Religion and Rehabilitation: The tension between current New Zealand practice and Maori spirituality.

Transcription

1 Religion and Rehabilitation: The tension between current New Zealand practice and Maori spirituality. Eleanor Butterworth Reli 489 Supervisor: Chris Marshall

2 Contents 1) Introduction Aim of study Thesis statement Definitions of key terms. 2) Maori system of beliefs Maori and Pakeha outlooks on the role of spirit and origin of religious practice. Identity: personal, place and social. The role of balance 3) Western understanding of religion, reform and identity. The literature on religion s role in reform. Religion s role in transforming identity. 4) Adapting these understandings. Can the current research on religion and transformation be adapted for New Zealand Maori prison population? 1) Reforming identity versus Recreating Identity 2) What are we trying to achieve- good vs. evil or balance? 3) A holistic approach: How might it work? 5) Conclusion 2

3 Introduction Prison is a hot topic in New Zealand today imprisonment rates and prison costs are escalating despite overall reported crime being at its lowest in more than 20 years. There is also a growing recognition that although there has been an increase in sentence lengths and the number of people going to prison, the rate of serious violent and sexual crimes remains at the high level it reached in the 1990s 1. In addition to these factors the vast over-representation of Maori in the prison system 2 has encouraged a greater debate on our society s methods of punishment, the opportunity for reform afforded by these methods, and, most importantly the degree of success this incredibly expensive system is having. After generations of a justice system that has taken a fairly narrow view of crime and punishment namely, that adequate amounts of the latter would reduce the former there has been a slow but steady change in the way crime and punishment are being viewed. The move away from viewing crime and punishment in isolation from social circumstance is most important, with the recognition that other factors in an offender s environment and past can contribute to criminal behaviour and likewise things other than punishment and the general deprivation of freedom can contribute to an individual s reform. Education, health, cultural requirements and programmes specifically addressing an offender s criminal behaviour are all areas that the Corrections Department has been assessing as part of the justice system s attempts to treat crime and its causes in a more effective manner. Another area that has been increasingly though cautiously examined, particularly in the literature for its reform potential, is religion and a broader concept of spirituality. The causes of Maori offending and appropriate means 1 Whitty, John (2005) How to reduce the New Zeland Prison Population. Retrieved May, 2006 from New Zealand s prison population increased from 4988 prisoners in April 1997 to 7545 prisoners in Novemeber 2005, an increase of 51% in eight and a half years. Changes to the Bail Act 2000, Sentencing Act 2002 and Parole Act 2002 has meant that more offenders are being imprisoned for longer periods and with a greater proportion of sentences being served in prison. 2 Byers, Mark, (2002) Correctional Initiatives for Maori in New Zealand. Corrections Today, Feb Volume no 64 (5) Despite making up only 14.5% of New Zealand s population Maori have for many years represented around 50% of the Male prison population and closer to 60% of the female population. 3

4 of correction for Maori is an area where there has been little research. However, increased incorporation of culturally appropriate models in the health and education sectors has provided some good models and research, should Corrections want to follow suit. This topic is of huge importance, as finding a way to address the high crime and recidivism rates within Maori communities is a vital step towards a greater equality within New Zealand society and improved quality of life for Maori and their future generations. This paper will look at Maori concepts of spirituality and how a corrections system that actively takes into consideration the importance of the Maori worldview on this issue could better address the needs of Maori offenders. The aim of this paper is to make a case for addressing Maori spiritual wellbeing as part of the corrections process and to argue that the current literature dealing with religion and its effect on prisoners comes from a vastly different point of understanding to those who identify with Maori values. To begin to understand how Maori spirituality might be addressed and implemented, we must first understand in what ways it differs from the understanding of religion employed by the current literature. Although there is some crossover, I will show that Maori values need better understanding and adaptation to meet the needs of Maori inmates. The specific areas I will use to illustrate this point are the role of religion in forming a positive identity and the role of narratives in forming, maintaining and sustaining a new identity. I have chosen the role of identity because research representing the Western understanding of religion and rehabilitation has consistently found that change in an offender s identity and self concept is critical to their reform. 3 From the Maori perspective the theme of identity comes through consistently when looking at Maori spirituality as tied to one s place, kin group and ancestors. 4 Narratives, though understood differently in each tradition, play an important role in both the Western understanding of reform and the Maori understanding of identity. 3 Curran, K. (2002). Unpublished doctoral thesis God behind bars: An exploratory study of the relevance of prison conversions to criminology. University of Cambridge. p King, M. (1975). To ao hurihuri: The world moves on. Wellington, Auckland, Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane: Hick, Smith and Sons LTD. p. 7. 4

