Ludmila Mendonça Lopes Ribeiro a & Roberta M. Correa b a Center for Studies of Crime and Public Security (CRISP), Published online: 16 Jul 2013.

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1 This article was downloaded by: [Ludmila Mendonça Lopes Ribeiro] On: 17 July 2013, At: 06:24 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: Registered office: Mortimer House, Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Police Practice and Research: An International Journal Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: Recent books on crime and police in Brazil Ludmila Mendonça Lopes Ribeiro a & Roberta M. Correa b a Center for Studies of Crime and Public Security (CRISP), Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, Brazil b Universidade Federal Fluminense, Belo Horizonte, Brazil Published online: 16 Jul To cite this article: Police Practice and Research (2013): Recent books on crime and police in Brazil, Police Practice and Research: An International Journal, DOI: / To link to this article: PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the Content ) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

2 Police Practice and Research, REVIEW ESSAY Recent books on crime and police in Brazil In this review, authors Ludmila Mendonça Lopes Ribeiro and Roberta Correa examine a few of the key publications on crime and law enforcement in Brazil that have appeared in the past few years. The publications illustrate how the field has structured itself in Brazil. They identify pioneering studies and how the directions these took shape in the studies area today, as expressed in the current literature. One of these volumes is a compendium of interviews with the so-called founding fathers of criminology in Brazil; the others are anthologies that reflect the work of research groups that have sprung around them. The anthology organized by Machado da Silva centers on the concept of violent sociability and its importance for understanding crime and the relations between the police and citizens at the margins of Brazilian society. The second volume, Roberto Kant de Lima s anthology, stresses that crime is managed via a mosaic of assembled truths, and contends that the apparatus of law enforcement and the criminal justice system aim to reinforce Brazilian society s characteristic inequality. Keywords: crime; policing; public security; sociology of crime; Brazil As ciências sociais e os pioneiros nos estudos sobre crime, violência e direitos humanos no Brasil, edited by Renato Sérgio de Lima e José Luiz Ratton, São Paulo, Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública, Urbânia, ANPOCS, 2011, 304 pp., BRL 35,00, ISBN: Vida sob cerco: violência e rotina nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro edited by Luiz Antônio Machado da Silva, Rio de Janeiro, Nova Fronteira, 2008, 316 pp., BRL 48,90, ISBN: Conflitos, Direitos e Moralidades em Perspectiva Comparada (Volume II) edited by Roberto Kant de Lima Lucia Eilbaum e Lenin Pires, Rio de Janeiro, Garamond, 2010, 284 pp., BRL 42,00, ISBN: In early October 2011, the United Nations (UN) issued a report on the growing crime rates over the past 10 years, calling attention to the size of the issue in Brazil, a nation with one of highest homicide rates in the world: 30 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants for 2009 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNDC, 2011). If the data assembled by the UNDC showed growing levels of violence over the past decade, Brazilian crime literature showed that interest in the topic has risen comparably. According to specialist literature reviews published through the Associação Nacional dos Programas de Pós Graduação em Ciências Sociais (ANPOCS), the number of papers published on crime, violence, police, and justice, all of which can be subsumed under sociology of crime has more than doubled over the past 10 years. This trend is illustrated in Table 1.

