, so that she won t run out of space when someone new that she really likes comes along. She has full sleeves and is working on her legs now. ( eld notes) Hence, collectors collect pieces (e.g., Ch s collection of arborist tattoos), artists (e.g., last excerpt from eld notes), concepts (e.g., Co s musical and fantasy themes), and/or styles
17 Tattoos Are Like Potato Chips 269 (e.g., L s collection within standard barriers ). Regardless of what they collect, however, collectors work toward a collection, as-it-will-be-when-it-is-done. 16 They respect their canvases by collecting in appropriate ways. CONCLUSION Collecting tattoos is both an individual and a collective journey. Collectors must choose their own designs for their own reasons. Yet, they learn how to incorporate those designs into collections from others who have been successful in building collections. Some (e.g., DeMello 1995a, 1995b, n.d.) have attempted to explain what these collections mean. I believe this is a fruitless endeavor. However, studying the tattoo collection process sheds light on several broader sociological and phenomenological issues. Tattoo collecting incorporates all three of Matza s (1969) stages of becoming deviant (i.e., affinity, affiliation, and signi cation). As becoming a collector involves both considerable nancial commitment and physical and stigmatic discomfort, it requires devotion to the process. In short, a collector s affinity must be strong. Collectors must also learn how to become collectors. They must learn how to evaluate tattoos and tattooers. This involves learning how to evaluate technique and how to build rapport. Collectors must also learn how to best represent the tattoo subculture. This involves learning techniques of passing (Go man 1963; Gar nkel 1967) and consensus building. They learn these things through affiliation with other collectors. Finally, collectors, learn how to mitigate their new master statuses (Becker 1963; Schur 1971) as collectors, not just as people with tattoos. They begin to view their collections in the future-perfect tense (Schutz 1962, 1967), as collections that willhave-been-completed. This process of navigating signi cation from both within and without the tattoo world involves respecting the canvas as it is and as it will be. 16 I do not mean to imply that collections, once conceived, are set in stone. I am simply saying that collectors try to project how their collections will evolve, leaving space where necessary and lling space when appropriate.
18 270 D. A. Vail In becoming tattooed, the collector learns not only how wellestablished members of the tattoo world conceive of proper use of form and iconography in building a collection, but also how to see him- or herself as a tattooed person. Although some may consider the distinction between those who have tattoos and those who are tattooed a semantic one, semantics, in this case, are important. In discussing those who have tattoos, the analyst (be that person a sociologist, anthropologist, or psychologist) assumes a possessive relationship between the person and the dermographic embellishment that she or he has purchased. In essence, this person s tattoos are no di erent than the car she or he drives or the hair style she or he sports on any given day. Like these adornments, tattoos represent possessions that can be considered with or without the individual who wears them. The collector, on the other hand, sees him- or herself as tattooed, not just as the owner of the pigments residing in the rst layer of his or her dermis. The images that adorn the collector s canvas are, as L so colorfully stated earlier in this article, his or her memories made physical. To the collector, tattoos are not something one owns. Rather, they are a part of him or her, no less important than the color of his or her hair or skin and no more easily removed from his or her identity than his or her deepest beliefs, most profound concerns, or idiosyncratic sense of humor. In short, the collector does not see himself as John who has tattoos but as John who is tattooed. Because, for the collector, tattoos represent a master status, all of his or her actions, beliefs, fears, and hopes can be seen in his or her collection. How those personal characteristics become part of the collection only the collector knows. That they are there, however, is irrefutable. The fact that they are there a ects not only the ways that collectors see themselves, but also the ways that others see them. In short, their tattoos have profound e ects on their interactions with intimates and nonintimates alike. The recent attention that the news media have paid to tattooing (e.g., Hardt 1997; Kennedy 1997a, b; Hartford Courant 1997; National Public Radio 1997) speaks volumes to the relevance of this topic. With tattoo shops being ranked among the six fastest growing industries in the nation (Hartford Courant 1997), and the recent legalization of tattooing in New York City (Hardt 1997; Kennedy 1997a, 1997b; National Public Radio 1997),
