Understanding Electoral Reform

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2 Understanding Electoral Reform The field of elections and electoral systems, and particularly electoral reform, has exhibited tremendous growth and cross-national appeal over the last two decades. However, beyond an increased knowledge of voting rules and their consequences for political representation, little attention has been devoted to the question of why electoral systems have recently undergone substantial change in several liberal democracies. This book addresses several new approaches to electoral reform. First, the scope of the study of electoral reform has been expanded. Second, contrary to previous studies of electoral reform, the conviction that the determinants of reform can be explained by one single approach has been replaced by a belief in a more comprehensive framework for analysis. Third, we move beyond political parties (acting in parliament and government) as the most significant source of electoral reform. Fourth, a focus on the determinants of electoral reform allows us to include motivations and objectives of electoral reform. A final advancement in the study of electoral reform is the inclusion of countries other than established democracies. This book was published as a special issue of West European Politics. Reuven Y. Hazan is Professor of Political Science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel. Monique Leyenaar is Professor of Political Science at the Institute for Management Research, Radboud University, Netherlands.

3 West European Politics Series Edited by Klaus H. Goetz, University of Potsdam, Germany, and Anand Menon, University of Birmingham, UK West European Politics has established itself as the foremost journal for the comparative analysis of European political institutions, politics and public policy. Its comprehensive scope, which includes the European Union, makes it essential reading for both academics and political practitioners. The books in this series have originated from special issues published by West European Politics. Immigration Policy in Europe The politics of control Edited by Virgine Guiradon and Gallya Lahav Norway in Transition Transforming a stable democracy Edited by Oyvind Osterud Policy Change and Discourse in Europe Edited by Claudio M. Radaelli and Vivien Schmidt Politics and Policy in Greece The challenge of modernisation Edited by Kevin Featherstone France s Political Institutions at 50 Edited by Emiliano Grossman and Nicolas Sauger Interest Group Politics in Europe Lessons from EU Studies and Comparative Politics Edited by Jan Beyers, Rainer Eising and William A. Maloney Italy A Contested Polity Edited by Martin Bull and Martin Rhodes European Politics Pasts, presents, futures Edited by Klaus H. Goetz, Peter Mair and Gordon Smith The Politics of Belgium Institutions and policy under bipolar and centrifugal federalism Edited by Marleen Brans, Lieven De Winter and Wilfried Swenden Towards a New Executive Order in Europe Edited by Deirdre Curtin and Morten Egeberg

4 The Structure of Political Competition in Western Europe Edited by Zsolt Enyedi and Kevin Deegan-Krause Understanding Electoral Reform Edited by Reuven Y. Hazan and Monique Leyenaar Accountability and European Governance Edited by Deirdre Curtin, Peter Mair and Yannis Papadopoulos

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6 Understanding Electoral Reform Edited by Reuven Y. Hazan and Monique Leyenaar

7 First published 2012 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business 2012 Taylor & Francis This book is a reproduction of West European Politics, vol. 34, issue 3. The Publisher requests to those authors who may be citing this book to state, also, the bibliographical details of the special issue on which the book was based. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN13: Typeset in Times New Roman by Taylor & Francis Books Disclaimer The publisher would like to make readers aware that the chapters in this book are referred to as articles as they had been in the special issue. The publisher accepts responsibility for any inconsistencies that may have arisen in the course of preparing this volume for print.

8 In Memory Of PETER MAIR ( ) scholar, mentor, friend

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10 Contents Notes on Contributors xi 1. Reconceptualising Electoral Reform Monique Leyenaar and Reuven Y. Hazan 1 2. Electoral Reform in Europe since 1945 Alan Renwick The Barriers to Electoral System Reform: A Synthesis of Alternative Approaches Gideon Rahat and Reuven Y. Hazan A Conceptual Framework for Major, Minor, and Technical Electoral Reform Kristof Jacobs and Monique Leyenaar The Rise of Gender Quota Laws: Expanding the Spectrum of Determinants for Electoral Reform Karen Celis, Mona Lena Krook and Petra Meier Cultural Explanations of Electoral Reform: A Policy Cycle Model Pippa Norris Electoral Reform and Direct Democracy in Canada: When Citizens Become Involved Lawrence LeDuc Party Preferences and Electoral Reform: How Time in Government Affects the Likelihood of Supporting Electoral Change Jean-Benoit Pilet and Damien Bol 132 ix