3 2 Review essay Table 1. Number of studies published in sociology of crime, by time period. Time frame Number of papers Bibliographic Reference Adorno (1993) Zaluar (1999) Kant de Lima, Misse, and Miranda (2000) Barreira and Adorno (2010) This increase in the number of publications has also helped confirm the status of a few authors as the field s founding fathers, 1 and the citation of their work has become standard practice in the field. Thus, anyone venturing into research on crime and its impact on Brazilian institutions (and the dynamics of the Brazilian criminal system) must develop a deeper understanding of the trajectory of these authors. The book organized by Renato Sérgio de Lima and José Luiz Ratton (2011) is a collection of interviews given by the pioneers in crime, violence, and human rights studies in Brazil. It shows us that the subject matter was first addressed in Brazil in the 1970 s, focusing especially on an analysis of the workings of law enforcement agencies. These enthomethodologial studies evaluated how the viewpoints of members of the police forces define crime and criminals, and how it affected police statistics. The pioneers in the field Antônio Luiz Paixão and Edmundo Campos Coelho 2 both spent a few months in the USA in the early 1970 s. Their stay brought them into contact with academic literature that focused not on the causes of crime, but rather stressed that crime is a social construct that arises from the interaction of various control agencies and individuals who share specific stereotypes. The concept contributed to their understanding of how prisons translate into associations of individuals who are young, poor, and black, a topic was widely analyzed by both researchers. Elizabeth Leeds (2011, p. 08) believes that Paixão and Campos Coelho s importance goes beyond their innovating analyses of law enforcement and the corrections system. Leeds notes that Paixão was the first to start a partnership between universities and law enforcement: it was the first step in bringing down barriers that isolated the police academy, it fostered an interest in public security studies among police officers and in a new generation of university students. Following similar lines, Roberto Kant de Lima s work on law enforcement and the judiciary system stands out. Kant de Lima employs ethnographic methods in his analysis of the workings of official control agencies and the belief systems, values, and attitudes of those involved in law enforcement and the judicial system. In Kant de Lima s view, these organizations operate according to distinct systems of judicial thinking that ultimately reifies the vast inequality of society and greatly shapes the actions of law enforcement agents. It was precisely due to this almost postmodern diagnosis that Kant de Lima along with Paixão has shown an interest in generating closer ties with the police. Kant de Lima has contributed to their training by adding a perspective that fosters reflection in contrast with the standard training based on rote learning more commonly offered in Brazilian police academies. Other researchers began their careers employing a symbolic interactionist approach to understanding deviance, a notion introduced in Brazil by Gilberto Velho 3 after his period at Austin University, coincidentally also in the early 1970 s (Velho, 2002). Velho s US experience led him to organize a few courses and seminars at Rio de Janeiro s Museu Nacional, and they sparked an interest in crime among local researchers. Among

4 Police Practice and Research: An International Journal 3 them were Michel Misse (noted for his study on juvenile justice), Alba Zaluar, (who studied how crime affects associativism in shantytowns), and Julita Lemgruber (who looked into the workings of female prisons). In parallel, another group of researchers worked somewhat independently of the North American sociological tradition and experience in the USA. These researchers, based mostly in São Paulo, focused their crime research on re-democratization and on the change that came over institutions that transitioned from having an ideological role to taking on the mission of providing equal human rights protection for all. Here, we find scholars such as Paulo Sergio Pinheiro and Sérgio Adorno who devoted themselves to an empirical study of the workings of the criminal justice system in the postauthoritarian period. Taken as a whole, all of these branches of crime sociology in Brazil are consistent in their distinctiveness. While criminological research in North America began by looking into the social causes of crime, scholarship in Brazil focused on the sociology of institutions from the very beginning. From early on, Brazilian crime studies focused on how crime management institutions work, whether they involve the military police and civil police forces, the judiciary, or the corrections system. True to its origins, Brazilian literature in the field thus entered heavily into the field of public policy. It focused on the issue of state involvement in the institutional management of crime and the public authorities' potential role in a number of respects: in limiting the criminalization