1 ON POINT Immigration Then and Now: Old Face, New Story
2 The mission of the National Institute for Urban School Improement is to partner with Regional Resource Centers to deelop powerful networks of urban local education agencies and schools that embrace and implement a d a t a - b a s e d, c o n t i n u o u s i m p r o e m e n t a p p r o a c h f o r i n c l u s i e p r a c t i c e s. Embedded within this approach is a commitment to eidence-based practice in early interention, uniersal design, literacy and positie behaior supports. The Office of Special Education Programs (OSEP), of the U.S. Department of Education, has funded NIUSI to facilitate the unification of current general and special education reform efforts as these are implemented in the nation s urban school districts. NIUSI s creation reflects OSEP s long-standing commitment to improing educational outcomes for all children, specifically those with disabilities, in communities challenged and enriched by the urban experience. Great Urban Schools: Learning Together Builds Strong Communities
3 1 ON POINT SERIES Immigration Then and Now: Old Face, New Story Rene Galindo, Uniersity of Colorado at Dener and Health Sciences Center Noember 2004
4 2 WHY DEVELOP A DEEPER UNDERSTANDING OF IMMIGRATION? Urban schools in the United States educate students who speak oer 300 different languages. Many of these students or their parents were born in other countries and immigrated to the United States. This phenomenon continues to grow. For instance, in the last decade the Latino immigrant population grew by at least 100% in 22 states. North Carolina is a particularly striking example. There, the Latino population grew by 394% from 77,000 to 377,000. Yet, as a nation, we understand ery little about how this influx of new cultures, languages, and backgrounds will impact our future together. One thing seems true. Immigrants bring cultural and intellectual histories that enrich classrooms and learning for all students, particularly in an increasingly global community. Yet, in many schools across the United States, the potential for cross-cultural understanding and enrichment is compromised by the challenges that monolingual teachers feel when preparing lessons and curricula for so many different needs. Engaging this challenge is critical if our nation s schools are to become truly inclusie. An important step in meeting the challenge is understanding the political and social consequences of failing to do so. This OnPoint is designed to deelop understanding about the contexts in which this country has iewed immigration and how these contexts constrain our responses to the new waes of immigration. We hope this OnPoint will enrich your understanding of the issues and challenge you to find new ways to meet the needs of your students. A NATION OF IMMIGRANTS Although the United States is considered to be a nation of immigrants, not all immigrants hae been warmly receied. The twentieth century was bookmarked by two waes of immigration that changed the face of the nation. Separated by at least seen decades, these two waes are linked by common, but mixed, attitudes towards immigrants. On the one hand, there is great pride in the history of European immigration to the United States symbolized by Ellis Island and the Statue of Liberty. On the other hand, there can be great anxiety and suspicion. The current wae of immigration, composed primarily of non-european immigrants of color, is changing the demographics of the nation. When demographics shift so significantly, it impacts who gets jobs and why. It impacts who has housing and what kind. It impacts access to and distribution of transportation, health serices, and education. In the face of these local and personal impacts, much greater public scrutiny is applied to how immigrants assimilate and demonstrate national loyalty. If immigrants fit in, then the way things are remains familiar, een if more serices and
5 3 supports are needed. If immigrants come in large enough groups, then their own perspecties and iewpoints may influence how goods and serices are deeloped and distributed. When this happens, the potential for social upheaal and unrest is far greater. The current wae of immigration is creating such an upheaal, and caught in this emotional jumble are first generation immigrant students. These students are being raised and educated in the United States and are deeloping understandings of their place within the nation and what it means to be an American. Some immigrant students who were brought across the border by their parent(s) without proper authorization face an especially difficult challenge. Although they lie and go to school in the United States, they are not legal residents. The consequences of this dilemma are illustrated in the story of a group of high school students from Phoenix, Arizona who became known as the Wilson Four. WHO WERE THE WILSON FOUR? In June 2002, four talented Phoenix high school students facing deportation to Mexico made national news headlines. The students from Wilson Charter High School, dubbed the Wilson Four by supporters, were on a school field trip to compete in an international solar-powered boat competition in upstate New York. They were detained by the United States Immigration and Naturalization Serice for questioning after attempting to cross the Canadian border while on a sightseeing excursion to Niagara Falls 1 One of those students, Yuliana Huichochea, faced deportation although she was four years old when her parents brought her to the United States. She considered herself an American and said, Deep down, I know where my roots are, but this is my country. This is where I went to school. I don t see me liing anywhere else. 2 All four students hae since graduated from Wilson Charter High School. Huicochea and two of the other four students, Oscar Corona, 18, and Jaime Damian, 18, are successful students at Phoenix College in Arizona. The fourth student, Luis Naa, 19, is a sophomore at Arizona State Uniersity where he holds a 3.42 grade-point aerage. Meanwhile, their immigration hearing hangs oer their heads. The four students continue to fear deportation despite the fact that all of them hae resided in the United States since they were small children. In September 2003, a United States immigration judge in Phoenix granted the four students until Noember 28, 2003 to prepare their case, essentially giing them a shot at gaining lawful residency through the pending DREAM (Deelopment, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors) Act legislation in Congress. 3 Their struggle to remain in Phoenix, Arizona highlights the dilemma of deportation that many innocent and successful Latino students face. 1 González, González, Gonzáles, Carroll, & Bustos, 2003.