11 CONTENTS 9. Democracy as a Cause of Electoral Reform: Jurisprudence and Electoral Change in Canada Richard S. Katz When Electoral Reform Fails: The Stability of Proportional Representation in Post-Communist Democracies Csaba Nikolenyi Veto Players and Electoral Reform in Belgium Marc Hooghe and Kris Deschouwer The Different Trajectories of Italian Electoral Reforms Gianfranco Baldini 208 Index 228 x

12 Notes on Contributors Gianfranco Baldini is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Bologna (Italy) and Deputy Director of the Istituto Cattaneo Research Foundation. His research interests include political parties and party systems, European integration and regionalization in a comparative European perspective. Damien Bol is a PhD candidate in the Department of Political and Social Sciences of the Universite de Louvain (Belgium). His research fields are electoral politics, especially the politics of electoral reform, and comparative methods in social sciences. Karen Celis is Assistant Professor at the Department of Business Administration and Public Management at University College Ghent (Belgium). Her research interests cover substantive representation, state feminism, and equality policies. She is co-editor of the forthcoming Oxford Handbook on Gender and Politics. Kris Deschouwer is Research Professor of Political Science at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels (Belgium). His work focuses mainly on political parties, elections, comparative federalism and regionalism, and consociational democracy. Reuven Y. Hazan is a Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Israel). His research interests cover parties and party systems, electoral systems and legislative studies. He co-authored Democracy within Parties (2010). Marc Hooghe is a Professor of Political Science at the University of Leuven (Belgium), a Fellow of the Royal Academy of Belgium and a Visiting Professor at the Universite Lille-II (France). He has published mainly on political participation, electoral behaviour, political trust, and social capital. Kristof Jacobs is a PhD candidate at the Institute for Management Research, Radboud University, Nijmegen (Netherlands). His research fields are comparative politics and Austrian, Belgian, and Dutch Politics. His interests include electoral and direct democratic reform, populism and new parties, and qualitative methodology. Richard S. Katz is Professor of Political Science at the Johns Hopkins University (USA). He is the author of A Theory of Parties and Electoral xi

13 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS Systems (1980, 2007) and Democracy and Elections (1997), as well as numerous articles concerning political parties and elections. Mona Lena Krook is Assistant Professor of Political Science and Women, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Washington University in St. Louis (USA). She is the author of Quotas for Women in Politics (2009). Lawrence LeDuc is Professor of Political Science at the University of Toronto (Canada). His current research deals with electoral reform, political participation, and direct democracy. Monique Leyenaar is Professor of Political Science at the Institute for Management Research, Radboud University, Nijmegen (Netherlands). Her research interests include citizen s participation, institutional reform, local decision-making processes, and gender politics. Petra Meier is Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Antwerp (Belgium). Her research interests comprise issues of representation and gender equality. She is co-editor of The Discursive Politics of Gender Equality (2009). Csaba Nikolenyi is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Concordia University (Canada). His research focuses on comparative electoral and legislative politics. He is the author of Minority Government in India (2010). Pippa Norris is the McGuire Lecturer in Comparative Politics at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University (USA) and Visiting Professor of Government and International Relations at the University of Sydney for She compares democracy, elections and public opinion, political communications, and gender politics. Jean-Benoit Pilet is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Universite Libre de Bruxelles (Belgium). He is director of the Cevipol research centre. His research interests cover elections, electoral systems, parties, Belgian politics, parliamentary careers, local politics, and candidate selection. Gideon Rahat is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Israel). His research interests include political parties, candidate selection methods, electoral systems, and the politics of electoral reform. xii

14 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS Alan Renwick is Lecturer in Politics at the University of Reading (UK). His main research interests lie in processes of electoral and constitutional reform. He is the author of The Politics of Electoral Reform: Changing the Rules of Democracy (2010). xiii