of those at the margins of society (Coelho, 1978); in reducing social discrimination on the part of law enforcement (Paixão, 1982; Kant de Lima, 1995) and the criminal justice system (Adorno, 1995); and with respect to the virtual abandonment of prisoners in the corrections system, turning it into a school of crime (Coelho, 1987; Lemgruber, 1993). According to Claudio Beato, the fact that researchers privileged the criminal justice and corrections system as research topics while failing to address the causes of crime created an environment that was not conducive to the institutionalization of the sociology of crime per se, and this had consequences for public policy. Firstly, the lack of theory on the social causes of crime leaves researchers at a loss when faced with any fluctuations in the homicide rate, whether it rises or drops. Researchers are left with factoids and operate virtually bereft of theory. Secondly, the subsequent generation of researchers has been content to merely describe any crime-related social phenomena that may engender public policy, ready for immediate implementation by any authority at any government level, be it federal, state, or municipal. In Machado da Silva s view, sociology of crime has over the past few years structured itself in Brazil in a way that is reminiscent of the Chicago School in the early twentieth century 4 ; its focus on understanding social issues and positing solutions through state management, bringing researchers and policy-makers together. This rests on the crucial assumption that researchers are independent and free to criticize decisions taken by various administrations through empirical data, while making sure that academia does not itself become a purveyor of public policy which is essential to a well-balanced relation between the production of academic knowledge and public policy. For Kant de Lima, however, such caution is excessive and unnecessary. In his view academia should intervene directly through training professionals and crafting public policies. Kant de Lima s views are shared by many founding fathers in the field, researchers known not only as precursors in terms of research, but also as academic researchers who entered public administration. Among them: Julita Lemgruber, 5 Luiz Eduardo Soares, 6 César Barreira, 7 Cláudio Beato 8, and José Luiz Ratton. 9

5 4 Review essay While it is possible to make a distinction among Brazilian sociologists of crime, distinguishing pure researchers from those who have developed a deeper connection with public security institutions, Machado da Silva (p. 172) suggests yet another form of classification. In his view, there are two main forms of academic literature: (1) centers on societal forces, including attempts to understand criminal and violent relations, as well as the interactions between the police and society seen as a product of the social order itself; and (2) state-centric, where we include the analyses of state institutions and their role in defining crime and the belief, and value systems and postures that come into play when these institutions are called into action. In order to exemplify the content of the two categories, we will analyze two anthologies: one that consolidates the work of the group led by Machado da Silva, representing the societal perspective; and the other that brings together the work coordinated by Kant de Lima s group, representing the state-centric view. According to Machado da Silva, his group s work endeavors to show how residents of Rio de Janeiro s favelas struggle to live with the inescapable territorial contiguity they share with armed gangs (linked to the illegal drug trade), with the violent attacks of the police and the militias, and the distrust that this close proximity generates, especially among the part of the population that does not live in these areas. This group of researchers argues that to live in that reality generates a sharp sense of territorial confinement, since the constant confrontations among armed gangs and between the latter and the police apparatus make it challenging when not outright impossible to enjoy the regular and constant essential right, the freedom to come and go. Alongside the violent dynamics involving young boys engaged in the activities of drug gangs, it is possible to note the presence of groups in the favelas that try to achieve a form of symbolic cleansing. They reaffirm their identity as workers in contrast to that of criminals as a mechanism for asserting a few of their citizen rights, as seen in the first study on this topic (Zaluar, 1985). However, the major change in the organization of life in these areas is that, while before the police tried to confine criminals to the shantytowns in order to prevent their entry into more affluent parts of the city (Paixão, 1982), with the emergence of the militias over the past few years 10 workers have also been confined to these areas (Machado da Silva, 2008). 