6 4 HOW IS IMMIGRATION PORTRAYED IN THE MEDIA? In addition to the challenges immigrants face in their own lies, immigration is also discussed in the media, and not always faorably. The media treatment of immigration is often created in response to pending legislation or as the result of some controersy that reeals underlying attitudes towards immigrants. Comments made by a goernor on a radio talk show illustrated how attitudes that deeloped at the turn of the 20th century continue to influence and guide popular perceptions of immigration. The goernor was quoted as stating that he rejected the idea of multiculturalism and that young immigrants should learn English and assimilate into American culture. 4 His remarks came after another state official had complained about the trouble he had understanding a restaurant worker who spoke poor English. A county council within the state adopted a resolution asking the goernor to apologize, saying that his comments could contribute to a climate of intolerance. The goernor later clarified his position and said that ethnicities were alued but that Americans shared a singular culture. He further stated that people should not separate themseles into different cultures and this country was a melting pot. Immigrant adocates challenged the goernor to back up his comments by funding adult English as a second language classes for immigrants at a greater rate. 5 The goernor s critique of multiculturalism was grounded in the popular image of the melting pot. The melting pot image, first used in the early 20th century, is linked to strong anti-immigrant sentiment that emerged during the social moement known as Americanization in the s. In contrast to melting pot imagery, multiculturalism sprang from the ciil rights moement of the 1960s. Multiculturalism was a challenge to racism and was designed to promote cultural pluralism as a social alue. When the goernor refuted multiculturalism, he did so by using assimilationist imagery from the turn of the 20th century. This incident is illustratie of much of the public discourse around immigration. The public, the media, and politicians use rhetoric that has emotional resonance, but listeners may not be aware of the historical legacies that are being resurrected and the potential harm that can create. For example, enough memories of the ciil rights fight against racism remain in people s consciousness that political rhetoric can eoke feelings that still resonate popularly without making explicit links to specific political or social agendas. Thus, multiculturalism can be dismissed because of its links to the ciil rights agenda. Howeer, the tensions between assimilation and multiculturalism are not the only legacies of the 20th century. Another type of prejudice against immigrants called natiism is not as well known nor understood yet still emerges in political rhetoric. 4 USA Today, USA Today,
7 5 UNCOVERING THE LEGACIES OF AMERICANIZATION AND MULTICULTURALISM Reactions against immigration that criticize multiculturalism combine two discussions one from the period of Americanization at the turn of the 20th century and the other from the ciil rights era. Mixing the two discussions reflects the complexities around the current wae of immigration. Since most immigrants in the current wae of immigration are also people of color, dramatic growth in immigration raises questions of national identity and who counts as an American. Important similarities and differences exist in discussions oer multiculturalism, racism, minority groups, natiism, and immigrants. While each discussion is concerned with how a nation responds to cultural/ethnic diersity, they differ because not all minority groups are immigrants. Remember that some national minority groups, such as African-Americans, Natie Americans, and some Mexican-origin people are not immigrants and hae a long history in the United States. Anxieties oer the growth in the immigrant population call for a fresh examination of natiism and the lingering influence of Americanization. WHAT IS NATIVISM? Natiism is defined as intense opposition to an internal minority on the grounds of its foreign connections, 6 with modern nationalism sering as the energizing force of the intense opposition. Natiism often manifests itself during times of national stress, as in times of war, economic recession, demographic shifts, or unwanted immigration. It stems from fear and triggers restrictie laws aimed at persons whose ethnicity differs from that of the core culture. 7 The term natiism is often associated with the antiimmigrant sentiment that occurred at the turn of the nineteenth century, when there was mass immigration from Europe. Examples of natiism from America s past include anti- Irish and anti-german campaigns. Although based on fear, much like racism, natiism touts assimilation through the elimination of undesirable cultural, linguistic, religious, or political traits. A perceied failure to assimilate, such as continuing to speak a non- English language, is considered un-american and as eidence of disloyalty to the nation. HOW DID NATIVISM INFLUENCE PUBLIC POLICY? Natiist moements try to reinforce their narrow iew of a national culture and purport to protect national unity or security against perceied threats from immigrants. With natiism in the United States, different traits or actiities of immigrants were considered foreign, or un-american, and a threat to the nation. These threats were easily identifiable traits such as language, 6 Higham, 1955, p Perea, 1992 p. 10.
