Family murder in South Africa: exploratory notes

Transcription

1 Family murder in South Africa: exploratory notes R R Graser DPhil(Durban-Westville) Head: Department of Criminology University of Durban-Westville Ops()mming,. ' Gesinsmoord hat oor die afgeiope paar jaar toenemend aaridag genil~t in die media. Uit.' koerantberigte blyk dit dat gesinsmoorde erristige afmetihgs aangeneem,het in Suid Afrika. S6ernstig dat die regering navorsing oor ~ie. probl~em aangevra het. Uit die uiteenlopende beriggewing in koerantberigte, hetdit egter duidelik geword dat daar heelwat wanbegrippe en misverstande bestaan ten opsigte van die verskynsel. Alhoewel verskeie koerantberigte verwys het na na,(orsing wat deur 'deskundiges' gedoen is ten opsigte van groot getalle gesinsmoorde, kon hierdie skrywer geen gepubliseerde omvattende navorsing oor gesinsmoord vind nie. Navraag oor sulke navorsing wat binnekort sou gepubliseer word het ook niks opgelewer nie. In sy poging om die verskynsel van gesinsmoord te ondersoek, het die skrywer voor 'talle struikelblokke te staan gekom. Daar was, onder andere, geen duidejike en algemeen aanvaarde definisie van gesinsmoord nie. Verder het daar geen statistiek of ander 'amptelike bronne van inligting oor die onderwerp bestaan nie. Ook het dit geblyk dat potensiele respondente nie bereid is om na yore te kom en by die navorsing betrokke te raak nie. "n Spreekwoordelike 'pad' moes gekap word deur die 'ruigtes' van verwarring, weerstand, wanbegrip en onkunde. wat bestaan,ten opsigte van die verskynsel van gesinsmoord. Background to the study I n recent years there has been considerable media publicity on family murders. Unfortunately such 50 cases are often presented in a sensational form, and there still is a dearth of objective information on the nature and extent of family murder in this country. Much has been written - mainly in newspapers - but most of it is based on views and conjecture, rather than on solid research findings. Newspaper reports, usually quoting various 'experts', advance a variety of reasons for the high incidence of family murder in South Africa. Thus one reads, 'Apartheid "major factor" in regard to family murders' (The Star, 19/8/87); 'Sexual problems trigger family murders." (The Sunday Star, 17/1/88); 'Family killings "acts of mercy", (Weekend Post, 9/1/88); 'Epidemic of family killings due to Afrikaner character trait' (Sunday Tribune, 12/5/85); 'Father power gets blame for [family] murders' (Weekend Argus, 17/9/88); 'Vaders moor gesinne uit wanhoop' (Beeld, 20/11/84); 'Men who pump bullets into their children have mercy in their hearts - expert' (The Sunday Star, 27/9/87); and 'At least 55 South Africans have been slaughtered by members of their families in little more than a year, for motives ranging from jealousy to summer heat' (Weekend Argus, 10/11/84). One newspaper report even mentions rabies as a possible cause for a family murder (Die Burger, 13/3/84). The most sensible heading probably was: 'Gesinsmoorde bly onverklaarbaar' (Family murders remain inexplicable) (Beeld, ), as, at that stage - and even nine years later - no comprehensive and systematic research had been done on family murder in this country. In fact, although some newspaper articles mention research on a large number of cases of family murder, the author could not find any such research. The Cape Times of 21/9/87, for instance, quotes someone'... who has studied 218 cases in this country since 1983'. This researcher's efforts to find any such published research was, however, in vain. This,

2 then, motivated the author to embark on a research project on family murder. Aims of the study 1 To determine the extent and nature of family murder in South Africa. (This involves establishing the incidence of as well as patterns in respect of family murder.) To study the characteristics and attributes of known family murderers and of persons at risk of committing family murder (i e persons who have attempted or threatened to commit family murder). To determine factors that tend to precipitate family murder (i e aetiological factors). Methodology Research design As has already been pointed out, no systematic and comprehensive research on family murder in South Africa has been published, a proverbial path had to be cut through the 'jungle' of misconceptions, confusion and ignorance that exists in regard to that phenomenon. Therefore, the study had to be mainly an exploratory and descriptive one, in that it intended to explore and describe the phenomenon of family murder. Yet, the study also ventured into the field of the explanatory, in that it sought to discover possible causes of family murder and to explain the phenomenon as a syndrome in its own right. The study is mainly a socio-historical one, as it involves a search of cases in newspapers for a ten-year period, as well as eliciting information from welfare organisations and from the general public on past cases of family murder. Correspondence was' also entered into, and interviews were conducted in respect of cases obtained from the latter sources. The research contains both, quantitative and qualitative elements. On the one hand specific variables, such as biographical details of the offender, his personality attributes, and family problems, are enumerated. On the other hand respondents were asked to express their views regarding the circumstances surrounding the family murder, causes of the tragedy, etc. Preliminary study A limited preliminary study of newspaper reports for the period , was conducted. This provided certain indicators as to what to look for in a more comprehensive project. What emerged from this was, inter alia, that the perpetrator of family murder was mainly white, male, Afrikaans-speaking, and between 30 and 39 years 01d. 2 Search for data on family murder Having conducted a preliminary study - of newspaper reports - on family murders for the period , the researcher was aware that the media, particularly newspapers, were a major source of information on family murder. By its very nature, family