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16 Reconceptualising Electoral Reform MONIQUE LEYENAAR and REUVEN Y. HAZAN This article delineates the three waves of development in the study of electoral reform: the systematic description and consequences of electoral systems; the analysis of major reform and its political consequences; and a more comprehensive approach to the study of electoral reform. It seeks to achieve two goals. The first is to shift attention away from the political consequences of electoral change and toward what takes place before the passage of reform. Beyond delineating what electoral reform is, the authors ask: Why does it occur? Who initiates the electoral reform? When, and where, does it succeed or fail to pass the necessary obstacles? How should we study it? They therefore want to analyse the determinants of electoral reform. Their second goal is to elaborate an agenda for future research in electoral change, and they do so by discussing both the reconceptualisation and the methodology of electoral reform research. Electoral reform is a much loved topic for political scientists. This fascination is largely due to the fact that both logically and rationally, electoral reform should not occur because those who are in power and thus are in the position to change the electoral system obtained their positions through the existing system. For them, the current system is not only a winning arrangement, it also creates vested interests. Nonetheless, electoral reform does occur, and one can argue that based on how it is defined, it happens quite often. Reviewing the literature on electoral systems, we can distinguish between two categories. The first is comprised of studies that treat electoral systems as an independent variable, as explanans, and the second includes studies that view electoral systems as a dependent variable, as the explanandum (Farrell 2011; Lijphart 1985). The bulk of the early literature belongs to the first category; it defined and categorised electoral systems, and established their effects on politics. During this pioneering phase, electoral systems were viewed as fixed because of historical and cultural reasons (Colomer 2005; Nohlen 1984; Taagepera and Shugart 1989). Under the second category electoral system as the dependent variable studies focused on the establishment and original design of different electoral systems, alongside 1

17 UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL REFORM studies explaining the changing of electoral systems. The latter category has blossomed since the mid-1990s, due to the major reforms in Italy, Israel, Japan and New Zealand (International Political Science Review 1995; Rahat 2008; Renwick 2010; Shugart and Wattenberg 2001). This collection of articles in general, and this article in particular, seek to achieve two goals. First, we are interested in what takes place before the passage of reform. Beyond delineating what electoral reform is, we ask: Why does it occur? Who initiates the electoral reform? When, and where, does it succeed or fail to pass the necessary obstacles? How should we study it? We therefore want to analyse the determinants of electoral reform, if for no other reason than that they are a good indicator of the division and use of political power in society. Moreover, now that the nature of politics is undergoing so many changes for example, the personalisation of politics; growing electoral volatility; the strengthening of populist parties with their own agenda for reform we may see some of these changes developing into catalysts for electoral reform. Our second goal is to look back at what underlies the study of electoral reform. The time seems to be right for a reconceptualisation and redefinition of the scope of electoral reform, so that both scholars and practitioners will speak the same language. These two goals make up the two main parts of this article. From Consequences to Concepts Almost 30 years ago, the study of electoral systems could be judged, according to Lijphart (1985: 3), as undoubtedly the most underdeveloped subject in political science. Since then, the field of elections, electoral systems and particularly electoral reform has exhibited tremendous growth and cross-national appeal, leading Shugart (2005: 50) to claim that In the span of less than twenty years, the field of comparative electoral systems research has gone from being underdeveloped to being a mature field of study. The literature on electoral reform may be broadly categorised into three waves of development:. The study of non-reform, instead focusing on the systematic description and consequences of electoral systems. The first seminal works were published before the 1980s, but critiqued and amended in later studies.. The study of major reform and its political consequences, with a strong focus on single case studies, between the early 1990s and the mid-2000s.. A more comprehensive approach to the study of electoral reform, starting in the mid-2000s, which puts the conceptualisation of electoral reform on the academic agenda. One of the main academic tasks of the first wave was to categorise electoral systems and to analyse their main effects. Typical of the very early literature on electoral systems was the classification into two broad categories, 2