8 6 membership in a religious denomination, racial/ethnic background, or political actiity as in the case of refugee radicals who were thought to be agents of class warfare. Unfaorable reactions to personal and cultural traits are not necessarily natiist, but perhaps are still racist. Only when integrated with hostile and fearful nationalism do these reactions take a natiist tone. John Higham obsered, While drawing on much broader cultural antipathies and ethnocentric judgments, natiism translates them into zeal to destroy the enemies of a distinctiely American way of life. 8 Natiism demands conformity, uniformity, and assimilation and fiercely opposes all who resist. In contrast to the concept of racism, natiism diides insiders, who belong to the nation, from outsiders, who are in it but not of it. 9 Racism is more concerned with distinctions between the ciilized and barbarian than with boundaries between nation-states. 10 Racism helps to maintain a lower societal status for a group considered to be inferior. Although natiism is often racialized, and thus racist, natiism espouses assimilation into the dominant culture, whereas racism entails exclusion from the dominant culture. Natiism continues to influence American society, as illustrated by the successful passage of anti-bilingual education initiaties and California s anti-immigrant Proposition 187, which attempted to deny social serices, health care, and education to undocumented immigrants. The natiism that immigrants and linguistic minorities face today includes a racial dimension that was not as pronounced before. Increasingly, immigrants today are from Latin America, Asia, and Africa. While the natiism experienced by these recent immigrants is ery similar to the natiism of the nineteenth century, the non-european background of the former adds a new racial dimension. At the turn of the 20th century, natiism influenced and eentually became the driing force behind the Americanization efforts to make Americans out of immigrants. WHAT IS AMERICANIZATION? The general meaning of the term Americanization is assimilation. But in its specific sense, it refers to a social moement during the first two decades of the 20th century that deeloped in response to the large wae of European immigration at the turn of the century. Between 1880 and 1924, twenty-fie million immigrants arried in the United States. Americanization was an organized attempt to assimilate this large wae of immigrants. Initially there were two main orientations towards Americanization. One orientation was held by the humanistic Americanizers who alued the immigrants contribution to the nation and adocated for their well-being. Among these was Jane Adams of Hull House in Chicago, which proided a wide range of serices and 8 Higham, 1955, p Higham, 1999, p Higham, 1999, p. 384.
9 7 actiities for immigrants including educational, health, cultural, and recreational. The other was a nationalist orientation that was influenced by natiism. Americanization reached its peak and became a crusade during and after World War I as factories, nationalists groups, ciic organizations, and state and federal goernmental departments sought to shape the alues and behaior of immigrants. Americanization actiities included classes in English, hygiene, and ciics and were coupled with patriotic actiities. Immigrants were the primary target of Americanization efforts. The image and metaphor of the melting pot that dominated popular attitudes towards cultural diersity from the early decades of the 1900s until the 1960s deeloped during the Americanization period. Israel Zwagwill, who was a Jewish immigrant from England, wrote a play called The Melting Pot, which had a long run in New York in The play tells of an idealistic young Jewish immigrant who beliees that old-world nationalities should be forgotten in the United States and that all ethnicities should fuse together in a new and superior American nationality. The melting pot expression was not common usage in the United States prior to Zwagwill s play. Zwagwill s melting pot became a new symbol for a set of ideas regarding the assimilation of immigrants that had been deeloping since the late 1880s. According to Gleason, during World War I, the melting pot became associated with a repugnant, forced-assimilation approach. 11 Although the aim of the Americanization moement was to assimilate immigrants, more deeply the moement was concerned with fixing the public meaning of American national identity. It was concerned with constructing and coneying a unified notion of what it meant to be an American. Under the influence of natiism that was fueled by World War I, Americanization eentually became a coercie process by which elites pressed WASP alues on immigrant workers. 12 The war contributed to the perception that ethnic ties portrayed a disloyalty to a country at war. Intolerance deeloped during this time as immigrants were not only expected to learn English but also to abandon all other ethnic and national allegiances. After World War I, natiist sentiment preailed as the country enacted immigration restrictions for the first time in its history. The large wae of immigration ended in 1924 as a result of the National Origins Act, which was intended to presere the ethnic makeup of the country by placing restrictions on immigration from southern and eastern Europe. The influence of Americanization on attitudes towards immigrants and national identity remains present today in seeral ways. First, the moement imposed a narrow monolithic definition of national identity that ignored the multi-ethnic and multi-lingual history of the country up to that time. The consequence was 11 Gleason, 1980, p Barrett, 1992, p. 996.