murder is a shocking and sensational phenomenon. Therefore few family murders would elude the press. However, it was felt that the research would have a greater degree of validity if official sources of information could be found. As family murder is a crime, the most obvious place to look for information on that phenomenon was the SA Police. A telephone call to the Head Office of the SA Police revealed that the police does not keep statistics on family murder per se. - only on murders generally; and then, only limited information, e.g. weapon used, etc. Furthermore, files are destroyed after five years. As there are several thousand murders each year, it would have been an impracticable task to sift out the dozen or so cases of family murder for each year. The police suggested the Register of Births and Death, but that source also proved to be unfruitful, as only the name of the deceased and the cause of death, e.g. 'gunshot', are recorded. An approach to the Chief State Pathologists' Office in Durban also bore no fruit in terms of keeping records on family murder. The same was true to the State Mortuary. Next the Inquest Clerk at the Durban Magistrate's Court was approached. (In cases where the perpetrator of a family murder commits suicide, an inquest is held.) The inquest clerk was very helpful, but again, it became clear that the search had to be continued elsewhere. As with the police, The Inquest Court does not record information under the category of 'family murder'. In addition, inquest files are not kept at a central place, but at all the magistrates' court across the country where inquests are held. It would be so time-consuming and expensive to travel to numerous magistrates' courts across the country, that such a project would not have been feasible. Furthermore, it would not be possible to get a comprehensive picture of family murder from the records of the inquest court, as in cases where the perpetrator did not commit suicide, or survived an attempt, the case would be heard in the criminal court, and not the inquest court. The efforts at finding sources of information on family murder also included telephoning the State Pathologist in Pretoria, the Chief Director of Welfare Services at the Department of Health and Population Development, as well as the Chief Director of Laboratory Services, and the Acting Deputy Director General (Psychiatry), at the same department. In addition the Attorney General of the Orange Free State was contacted. The latter informed the researcher that no information on the matter of family murder is kept by the office of the AG. 'In cases where the perpetrator 51

3 ACTA CRIMINOlOGICA Vol 4 No survives, there is no inquest - only a criminal prosecution, when the matter is dealt with as an 'ordinary' murder. From the above, and various other efforts, it became clear that there are no comprehensive official or unofficial sources of information on family murder. The main reason being that the concept of 'family murder' is not officially recognised as a syndrome in its own right. It was therefore decided to abandon the search for an official primary source of information. An alternative possibility was to embark on a comprehensive newspaper search, in order to determine the extent and, as far as possible, the nature of family murder. In addition, an attempt was made to trace survivors and relatives in cases of family murder, by approaching family welfare organisations, and by placing a letter in all daily and weekly newspapers, and popular magazines in the country. Newspaper search An initial inquiry revealed that there were three possible sources of information on family murder. The researcher had been informed that the Institute for Contemporary History (INCH), at the University of the Orange Free State had captured all the newspaper reports on family murder on micro-fiche. Having printed and read all these newspaper reports, it became evident that INCH had only captured limited information on family murder. That is, mainly statements regarding family murder made by politicians and academics, and other so-called 'experts'. Hardly any cases of family murder had been recorded. The second possible source of information was newspaper libraries, who keep files of clippings on various topics, including family murder. When going through these files of two daily newspapers in Durban, it emerged, however, that they were not at all complete. The librarians had only started collfcting clippings of family murders specifically a few years ago, when the concept came into more common use. Prior to that, cases of family murder were kept with cases of 'ordinary' murder or suicide. It became clear that one could not rely on these files 'for research purposes. Finally, after also having found a newspaper clipping service to be of little value in providing information on all cases of family murder over a ten-yearperiod, it was decided to conduct a comprehensive search of five daily and two Sunday newspapers at the main centres of the country. By selecting both Afrikaans and English newspapers, and newspapers in different areas, it was hoped to capture virtually all the cases of family murder that occurred during the tenyear period It was realised however, that, from enumerating these cases, one could not claim to have definitely studied every single case of family murder that had occurred in the country during those 52 ten years. The researcher was convinced however, that, considering the lack of official sources of reliable statistics the total number of cases extracted from newspapers would represent a fair picture of the incidence of family murder in South Africa. Search for survivors and relatives in cases of family murder In this regard a two-pronged approach was adopted, The first entailed placing a letter in all popular magazines and newspapers across the country - even local and weekly papers. This involved 75 newspapers and magazines (even the Farmer's Weekly!) The letter requested survivors, relatives and other relevant persons (e g neighbours and close friends) who were involved in or had information on cases of family murder, to contact the researcher. A questionnaire designed to obtain information on the perpetrator, the family, the circumstances of the tragedy, and possible causes, etc. was drawn up and sent to respondents. The response to this letter was most disappointing. During the first few weeks only four relevant replies were received! In addition, a number of letters from 'cranks', 'prophets', 'seers', 'philosophers', and from persons who had all the answers to the problem of family murder, were received. While these letters made for interesting reading, they were of little value to the research. What they did indicate, was that there are all kinds of very strange people in our society - some obviously mentally ill, others just 'odd balls'. 