11 The detrimental outcome of this phenomenon is the implementation of public security policies against and not with the underclass, which in turn reinforces the role of the police as an instrument of confinement and reifies the notion of life under siege as the defining trait of existence in shantytown. Thus, a new form of sociability emerges as a result of the action of groups of drug dealers, police, and the militia, one that is characteristic of the criminals that reside in these areas but which also subjects the ordinary residents to the same rationale. It is a violent form of sociability in which actions are almost exclusively coordinated according to levels of physical force. In this scenario, the key players do not share common values that could regulate the use of violence to achieve their goals, instead limiting it to a means among various others to achieve one s desires. It is exactly for this reason that the only element taken into consideration by the key players involved in networks of violent sociability is the capacity of resistance that others may put up to prevent them from fulfilling their more immediate desires (Machado da Silva, 2008, p. 21). Therefore, in violent sociability, the person with more power will use others, as well as any tools to impose their will without considering any ethical principles, moral duties or affections, etc. As a result, ordinary shantytown residents are twice dominated: under the dominant social order, they compose the inferior strata of the social

6 Police Practice and Research: An International Journal 5 structure; under violent sociability, they are forced to submit to the drug dealers (Machado da Silva, 2008, p. 22). To survive in this scenario, residents need not only to distinguish changes in the command of rivaling drug factions that fight over control of the area, the interactions between criminals and the police, or the militia rule that is spreading across the city, but they must also be capable of noticing the changes in the command of the actual police organization, which may also define how state organizations interact with the fringes of society. 12 In this regard, the Pacification Police Units (Unidade de Policia Pacificadora or UPP in Portuguese) that have regulated a new perspective for residents in the favela, may be seen as a privileged example of how sociability in these communities is the result of the capacity to impose power, either by drug gangs, militia, or by the now permanent occupation of the Military Police in these communities. 13 The point in common between Machado da Silva s (2008) approach and Kant de Lima, Eilbaum, and Pires (2010) is the idea that the presence of the State in different regions of society is not homogeneous. The factors that condition not only the state s presence in general, but especially of police action are defined according to the characteristics of the subject targeted. The difference lies in the fact that Machado da Silva s group tries to understand the impact of crime and police action on the life of favela residents, whereas the group coordinated by Kant de Lima seeks to understand which factors determine police and legal action. Thus, using ethnography as a research technique, the researchers of the group coordinated by Kant de Lima seek to identify and understand how certain acquired sets of knowledge of legal operators are implemented, and which are reflected in the way that these operators negotiate the existence of crimes (for example, in the case of the quantity of drugs that defines who is a user or a dealer, when the law does not make that distinction), how offences are filed (in terms of the production of criminal statistics) and modes of conflict administration at various judicial levels. Before going into the actual analysis of the book by Kant de Lima et al. (2010), it is important to underline that he coordinated 14 an extremely multidisciplinary group, composed not only of lawyers, sociologists, anthropologists, and political scientists, but also of judges, public defenders, and police officers. This group also boasted an extensive contribution by people beyond academic circles, because Kant de Lima spent several years teaching the specialty course that the Military Police of Rio de Janeiro must complete to be promoted from major to colonel. As this course is independently coordinated by the Federal Fluminense University (UFF), the class is also open to other police organizations and people with an overall interest in the topic. As a result of this interaction, the police officers themselves were given an opportunity to reflect on their practices and also open the doors of their departments to those with an interest in the topic. 15 To a certain extent, this multidisciplinary aspect is reflected in the collection analyzed in this study, as the compiled articles emphasize the processes of the production of knowledge, truth, security and justice by the institutions of the systems of public security and criminal justice. The works involve discussions on various legal and moral meanings of issues such as truth, evidence, incidences, justice and legal equality, as well as on criminal investigation procedures, legal decision-making and their multiple ties to the nature of the conflicts involved (Kant de Lima et al., 2010, p. 07). Unlike the work of Machado da Silva (2008) that focused on how the residents of the favela perceived the violence of which they had been participants and victims, the focus of Kant de Lima et al. (2010) is the operational standard of the state institutions and how these perceive the citizens that seek their assistance or who are processed by