10 8 that the English language became the symbol of national identity and that cultural and linguistic uniformity was iewed to be the equialent of national unity. Being an American was defined, at least implicitly, as the opposite of loyalties to ethnic groups. This sentiment was communicated in 1921 by Herman Collins, director of publicity and education in Pennsylania s Americanization program, there is a new crusade to sae in this State One language and one country the English language and the American flag for all natie-born or foreign-born who dwell within our borders! 13 The anti-bilingual education and Official English initiaties illustrate the lingering influence of this aspect of the Americanization moement. Second, Americanization reinforced the idea that the American public school system was the key ehicle for the assimilation of immigrant children. Cultural and linguistic assimilation for immigrants children oershadowed learning in general. Public school curricula were designed as much to assimilate immigrants to the common alues and demands of American society as they were to impart traditional learning. Schools were not concerned with using the immigrant students language and culture to build new learning. As in the case of Natie Americans, immigrant children were prohibited from speaking their natie language at school. Contrary to popular perception, not all immigrant groups were ready to dealue their language and culture. As Hochschild notes, Many recognized that public schools often sought to beat foreigners children into Protestant docility rather than to liberate their imagination through education. And they resisted, demanding schools in their own languages that would teach their own religions and alues. 14 HOW DID AMERICANIZATION INFLUENCE PUBLIC POLICY? The influence of Americanization also encouraged the idea that cultural and linguistic uniformity needed to be enforced through legislation. This point is illustrated by an historical examination that reeals the cyclical nature of attacks against bilingual education. From 1789 to 1880, prior to the large wae of immigration from Western Europe, there was no explicit designation of English as the official language for state goernment or education. There also existed greater tolerance for the use of non-english school texts and languages other than English for instruction in bilingual schools. For example, Pennsylania passed a law in 1837 permitting German schools to be funded on an equal basis with English schools, and Midwestern states were willing to subsidize German instruction in public schools. After the Ciil War, natiism ended the era of tolerance toward instruction in languages other than English. This reaction was not 13 King, 2002, p Hochschild, 1995, p. 233.
11 9 based on educational need, but rather on the political, religious, and economic threat perceied by natiists stemming from the large wae of immigration that occurred during the 1880s. As teaching languages other than English came under seere attack by natiists, immigrant communities shifted from public to parochial schools in order to maintain mother-tongue education. In response, language legislation was written to restrict instruction in foreign languages in parochial, priate, and public schools. New state constitutions containing prohibitions against sectarian education were deeloped in Nebraska in 1875; in Colorado in 1876; and in Idaho, Washington, and Wyoming in The Illinois and Wisconsin laws were repealed in 1893 in response to organized resistance by German Lutherans, Polish and German Catholics, and Scandinaian Lutherans. Language restrictie actions continued through and after World War I. From 1913 to 1923, many states passed statutes requiring English to be the language of instruction in both public and priate schools. By 1923, thirty-four states had passed language laws requiring English-only instruction in the schools. For example, the Siman Act of 1919 enacted in Nebraska required all subjects taught in public, priate, and parochial schools, except other languages, to be in English. Non-English languages could only be taught as foreign languages after the eighth grade. A coalition of German, Polish, Bohemian, and Danish communities challenged the Siman Act in court, but the Nebraska Supreme Court affirmed the lower court s denial of an injunction in December In a related Nebraska case, Robert Meyer was arrested and fined in 1920 for offering German instruction during recess. He argued that he did not iolate the Siman Act because he did not offer German instruction during class. The defendant also alleged that the Siman Act was unconstitutional under the Fourteenth Amendment since it restricted his ocation as a foreign language teacher and constituted an inasion of personal liberty. The teacher further asserted that the law iolated Nebraska s constitutional guarantee of religious liberty. The federal Supreme Court decision in 1923 in Meyer. Nebraska oerturned the state supreme court s decision, reasoning that during peacetime no threat to national security could justify restricting the teaching of languages in this manner. Despite the ruling against language restrictionist legislation in Meyer. Nebraska, anti-german sentiment lingered. WHAT IS HAPPENING AS A RESULT OF THE CURRENT IMMIGRATION WAVE? Unlike the early wae of immigration at the beginning of the twentieth century, the current wae of immigration consists mostly of non-european immigrants, the majority from Latin America and Asia. This last wae of immigration changed the face of the nation during the 1980s and 90s with Latinos