3 That was the bad news, but there was also some good news. What is exciting about exploratory research, and what makes up for all the disappointments and frustration is that, occassionally, an unforseen element emerges, which adds a new and interesting dimension to the study. In response to this letter, the researcher received a number of replies from persons who were contemplating or had contemplated family murder. In some cases the 'red light' was clearly flashing, and the researcher immediately telephoned the writer and counselled him of her, usually referring the person to appropriate resources in the community. Occassionally the risk was so serious that the nearest family welfare organisation was contacted and requested to deal with the respondent as a matter of urgency. It was obvious that some of the respondents were in great distress and were at risk of actually reverting to such an extreme solution as family murder. The distressing effects of sectarianism in the South African welfare field became evident in one case. This concerned a respondent who had written to the researcher and who was clearly at risk of committing family murder. When the researcher telephoned a welfare organisation in the city concerned, the social worker at that agency stated that she did not know

4 whether her agency could deal with the case, as the potential family murderer may not have been a member of the religious denomination which the agency served. As some of these letters contained valuable information in providing insight into the state of mind of the potential family murderer, and into factors that may precipitate family murder, it was decided to expand the study to include cases of attempted and threatened family murder. Consequently the questionnaire was amended to make provision for these cases. It emerged, therefore, that in a new and generally unresearched area, it is important to be flexible and to be sensitive to possible additional issues that emerge as the research progresses. The second attempt in searching for survivors and relevant others entailed writing to the head offices of various family welfare organisations, and requesting that social workers who had dealt with cases of family murder were to contact the researcher. The response was varied. While some organisations responded immediately, and were very helpful, a few did not respond for some time, thus delaying the research. One large welfare organisation kept the researcher waiting for several months while his request had to be put before a committee for approval. The head office of this organisation had to be contacted several times and, in the end, a very limited response was received from its societies across the country. In contrast, most welfare organisations were very helpful. One, the SKDB (Sinodale Kommissie vir die Diens van Barmhartigheid), must be singled out for going out of its way to help with the research. Both the head office and the various societies across the country were most helpful, and considerable information was received from that society. These two sources of information - the general public and family welfare organisations - brought a total of 66 questionnaires, 17 in respect of actual cases of family murder and 49 in respect of attempted of threatened cases. In addition a number of letters containing valuable information were received. In-depth study of a sample of cases of family murder In analysing the newspaper reports on cases of family murder, the researcher became aware that the information presented in such reports was not adequate to obtain a reliable picture of the phenomenon of family murder. Much of the information was hear-say and speculation. In some cases very limited information was provided, while, in others - usually the more sensational cases - the reports contained a great deal of information. Thus, information supplied in various cases was very 'uneven'. In some cases, information was inaccurate. In one case, for example, the reporter based his report on the biased and inaccurate information supplied by a colleague and friend of the deceased family murderer. The tragedy was ascribed to the fact that the latter had lost his work and that his family had been without food. Enquiries by the researcher revealed that, not only was the person concerned to start work at another firm the day after the family murder, but his old firm had offered to re-employ him. Furthermore, it was ascertained that there had been adequate food in the home. A more likely precipitating factor in the family murder was the long-term alcoholism of both the perpetrator and his wife, and the consequences thereof. In view of this, it was decided to draw a ten per cent sample and study those cases in more depth. This involved tracing survivors, relatives, ex-employers, ex-neighbours and relevant other persons, travelling to the centers where the family murders had occurred, interviewing persons who had been traced, obtaining inquest files, etc. In this way, a more adequate picture of family murder emerged. Some problems experienced in the research When is murder family murder? A fundamental problem that confronted the researcher was the lack of a clear and generally accepted definition of family murder. In