7 6 Review essay them. In this sense, the dilemma of worker vs. criminal that structures some of the analyses that have been conducted in the realm of societal perspective may be reinterpreted from a state perspective as a dilemma between the city vs. favela (shantytown). The perverse outcome of this reinterpretation is the fact that institutions of public security and criminal justice tend to criminalize those who live in the favela, 16 relegating them to the category of criminal, which excludes them from a series of judicial and legal principles and leads to the unjustified killing of individuals who are placed in this category (as analyzed by Misse, 2010). The articles compiled by Kant de Lima et al. (2010) illustrate how state institutions are selective in providing public security by not only considering the profile of those involved, but also the interests of those in a position of power in these institutions. Thus, the first articles address issues related to how the favela residents deal with the institutional humiliation imposed on them by the systems of public security and criminal justice because they reside in a favela; followed by an analysis of how the community councils of public security should not be regarded as a social movement, as these involve institutional agreements that have been put in place by government and their effectiveness in meeting the demands of citizens will depend on who they are and on how the council members interact with the governmental institutions involved in the issue. The book also addresses how new arrangements for providing public security in Brazil are being developed, analyzing in particular the role of the municipalities. Although these are not endowed with a constitutional mandate, they are the government entity closest to the citizens, and are playing an increasingly bigger role in developing and implementing Municipal Plans for Public Security. There is also a special emphasis on the role of the universities, who have begun to act as consultants to the municipal government in preparing these actions. Further exploring the difference between an ideal enthroned in the Law and the reality of life as it is lived, the researchers show how police and judicial organizations are selective in terms of classifying who is considered a drug user, according to the profile of the individual in question. This is perhaps the most interesting article as it addresses the problem of how certain social traits categorize individuals as criminals while other traits grant immunities that exempt people from such operations. In this sense, the police will be the primary focus of analysis for these researchers as it they are the first to encounter the criminal event and, consequently, determine who enters (or who does not enter) the criminal justice system. Exactly for that reason, as explored by the final articles of the collection, the police statistics should not be seen as a direct reflection of what occurs in reality, but as a corpus of knowledge acquired by police, which has certain deaths, due to the profile of those involved, be classified by the police as homicide, whereas others are slotted into various other categories that are excluded when the murder rate of a certain community is calculated. What these two collections seem to show is that the societal and state perspective do not oppose each other, but rather complement each other and allow for an understanding of the determinants of the actions of the public security and criminal justice systems in Brazilian society. They also highlight the impacts of these actions on society in general and on those at the margins in particular. By underlining the leading role of law enforcement and, as a result, showing how researchers of a new generation have addressed this issue, these books corroborate the idea that the work of precursors determines the current production on crime and police in Brazil, which is the reason why it is pertinent to understand the thoughts and the trajectory of the founding fathers of the sociology of crime in Brazil.

8 Police Practice and Research: An International Journal 7 Notes 1. This book includes interviews with the following researchers: Alba Zaluar, Antônio Luiz Paixão, César Barreira, Cláudio Beato, Edmundo Campos Coelho, Elizabeth Leeds, Gláucio Soares, José Vicente Tavares dos Santos, Julita Lemgruber, Luciano Oliveira, Luiz Antônio Machado da Silva, Luiz Eduardo Soares, Maria Stela Grossi Porto, Michel Misse, Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro, Roberto Kant de Lima and Sérgio Adorno. Thus, whenever any of these researchers are cited in reference to this book, citations will preclude the date of the publication. 2. There are just three women in a group of 16 people. 3. At this point, both of them are deceased. 