12 10 becoming the country s largest minority group. 15 This demographic shift impacted education because Latinos are a young population with 34% under the age of 18, compared with 25% for non-latinos. 16 The growth of the Latino population was seen in school enrollments where the percentage of school-age Latinos grew by 61% from 1990 to Approximately 49% of the country s school-age Latino students were immigrants. 17 As occurred during the Americanization period, social moements influenced by natiism during the current wae successfully passed ballot initiaties against immigrants, such as Proposition 187 in California (which was later ruled unconstitutional by the courts) and the anti-bilingual education initiaties in California, Arizona, and Massachusetts. 18 WHAT IS UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRATION? A feature of the current wae of immigration is undocumented immigration. Currently, in the United States there is an estimated undocumented population of 9.3 million, which represents 26% of the foreign-born population. 19 Eighty percent of undocumented immigrants come from Latin American countries, 10% from Asia, and 5% from Europe. While Latinos comprise the majority of undocumented immigrants, 60% of Latinos in the United States are citizens or legal residents. Approximately 1.6 million children under the age of 18 are undocumented and another 3 million children with undocumented parents are citizens because they were born in the United States. 20 Children and adolescents who hae been brought into the country by their parents without proper authorization find themseles in a difficult situation since they face the consequences of their parents actions, such as deportation as in the case of the Wilson Four. Often immigrant families are composed of both documented and undocumented members and constantly face the possibility of being split-up. HOW ARE SCHOOLS AFFECTED BY IMMIGRANT RAIDS? Panic and fear are created in Latino communities by immigration raids as illustrated by raids in seeral southern California cities. One hundred fifty-four Latinos were arrested and deported as a result of these raids, with men leaing behind their wies and families. 21 One person who was arrested in Ontario, California and later released to family members was nineteen years old and deaf-mute. The raids brought charges by community actiists of racial profiling and selectie enforcement of the law since only Latino neighborhoods were raided. 22 The raids produced an incredible fear that resulted in 15 U.S. Census, Chapa & de la Rosa, Keeping the Promise, Schmidt, Urban Institute, Urban Institute, Los Angeles Times, June 6, Wilson & Murillo, 2004.
13 11 an absence of people at work sites, stores, and restaurants as families stayed home. Parents did not take their children to school or to medical appointments. Principal Sandra Macis from Ontario stated that she had neer seen anything like the double than normal absences that resulted from the fear. She stated, Parents need to hae information and not be scared. They can come to the school. We re here to gie their children an education. It s not my job to pick them up or to report them. 23 High leels of absenteeism also occurred in a Houston school. Lilliana Araujo, who had lied in Houston for fie years, fled her apartment complex when rumor spread of impending immigration raids. The neighborhood school next to her apartment reported that 178 students, 20% of the student body, did not attend school the following day. Parents were afraid that they would be picked up coming or going from school and kept their children out of school rather than risk deportation. Maria Crespo, the principal, stated that they had neer had so many students absent. She planned to mail a letter to parents explaining to them that students were safe at school. 24 Their safety is due to the Supreme Court ruling in Plyler. Doe. WHAT IS PLYLER V. DOE? In 1975, the Texas legislature passed a law prohibiting the use of state funds for the education of undocumented students. School districts could charge undocumented students tuition and could deny them schooling if they were unable to pay. Parents from the Tyler School District went to court to challenge the law. 25 The United States Supreme Court ruled in 1982, in a 5 to 4 split decision, that the Texas law iolated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. It was the first time that the Supreme Court had extended the protections of the equal protection clause to eeryone regardless of immigration status. 26 The court ruled that schools cannot inquire about students immigration status and that they cannot deny access to K-12 education based on immigration status. The Court s opinion stated that undocumented students should not be punished for their parents actions. Denying undocumented students an education would impose a lifetime hardship, and the stigma of illiteracy would mark them for life. These students would be denied the ability to lie within the structure of the ciic institutions and their contribution to the progress of the nation would be minimized. Efforts hae been made to get around the Supreme Court ruling by passing federal legislation that would explicitly grant states the power to bar undocumented students from school. These were included in the House ersion of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Indiidual Responsibility Act of 1996 legislation but not in the final legislation. 23 Maddaus & Allen, Hegstrom & Nissimo, Stewart, Hull, Parents were afraid that they would be picked up coming or going from school and kept their children out of school rather than risk deportation.