18 UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL REFORM majoritarian versus proportional systems, and the outline of the consequences of the choice of either system for parties and party systems (Carstairs 1980; Duverger 1954; Hermens 1941; Hoag and Hallet 1926; Lakeman and Lambert 1955; Rae 1967). In short, electoral systems influence how many parties gain representation and whether large or small parties are favoured. Since then, these findings have been expanded in a number of ways. For example, we now know that a dichotomous categorisation is far too crude since there is a huge variety in the practice of both systems. Also, the study of electoral systems now takes into account the effects of attributes beyond the electoral formula, district magnitude and ballot structure, such as access to the electoral process, ballot format, campaign financing rules, and the number and type of offices which are subject to electoral choice. Recent comparative studies of electoral systems include the use of tiers, compensatory rules, legal thresholds, compulsory voting and others. The result is an understanding that there is an enormous variety of electoral systems (Baldini and Pappalardo 2009; Cox 1997; Farrell 2011; Lijphart and Grofman 1984; Massicotte et al. 2004; Reeve and Ware 1992; Sartori 1994; Taagepera 2007), which has bred a body of comparative, edited volumes examining in detail the electoral systems of a large number of democracies (Bogdanor and Butler 1983; Colomer 2004; Gallagher and Mitchell 2005; Klingemann 2009; Shugart and Wattenberg 2001). Contrary to the suggestion of much similarity across nations (Golder 2004; IDEA website, at these volumes teach us that in practice there seems to be no electoral system that is common to two (or more) countries. During the second wave of the study of electoral systems, we learned that an assessment of major electoral reforms should not be restricted mainly to its consequences on the party system. The relationships between electoral systems and other aspects of politics such as governability, representation, accountability and participation are equally, if not even more, relevant (Gallagher and Mitchell 2005; Klingemann 2009; Norris 2004; Powell 2000; Shugart 2005). Scholars questioned if proportional representation systems were the cause (Duverger 1954) or the result of multi-party systems (Colomer 2005; Lipson 1964; Rokkan 1970; Shugart 1992). Along similar lines, there was a discussion of the impact of voting system choice and the handling of social conflicts. Researchers investigated whether proportional systems guaranteed inclusiveness and induced more consensus orientated politics, or were the result of the existing relationship between ethnic, linguistic, religious and regional cleavages (Bogdanor and Butler 1983; Lijphart 1999). The more recent debate on representation, and on the inclusiveness of voting systems, has expanded to cover other criteria such as gender, age and social class (Krook 2009; Phillips 1995). When it comes to accountability, studies focused on whether majority systems were necessary to assure it, or whether proportional systems with low magnitude multi-member districts or mixed electoral systems preserved the 3

19 UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL REFORM relationship between the candidate and the voter (Grofman and Lijphart 1986; Shugart and Wattenberg 2001; Taagepera and Shugart 1989). Along with all of the above changes, the current third developmental wave of the study of electoral systems has shed the assumption that once an electoral system is implemented it should be seen as set in stone, and that change is possible only when it is accompanied by ruptures in historical and political developments, or systemic transition. This perception of electoral arrangements as permanent fixtures of a polity was shattered with the numerous system changes in the 1990s some of which (Israel, Italy) continued to change together with the new electoral systems of the Eastern European countries and their almost constant reform. There are now enough cases of electoral reform to study empirically, allowing for a shift in the academic debate toward more comprehensive questions (Katz 2005; Rahat 2008; Renwick 2010), such as the determinants of electoral reform. An examination of the current rich literature on electoral reform, in the midst of the third wave of development, leads to the conclusions shown in Table 1. WHAT is Electoral Reform? In surprisingly few of the many articles and books on electoral reform do we find a clear-cut definition of the object of study: What exactly counts as an electoral reform? Katz (2005: 58) argued that despite being crude, the most TABLE 1 STATUS VS NEED IN THE STUDY OF ELECTORAL REFORM Focus Status Need WHAT WHY WHO HOW WHERE There is still a strong bias towards studying major electoral reform (i.e. a change in the electoral formula). One explanation of electoral reform (or non-reform) dominates the discourse: the self-interest of parties, i.e. seat maximisation. And one theoretical approach dominates the study of electoral reform: rational choice. Actor-centred models explaining electoral reform tend to put the political party/ elite at the centre and to consider the parliament the most significant source of reform The single case study approach is most often applied in explaining reform. The bulk of the literature analyses the politics of reform in established democracies. Adopting a more expansive view of electoral reform and a systematic approach towards conceptualising different types of reforms. Moving away from a single primary motivation, or a single approach, toward a more comprehensive framework for analysis based on a synthesis of determinants. Increasing awareness of other actors and/or sources as initiators of or catalysts for reform, such as public opinion, pressure groups, the courts and referenda. Shifting towards a combination of qualitative and quantitative approaches, based on cross-national survey data. Explaining electoral reform also in non-established, new or transitional democracies. 4