4. Gilberto Velho passed way on April, By this time, Howard Becker (a prominent author on interactionism approach) published A few words about Gilberto Velho ( ) presenting the importance of Velho s work for sociology in general and how this friendship has changed Becker s own work. 5. Since the academic research in this field is very tight to public policy. 6. Julita Lemgruber was the first female to direct the penitentiary system on the state of Rio de Janeiro ( ) and the first police ombudsman of this state ( ). Probably, she was who started the straight connection between academy and public policies in this field. 7. Luiz Eduardo Soares was National Public Security Secretary (January October 2003); Subsecretary and Coordinator of Security, Justice and Citizenship of the State of Rio de Janeiro (January 1999 March 2000); consultant of Porto Alegre City Hall and author of the city s municipal security plan, as well as responsible for implementing its pilot Project (in 2001); Municipal Secretary for the Protection of Life and Prevention of Violence at Nova Iguaçu, RJ ( ). 8. César Barreira has headed the Academia Estadual de Segurança Pública, responsible for the integrated training of civil and military police officers, firemen, and corrections security agents since It is a groundbreaking experience in the country, since in other states each force has a separate academy and training is often closed within their ranks, making integration among forces during operations more challenging. 9. Cláudio Beato is a consultant of the State of Minas Gerais in the field of Social Defense. 10. José Luiz Ratton is a consultant of the Government of the State of Pernambuco in the field of public security. 11. According to Cano (2008), the militia can be defined as irregular armed groups, led by state public security officers (which include civil and military police, state firemen, and corrections agents) who exercise coercive control over a region and its population motivated by opportunities of individual gain, while legitimizing their actions with a discourse of providing protection to residents and establishing order. 12. According to Machado da Silva (2008, p. 25), under the pretext of preventing drug gangs from controlling favelas, the militia have organized themselves like corporations, typical of the adventure capitalism mentioned by Max Weber, in addition to charging protection like the mafia and monopolizing important local economic activities (alternative transportation, the sale of bottled gas, the illegal distribution of cable TV signals, etc.). 13. According to an article by Brazilian newspaper O Globo on 30 October 2011, the militia have not only spread throughout the city of Rio de Janeiro, but are also present in 11 Brazilian states and are no longer an exclusive characteristic of Rio de Janeiro. 14. The Pacification Police Units (UPPs) were created in January of 2009, by order of decree nr , as a way to execute a different kind of policing in areas under its responsibility, in partnership with the population. The community policing exercised by the UPP not only aims to prevent and reduce crime, but above all, to reduce the risk of harm to victims and residents. It is a preventative strategy for the benefit of the common good, aimed at improving the quality of life of the population served (from the official website of the RJ Military Police). However, according to Batista (2011, p. 06), the foundation and operation of the UPP may be explained differently: To expel these armed groups [of drug gangs] from communities, a policing technique was devised that subjects the entire daily routine of the favela to a military police regime. After the massacre of boys (Rio s police kills approximately 1,500 youth a year) a police force is set up in the favela, whose commander usually a captain controls everybody and everything. He is the one who authorizes which events take place, even those

9 8 Review essay held on private premises, as well as what time they should finish; some also decree an evening curfew. This is called a UPP. But in fact, the UPPS are centers of collective human rights misappropriation. It is exactly in this sense as described by Batista (2011) that the UPP units are seen in the context of the presentation of the work of Machado da Silva (2008). 15. Located at the UFF. 16. It is worth highlighting that this center is also concerned with publicizing the efforts of the criminal justice system operators in reflecting on their daily routine, and thus the final papers of this course (which in 2008 was transferred to the Getulio Vargas Foundation) are included in the following collections: MIRANDA, Ana Paula Mendes de; LIMA, Lana Lage da Gama (Org.). Políticas públicas de segurança, informação e análise criminal (translation: Public Security Policies, Information and Criminal Analsysis). Niterói, RJ: EdUFF, p. 585 (Coleção Antropologia e Ciência Política, 43. Série Justiça Criminal e Segurança pública, Vol. 1). PIRES, Lenin; EILBAUM, Lucia (Org.). Políticas públicas de segurança e práticas policiais no Brasil (translation: Public Security Policies and Police Practices in Brazil). Niterói, RJ: EdUFF, p. 558 (Coleção Antropologia e Ciências Políticas, 45. Série Justiça Criminal e segurança pública, Vol. 2). MIRANDA, Ana Paula Mendes de; MOTA, Fabio Reis (Org.). Práticas punitivas, sistema prisional e justice (translation: Punitive Practices, the Prison System and Justice). Niterói, RJ: EdUFF, p. 547 (Coleção Antropologia e Ciência Política, 47. Série Justiça Criminal E Segurança Pública; Vol. 3). GUEDES, Simoni Lahud; SILVA, Edílson Márcio Almeida da. (Org.). Conflitos sociais no espaço urbano (translation: Social Conflicts in Urban Spaces). 