14 12 Despite the Plyler. Doe ruling, undocumented students continue to face obstacles to their schooling. For example, a school district in Tempe, Arizona required parents to proide information on the citizenship status of their children during registration and required foreign-born students to obtain student isas before enrolling in school. The district stopped this practice in 1995 when immigration rights adocates brought it to the attention of the district administration. 27 This practice had been in place for a minimum of four years since the current district superintendent indicated that the practice was already in place in 1991 when he assumed his position. WHAT IS THE DREAM ACT? Plyler. Doe remoed one barrier to undocumented students and assured them a K-12 education. Howeer, undocumented students face another barrier when they finish high school because they are charged out-ofstate college tuition in their home states. Proposed federal DREAM Act legislation would remoe this barrier. The DREAM Act would make undocumented students eligible for in-state tuition and legal temporary residency proided that they entered the United States before the age of 16, lied in the country for at least fie years, maintained good moral character (meaning no conictions for specific crimes), and graduated from a United States high school or enrolled at a college. After six years, they would be eligible to become permanent legal residents if they had completed at least two years of a bachelor s degree program or sered for at least two years in the United States military (Hooer, 2004). Currently, there are eight states that allow qualifying undocumented students to attend college with in-state tuition. Proponents of current efforts to remoe barriers to higher education for undocumented students through the DREAM Act argue that the same rationale applied by the Supreme Court for K-12 education in Plyler. Doe should be extended to higher education. SOME IDEAS TO CONSIDER The current wae of immigration, like the Americanization period, has raised questions about national identity resulting from the demographic shifts. Latin American and Asian immigration has changed the face of the nation, and Latinos hae become the nation s largest minority group. As this demographic shift is made, it is not yet clear whether popular understandings of national identity will expand to embrace the cultural and linguistic diersity represented by the new immigrants or whether those traits will continue to be considered foreign to the nation. Will conceptions of national unity continue to be understood as needing to be based on cultural and linguistic uniformity? Answers will begin to emerge as the public, the 27 Education Week, 1995.
15 13 media, and politicians are able to understand and respond to the legacy of natiism as they understand the legacy of racism. Unlike the early 20th century Americanization period, the current immigration era was preceded by a rieting period of national turmoil oer ciil rights for people of color. The ciil rights era taught the nation that ongoing public discussion must continue to identify and understand forms of racism as they emerge in practice and policy. Howeer, the immigration era that followed has not benefited as much as might be expected from this legacy. In part, this is because clear links hae not been made between natiism and local, state, and national anti-immigration practices and policies. While the melting pot image is a well-known and commonly used phrase, its links to the strong anti-immigrant actions of the Americanization period remain unknown to the majority of the public. In contrast to the melting pot image, the term natiism is not commonly heard. natiism is often more difficult to recognize than discrimination based on racism. In light of new understandings about natiism, school staff may decide to examine their own practices towards students who are immigrants. What are features of your own policies and practices? What kinds of outcomes are you trying to achiee, specifically for your students who hae immigrated? Who benefits from the policies and practices that you hae established? How hae you inoled your student body in these discussions? These questions may be able to help you engage yourseles and the whole school community in an examination of how inclusie your school community is. While society frowns on discrimination based on race, discrimination based on nationality and fueled by natiism is not always recognized as discrimination. Attitudes towards immigrants and linkages that were established during the Americanization period, such as the English language as the key symbol of national identity, appear today as haing always existed and as self-eident and not as historically-based social constructions. The result is that discrimination based on