20 UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL REFORM commonly used definition is that electoral reform is about a wholesale replacement of the electoral formulae of national electoral systems. Lijphart s (1994) definition is centred on the degree of proportionality and defines significant reforms as any changes that involve the electoral formula or any change of at least 20 per cent in district magnitude, legal threshold or assembly size. Restricting the empirical research to the occurrence of a change in the electoral formulae has consequences for the number of cases available for empirical study. Bartolini and Mair (1990) found only 14 major shifts in electoral rules in Europe during an entire century, In the established democracies, referring only to parliamentary elections, Katz (2005) counted 14 electoral reforms between 1950 and 2005 (interestingly enough, five of them took place in one country). Since then one more (Italy 2005) can be added to this number. Lijphart s definition encompassed 30 cases between 1945 and Since electoral systems involve many attributes other than the electoral formula, why should changes in these other arrangements not be the subject of study as well? As Bowler and Farrell (2009: 4) stated, If the devil really is in the detail we ought to get to grips with the detail and the devil. So far there has been no attempt to conceptualise other than major reforms, although in the literature especially in the single case studies of electoral systems many of these other reforms are described, analysed and discussed. One of the first to address the conceptualisation of as he calls it minor reforms is Katz (2005), but he does not define them. In his view, there is no clear dividing line between major and minor reforms; even more, there is no clear dividing line between reforms that might be considered minor, and those that might instead be called trivial, technical, or no reform at all (Katz 2005: 69). Some authors have argued that changes in voting systems on other electoral levels than the national should be categorised as minor (Bowler and Donovan 2008; Dalton and Gray 2003; Farrell 2011). Yet in the majority of the single case studies on electoral reform there is no mention of changes in the electoral process at the local or regional levels, notwithstanding the fact that electoral reform can be quite successful at these levels (Massicotte 2005). Another way to distinguish minor from major reform is to look at the consequences of reform, or at the number of people the reform in question affects (van der Kolk 2007). A point of debate is whether the realm of electoral reform should be extended to, for example, changes in intra-party processes such as candidate selection procedures (Hazan and Rahat 2010) and/or changes in party finance structures (Austin and Tjernstrom 2003). Jacobs and Leyenaar (2011) (re)conceptualise major, as well as minor and technical, reform by expanding the scope of electoral reform and taking the degree of reform into account. Celis et al. (2011) opt for a very broad definition of reform: any change in the (electoral) rules that leads to a change in the operation of the electoral system. With this definition the adoption of gender quotas is also considered an electoral reform. 5