17. In this sense, one of the articles of this collection reconsiders the perspective of a distinctive state action according to the population it targets by examining how the residential address, a right of each and every citizen, is the basis that motivates these institutions to coerce or create situations in which a person feels humiliated (p. 52). References Adorno, S. (1993). A criminalidade urbana violenta no Brasil: um recorte temático [The violent urban crime in Brazil: A thematic focus]. BIB: Boletim Bibliográfico e Informativo em Ciências Sociais, São Paulo, 35, Adorno, S. (1995). Discriminação racial e justiça criminal em São Paulo [Racial discrimination and criminal justice in São Paulo]. Novos Estudos, São Paulo, Cebrap, 43, Barreira, C., & Adorno, S. (2010). A violência na sociedade brasileira [The violence in Brazilian society]. In C. Martins & H. Martins (Eds.), Horizontes das Ciências Sociais no Brasil: Sociologia [The violence in Brazilian society] (pp ). São Paulo: ANPOCS. Batista, N. (2011), Sobre el filo de la navaja [On the razor s edge]. Revista EPOS, Rio de Janeiro RJ, 2, 1, janeiro-junho. Cano, I. (2008), Seis por meia dúzia? Um estudo exploratório do fenômeno das chamadas milícias no Rio de Janeiro in Segurança, tráfico e milícias no [Six half for a dozen? An exploratory study of the phenomenon called militias in Rio de Janeiro]. Rio de Janeiro, Justiça Global (org.), Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Heinrich Böll. Coelho, E. (1978). A ecologia do crime [The ecology of crime]. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Universitária Candido Mendes. Coelho, E. (1987). A oficina do diabo: crise e conflitos no sistema penitenciário do Rio de Janeiro [The devil s factory: Crisis and conflict in the penitentiary system in Rio de Janeiro]. Rio de Janeiro: Espaço e Tempo, IUPERJ. de Lima, R. S., & Ratton, J. L. (2011). As Ciências Sociais e os pioneiros no estudo do crime, da violência e dos direitos humanos no Brasil [The social sciences and the pioneers in the study of crime, violence and human rights in Brazil]. São Paulo: Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança/ANPOCS. Kant de Lima, R. (1995). A polícia da cidade do Rio de Janeiro: seus dilemas e paradoxos [The Rio de Janeiro policie: Dilemmas and paradoxes]. Rio de Janeiro: Forense. Kant de Lima, R., Misse, M., & Miranda, A. P. (2000). Violência, criminalidade, segurança pública e justiça criminal no Brasil: uma bibliografia [Violence, crime, public security and criminal justice in Brazil: A bibliography review]. BIB: Revista Brasileira de Informação Bibliográfica em Ciências Sociais, Rio de Janeiro, 50,

10 Police Practice and Research: An International Journal 9 Kant de Lima, R., Eilbaum, L., & Pires, L. (2010). Conflitos, direitos e moralidades em perspectiva comparada [Conflict, rights and moralities in a comparative perspective]. Volume II. Rio de Janeiro: Garamond. Leeds, E. (2011). Prefácio [Preface]. In R. Lima & J. Ratton (Eds.), As ciências sociais e os pioneiros nos estudos sobre crime, violência e direitos humanos no Brasil. São Paulo: ANPOCS. Lemgruber, J. (1993). Cemitérios dos vivos [The living cemetery]. Rio de Janeiro: Forense. Machado da Silva, L. A. (2008). Vida sob cerco: violência e rotinas nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro [Life under siege: Violence and routine activity in Rio de Janeiro slums]. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira. Misse, M. (2010). Crime, sujeito e sujeição criminal: notas para uma análise da categoria bandido [Crime, individual and criminal liability: Notes for an analysis of the bandit category]. In Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, São Paulo, 79, Paixão, A. (1982). A organização policial numa área metropolitana [The police organization in a metropolitan area]. Dados: Revista de Ciências Sociais. Rio de Janeiro, 25, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. (2011) global study on homicide: Trends, contexts, data. Vienna: UNODC. Velho, G. (2002). Becker, Goffman e a Antropologia No Brasil [Becker, Goffman and anthropology in Brazil]. Sociologia, Problemas e Práticas. 38, Zaluar, A. (1985). A máquina e a revolta [The machine and the insurgency]. São Paulo: Brasiliense. Zaluar, A. (1999). Violência e crime. In S. Miceli (Ed.), O que ler nas ciências sociais brasileiras (pp ). São Paulo: Sumaré, ANPOCS. Vol. 1. Ludmila Mendonça Lopes Ribeiro Center for Studies of Crime and Public Security (CRISP) Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais Belo Horizonte, Brazil ludmila.ribeiro@crisp.ufmg.br Roberta M. Correa Universidade Federal Fluminense Belo Horizonte, Brazil robertamcorrea@yahoo.com.br Ó 2013, Ludmila Mendonça Lopes Ribeiro and Roberta M. Correa