16 14 References Barrett, J. (1992). Americanization from the bottom up: Immigration and the remaking of the working class in the United States, Journal of American History, 79, Chapa, J., & de la Rosa, B. (2004). Latino population growth, socioeconomics, and demographic characteristics, and implications for educational attainment. Education and Urban Society, 36, Gleason, P. (1980). American identity and Americanization. In S. Thernstrom, A. Orlo, & O. Handlin (Eds.), Harard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (pp ). Cambridge, MA: Harard Uniersity Press. Gonzáles, D., Carroll, S., & Bustos, (2003, August 14,). DREAM Act could legalize migrants: The House has a similar bill called The Student Adjustment Act, Tucson Citizen [Electronic Version], Retrieed May 19, 2004, from tucsoncitizen.com/indexphp?page=local& story_id=081403a1_immigrant14 González, D. (2003, Noember 28). Deportation decision nears: Immigration judge holds fates of 4 United States-raised residents in hands. The Arizona Republic. [Electronic Version] Retrieed May 19, 2004, from com/arizonarepublic/local/articles/ 1128deport28.html Hegstrom, E. & Nissimo, R. (2004, April 22). Immigrants flee complex as rumors of raids persist. Houston Chronicle, A-9. Higham, J. (1955). Strangers in the land: Patterns of American natiism, Higham, J. (1999). Instead of a sequel, or how I lost my subject. In C. Hirschman, P. Kasinitz, & J. DeWind (Eds.). The handbook of international migration (pp ). Hochschild, J. (1995). Facing up to the American dream. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Uniersity Press. Hooer, E. (2004, April 30). Immigrant students ask for a chance at college: The DREAM Act would let them pay in-state tuition. Chronicle of Higher Education, 50 (34), A1. [Electronic Version] Retrieed Apr. 30, 2004, from Keeping the promise: Hispanic education and America s future (2002). Report prepared by the U.S. Senate Education Committee, Congressional Hispanic Caucus, and U.S. Senate Democratic Hispanic Task Force. King, D. (2002). Making Americans: Immigration, race, and the origins of the dierse democracy. Cambridge, MA: Harard Uniersity Press. Maddaus, G., & Allen, M. (2004, June 11). Sweep rumors hae big impact on community. Pasadena Star News. Retrieed August 29, 2004, from Perea, J. (1992). Demography and distrust: An essay on American languages, cultural pluralism, and official English. Minnesota Law Reiew, 77, 269. Schmidt, C. (2001). The politics of language: Conflict, identity and cultural pluralism in
17 comparatie perspectie. New York, NY: Oxford Uniersity Press, Torre-Jimenez, L. (2004, June 11). Denuncian perfil racial en las redada. La Opinion. Retrieed August 28, 2004, from United States Census, Hispanic population reaches all-time high of 38.8 million (2003, June 18). Retrieed from www/2003/cb html Wilson, J., & Murillo, S. (2004, June 10). Inland Latinos alarmed by new border patrol sweeps. Los Angeles Times, A-1. 15
18 16 Student Art
19 great URBAN SCHOOLS: Produce high achieing students. Construct education for social justice, access and equity. Expand students life opportunities, aailable choices and community contributions. Build on the extraordinary resources that urban communities proide for life-long learning. Use the aluable knowledge and experience that children and their families bring to school learning. Need indiiduals, family organizations and communities to work together to create future generations of possibility. Practice scholarship by creating partnerships for action-based research and inquiry. Shape their practice based on eidence of what results in successful learning of each student. Foster relationships based on care, respect and responsibility. Understand that people learn in different ways throughout their lies. Respond with learning opportunities that work. Great Urban Schools: Learning Together Builds Strong Communities
20 ON POINT National Institute for Urban School Improement arizona state uniersity po box tempe, arizona Phone : Fa X: w w w.niusileadscape.org Funded by the U. S. Department of Education Office of Special Education Programs Award No. H326B Project Officer: Anne Smith Great Urban Schools: Learning Together Builds Strong Communities
ON POINT The School Improement Process The mission of the National Institute for Urban School Improement is to partner with Regional Resource Centers to deelop powerful networks of urban local education
ON POINT Conducting Focus Groups to Deelop a Comprehensie School Portrait The mission of the National Institute for Urban School Improement is to partner with Regional Resource Centers to deelop powerful
Reflections on Educating Latino and Latina Undocumented Children: Beyond Plyler v. Doe María Pabón López INTRODUCTION The struggle for educational fairness and opportunity for Latino and Latina children
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