perusing the limited academic literature on family murder, and reading a large number of newspaper articles on that topic, it became evident that there exists a variety of conceptions of what constitutes family murder. Most persons appear to regard as family murder any case where one member of the family kills one or more members of his family. Some, however, have a narrow conception, seeing as family murder only cases where the entire family is eliminated, or where so many members are killed, that the family no longer exists in its own right as a family system. Much of what is regarded as family murder, particularly by the media, is murder within the family, and murder followed by suicide. The researcher does not regard as family murder, for instance, when a mother gasses herself and one child, but makes no attempt to kill her husband or any of her other children - although that would have been possible. There are so many different types of family killings, that it is difficult (if not impossible) to arrive at a single, simple definition of family murder. In terms of motives, precipitating factors, and modus operandi, it may be advisable to establish a broad, 'umbrella' definition of family murder, and a number of narrower sub-types as, for example, the 'altruistic' family murder. Defining family murder is a complicated matter in which a variety of factors have to be considered - with motives, precipitating factors, and modus operandi being the most important. 53

5 The researcher regarded as family murder, cases where one member of the family kills the spouse and one or more of his/her children, and then commits or attempts suicide. To qualify as 'family murder', there also had to be an attempt, or an intention to kill those members of the family who survived. An important consideration is that the family has been destroyed to the extent where it no longer functions as a family system. If the effect or intention of the act is not to destroy the family unit, then the case is not regarded as family murder. There are, of course, borderline cases, where the factors that have been mentioned previously - e.g. modus operandi and motives - have to be considered in order to determine whether a particular case constitutes a family murder or not. It is accepted, however, that the researcher's own definition is open to criticism and may require amendment. For the purpose of this study, it is a working definition. Cases of attempted and threatened family murder are also considered in the light of this definition, with the elements of 'attempt' and 'threat' being introduced. Difficulty in obtaining respondents The highly sensitive and traumatic nature of the subject of family murder is probably the reason why survivors of family murders, relatives and friends were reluctant to respond to the request for information on the topic. One person, whose son had - in a letter from prison - indicated a willingness.to assist with the research, telephoned the researcher and asked him riot to study the case, as 'the wounds are still too fresh'. The members of one particular family that was visited and interviewed regarding the family murder in which their daughter was involved, were very suspicious - initially almost hostile - during the interview. They demanded to see their attorney, and it required considerable reassurance by the researcher before they participated freely in the interview. Eventually they 'opened up', and the researcher managed to do some supportive counselling, which was clearly necessary. The whole family was obviously still living under the influence of the tragedy. Although the family murder Notes had occurred four years previous to the researcher's visit, the family reacted as if it had happened very recently. The event appeared to still dominate their entire existence. There was a sombre atmosphere over the home - like a dark cloud. The tragedy was so much beyond the pale of normal human experience, it had effected the extended family so severely, that they did not wish to talk about it to a stranger. That would re-open old 'wounds'. Yet, when the whole family - the surviving wife, her parents, sister and brother-in-law - freely spoke to the researcher about the tragedy, it appeared to have a cathartic effect. It helped them to deal with emotions that they had suppres~ed or denied for several years. Particularly the surviving wife appeared to have benefited from the supportive interview. Her reaction to her father's reluctance to co-operate with the researcher, namely: 'no Dad, I want to talk; I have to talk', reflected a need to unburden herself of long-repressed fears and anger - even at God. Some persons only responded as a result of the mediation of a third person e.g. a social worker whose friend had been involved in a family murder, and who, upon the researcher's request, asked her friend to complete a questionnaire. This reluctance was greater in the case of actual than threatened family murders. In many of the latter cases (i e threats), the response appeared to be 'a cry for help'. Conclusion 1 It is envisaged that a report on this study will be completed towards the end of This study was published in SACC, 11(3). 3 It might be of value to analyse the crank mail' as a separate project. Bibliography Beeld, ; 20/ Cape Times, 21/9/1987. Die Burger, 13/3/1987. Sunday Star, 27/9/1987; 17/1/1988. Sunday Tribune, 12/5/1985. The Star, 19/8/1987. Weekend Argus, 10/ Weekend Post, 9/1/ In spite of all the problems and obstacles that were outlined, the researcher is convinced that he has been able to gather enough meaningful information to enable him to shed at least some light on the tragic topic of family murder. However, a great deal of further research is required in order to enable service providers and government authorities to be able to effectively identify persons at risk of family murder, to devise preventative strategies, and to devise adequate management procedures for both families who are at risk, and surviving victims, as well as relatives and other affected persons.