19 Tattoos Are Like Potato Chips 271 we, as sociologists, have a unique opportunity to demystify the processes involved in enacting a cultural phenomenon that is rapidly losing its deviant status. REFERENCES Atkinson, Michael Pursuing Meaning Through Body Alteration: The Tattooing Process. Presented at the 13th Qualitative Analysis Conference: Studying Social Life Ethnographically, May 28 31, McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. Bannatyne, Bryce, ed Forever Yes: Art of the New Tatoo. Honolulu, HI: Hardy Marks. Becker, Howard S Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance. New York: Free Press. Burgess, Robert and Ronald Akers A Di erential Association- Reinforcement Theory of Criminal Behavior. Social Problems 14: Copes, John H. and Craig J. Forsyth The Tattoo: A Social Psychological Explanation. International Review of Modern Sociology 23:83 9. Dalrymple, Theodore Oh, to be in England: It Hurts, Therefore I Am. City Journal Autumn: DeMello, Margo, n.d. Borrowed Symbols, Borrowed Meanings: The New American Tattoo Community. Unpublished manuscript The Convict Body: Tattooing Among Male American Prisoners. Anthropology Today 9: a. The Carnivalesque Body: Women and Tattoos. Pp in Pierced Hearts and True Love: A Century of Drawings for Tattoos, edited by Don Ed Hardy. Honolulu, HI: Hardy Marks b. Not Just for Bikers Anymore : Popular Represent ations of American Tattooing. Journal of Popular Culture 29: Denzin, Norman Interpretive Interactionism. Newberry Park, CA: Sage. Ellis, Carolyn. 1991b. Sociological Introspection and Emotional Experience. Symbolic Interaction 14: a. Emotional Sociology. Pp in Studies in Symbolic Interaction, Vol. 12, edited by Norman Denzin. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Friedman, Anna Felicity From Subcultural Sign to Fashion Statement : The Changing Meanings of Tattoos. Paper presented at annual meetings of the Popular Culture Association, April 10 13, Las Vegas, Nevada. Gallick, Rosemary The Tattoo: An American Pop Art Form. The Mid- Atlantic Almanac 5:1 13. Gar nkel, Harold Studies in Ethnomethodology. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Gell, Alfred Wrapping in Images: Tattooing in Polynesia. Oxford, England: Clarendon. Glaser, Daniel Criminality Theories and Behavioral Images. American Journal of Sociology 61:
20 272 D. A. Vail Go man, Erving Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. New York: Touchstone. Govenar, Alan The Variable Context of Chicano Tattooing. Pp in Marks of Civilization, edited by Arnold Rubin. Los Angeles: University of California. Hardt, Robert, Jr City Ends Tatoo Taboo Only Mom Could Love. New York Post, February 26, p. 4. Hartford Courant Have Your Heard? March 1, p. F1. Hayano, David Auto-Ethnography: Paradigms, Problems, and Prospects. Human Organization 38: Hoerr, Lisa, Kathi Conklin, Becky Marusich, and Mitch Griffin. n.d. An Exploratory Investigation into the Acquisition and Consumption of Tattoos. (Unknown source). Hollbrook, Morris Consumer Research: Introspective Essays on the Study of Consumption. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Kennedy, Randy. 1997a. Cappuccino With Your Tattoo? Try That on a Sailor. New York Times, July 27, pp b. City Council Gives Tattooing Its Mark of Approval. New York Times, February 26, pp. B1 B5. Lo and, John Doing Social Life: The Qualitative Study of Human Interaction in Natural Settings. New York: Wiley. Lo and, John and Lyn H. Lo and Analyzing Social Settings: A Guide to Qualitative Observation and Analysis, 3d ed. New York: Wadsworth. Mascia-Lees, Frances E. and Patricia Sharpe, eds Tattoo, Torture, Mutilation, and Adornment: The Denaturalization of the Body in Culture and Text. Albany: State University of New York Press. Matza, David Becoming Deviant. Englewood Cli s, NJ: Prentice-Hall. McCallum, Donald Historical and Cultural Dimensions of the Tattoo in Japan. Pp in Marks of Civilization, edited by Arnold Rubin. Los Angeles: University of California. National Public Radio All Things Considered. (Story on legalization of Tattooing in New York City). March 16. Richie, Donald and Ian Buruma The Japanese Tattoo. New York: Weatherhill. Ronai, Carol Rambo The Re exive Self Through Narrative: A Night in the Life of an Erotic Dancer/Researcher. Pp in Investigating Subjectivity: Research on Lived Experience, edited by Carolyn Ellis and Michael G. Flaherty. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Rubin, Arnold The Tattoo Renaissance. Pp in Marks of Civilization, edited by Arnold Rubin. Los Angeles: University of California. Sanders, Clinton R Selling Deviant Pictures: The Tattooist s Career and Occupat ional Experience. Paper presented at the Conference on Social Theory, Politics and the Arts, October 3 5, Adelphi University, Garden City, NY.
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