21 UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL REFORM WHY does Electoral Reform Occur? The dominant rational choice theory posits that electoral reform is due to the strategic calculations of elites who choose electoral rules that suit their own ends of maximising gains and/or minimising losses (Benoit 2004; Blais and Shugart 2008; Boix 1999; Colomer 2005; Rahat 2004). Politicians are the key actors, who act rationally, and their aim is to maximise power by enhancing their party s share of seats in the legislature. The rational choice model implies that parties have a great deal of knowledge about the consequences of electoral reform. In the real world, however, there will be a high level of uncertainty in terms of its effects, since reforms affect several dimensions of political life (Colomer 2005; Taagepera and Shugart 1989), as well as uncertainty over the reactions of other actors. All this makes a rational choice based decision about a specific electoral system quite difficult (Andrews and Jackman 2005; Baldini 2011). Reynolds, Reilly and Ellis (2005) argued that sometimes historically unique events cause electoral reform, and at other times electoral systems are adopted almost semiconsciously. If electoral reform can indeed be an accident, then rational choice plays little or no part in its adoption. Moreover, it seems that parties do not trust prospective simulations very much, and that it is the parties most dissatisfied with the rules in use (parties that have been most often in the opposition) that are more likely to support a change in the electoral system (Pilet and Bol 2011; Sakamoto 1999). Another aspect that adds to the uncertainty and makes both politicians and parties reluctant to change is the impact that the act of reform may have on the voters. Reed and Thies (2001) introduced a distinction between the outcome of a reform and the act itself (see also Shugart 2008). Electoral reform may affect the parties power in terms of seat shares, but their power base could also be affected through the voters perceptions of the reform. How legitimate is the reform in the eyes of the voters? Do voters perceive the reform as reflecting the blatant self-interest of parties? There is evidence that these kinds of considerations do play a role in the cost benefit analysis that parties and politicians make when deciding to support electoral reform (Blau 2008; Vowles 2008). When voters are used to electoral engineering, the intensity of the perception that the act of reform is illegitimate may be lower. On the other hand, when an electoral system is stable over a long period of time it may gain legitimacy and voters could view any reform as self-interested manipulation. Other scholars, however, point to the danger of overestimating the importance to the public of (changing) the electoral system. In general, public knowledge about the system s operation and consequences can be very low (Katz 2005; Massicotte 2008). An overview of the more recent literature on electoral reform shows us that other theoretical approaches, such as behaviouralist and institutionalist, 6

22 UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL REFORM are useful in analysing the determinants of electoral reform. Using both survey and interview data, the behaviouralist approach has demonstrated the relevance of motives other than the self-interest of politicians for reform, such as values and ideologies (Birch et al. 2002; Bowler et al. 2006; Katz 1997; Pilet 2007), as well as the insight that parties are often less unitary than is presumed (Blais and Shugart 2008). Institutionalists expect reforms to happen when the institutional context changes or when the existing institutions produce perverse effects. Farrell (2011) and Dunleavy and Margetts (1995) convincingly showed that electoral reform entered the agenda of British politics when the Liberal Party started to gain around 20 per cent of the vote and the disproportionality of the single-member plurality system became more transparent. System changes have also been brought about when the electoral arrangements in place eroded because of vote buying and/or nepotism (Katz 2005). Further, Shugart (2001: 25) argued that those electoral systems where representation is allocated in an extreme manner on either the inter-party or intra-party dimension, or both, are inherently prone to reformist pressures. Shugart and Wattenberg (2001) predicted that such extreme cases could lead to the adoption of a system that is more balanced on the two dimensions a mixed-member system. Less well researched is the relevance of diffusion and contagion as a possible source of electoral reform. This can be by example, when other systems are cited by elites or reformers, or when reforms at the sub-national level appear to indicate inefficiencies at the national level as in the UK at the present, and as in Israel two decades ago when the direct election of the prime minister was adopted after the successful experience of directly electing mayors. Most studies focus on explanatory factors within one country, but whether parties and politicians are driven by knowledge about the success of a certain type of system in another country neighbouring or otherwise related is not taken into account. Colomer s (2004) finding that the choice of electoral systems in 94 countries on 154 occasions dating from the nineteenth century indicates that all are in favour of some type of proportional representation is not analysed in terms of diffusion but is viewed as an intentional act by relevant national actors and institutions. Bowler and Farrell (2009) are among the few who did look at possible contagion between the Anglo-democracies that considered electoral change in recent decades. To determine indicators for possible contagion, they looked at whether some of the same experts were consulted in each country and whether frequent referrals to each other s reform reports took place. Their expectations, however, were unmet and they concluded that, Nations seem reluctant to adopt the electoral system of another country off the shelf (Bowler and Farrell 2009: 8). On the other hand, Dalton and Gray (2003) found a clear diffusion of democratic reform across 18 advanced industrial democracies, resulting in an expansion of the electoral marketplace i.e. changes to suffrage and election laws and to the electoral cycle that were all 7

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