5 The current paper will address these topics in several sections. The first section will look at the Maori system of beliefs, including spirituality, and explain how these relate to Maori identity. In understanding identity formation I am going to look at personal, social and place identity and compare Western and Maori understandings of these concepts. In the second section, I will look at the role of religion in reform as it is currently understood and measured; again with a particular focus on the role religion is seen as playing in creating a positive identity in offenders. 5 In the third section I will draw my argument together, looking at the incongruities between the Maori systems of belief and current prison-religion research. Also in this section I will start exploring the way forward for the criminal justice system with regard to Maori offenders. Part of this section will include looking at how models that seek to include Maori spirituality have been applied to the health sector and some prison rehabilitative programmes. I will start by identifying some of the limitations of this study and giving definitions for some of the key terms that I will be using. As there is little research that directly corresponds to this topic, this paper s primary aim is to explore the relationship between Maori spirituality and its potential role in reform and compare how this might differ from current research examining religion s role in reform of offenders. It is a secondary aim of this paper to explore how taha wairua 6 might be adapted to work with the current understanding of religion in prisons. Defining traditional Maori beliefs and establishing who they might be of relevance to today is not easy. Acknowledging the limitations of research such as this, where a traditional world view is being observed and interpreted from a modern standpoint in a way that may or may not be identifiable to contemporary Maori, is one problem. Another challenge in undertaking this research is identifying who it is that is being referred as Maori.. There are two main ways in which people have been identified as Maori in the past. The first is from a purely biological point of view. The Maori 5 The current paper draws from research on mainly Christian inmates and religious programmes, though there is a body of research looking at inmates subscribing to other major religious traditions, the majority of research focuses on a Christian perspective. 6 Benland, C. (1988). The S - factor taha wairua. The April report: Future directions. Report of the Royal Commission on Social Policy Vol III Part One, Wellington: Government printer. p.453. The dimension of the human spirit is known in Maori as a person s wairua and the spiritual aspect of one s life is taha wairua, literally the side or aspect of this spiritual flow. 5

6 Affairs amendment Act of 1974 defines a Maori as a person of the Maori race of New Zealand and includes any descendant of such a person. 7 Another way of identifying Maori, and the definition I will employ in the current paper, is the concept of cultural affiliation and self-identification as being of Maori descent. Recognised by Broughton as being a psychological process, this means of identification is concerned with cultural identity and is recognisable by particular concern with te whanau (family), te whenua (land) and te reo (language) 8. Adding to this definition is Mason Durie s acknowledgment that a less easily defined facet of Maori identity is that which takes into account spiritual values, not necessarily unique to Maori but more readily acknowledged by Maori as an essential part of the human experience. 9 Although I will go into this in more depth in section one, I want to acknowledge that the Maori world view being referred to in this paper are those aspects of Maoritanga generally accepted as being common across the culture 10. I will not attempt to examine the regional and tribal variations in belief and outlook, which would clearly be a more accurate means of examining the Maori understanding of spirituality. It also should be mentioned that the Maori world view is holistic in nature rather than compartmentalised, so although the current paper focuses on the spiritual aspect of the Maori world view, it is not intended that this is of greater significance than any other aspect of Maoritanga. Rather it is a relatively unexplored concept that deserves due consideration. The argument that most Maori are now sufficiently urbanised or unaware of pre- European traditions and perspectives should also be rebutted from the outset. Research on the relationship between health and wellbeing of which spirituality is one measure of Maori has found that even for Westernised Maori, cultural heritage still appears to play a significant role in shaping ideas, attitudes and reactions 11. In the case of healthcare, it has been recognised not only that seemingly secular cultural patterns - such as the role of family in caring for their ill and the releasing of a 7 Broughton, J. (1993). Being Maori. New Zealand Medical Journal, 24 November, Before this amendment those with less than 50% Maori blood were recorded as non Maori 8 Broughton, J. (1993). p Durie, M. (1994, 1998). Whaiora: Maori health development. Auckland, Melbourne, Oxford, New York : Oxford University Press. p King. M. (1975). p Durie, M. (1994, 1998). p.67. 6

7 deceased person s body - are of significance, but much more spiritually orientated ideas, such as that of tapu, play a considerable part in the wellbeing or otherwise of Maori patients. 12 Spirituality and religion are two other concepts that require definition for the purpose of this paper, particularly as I am comparing studies that examine Western religion with writings about tribal concepts of spirituality. The term religion, as it has been identified by research in the criminal justice sector, refers to a largely external and formalised system of belief and ritual. It is measured by an individual s participation in programmes such as bible study groups, in prison or life plan seminars, 13 attendance at church services, and self report questionnaires used for measuring religiosity 14. Qualitative data has tended to be gathered through focus groups and interviews used for gathering information on an offender s history (both criminal and religious), conversion (catalysts) and the effect of religiosity on prison experience. 15 Spirituality, on the other hand, is often viewed as being a more internal, holistic and individual force within a person s life, present in both secular and sacred worlds. 16 This by no means discounts religion from having a spiritual component; on the contrary, the spiritual aspect of religion is arguably one of its most important dimensions. However the looser definition of spirituality and the fact that by its nature it is a less measurable construct could go some way in explaining why this seemingly fundamental concept has flown under the research radar for so long. It also may be why a traditional understanding of religion has been incorporated into the prison system, while spiritual needs, although receiving some mention, have had no widespread implementation. 17 The point I wish to make here is that though neither 12 Durie, M. (1994, 1998). p Johnson, B.R., Larson, D.B and Pitts, T.C. (1997). Religious programs, institutional adjustment and recidivism among former inmates in prison fellowship programs. Justice Quarterly, vol 14 (No. 1, March 1997), The in prison seminars identified in Johnson et al were opportunities for both Christian and non Christian to learn about Christianity, while the life plan seminars encouraged realistic attitudes and plans for those inmates who were soon to be released. pp Clear, T. (2002). Prisoners, prison and religion: Religion and adjustment to prison. Journal of offender rehabilitation, Volume no 35 (3/4), Clear in this paper uses the first multi dimensional religious measurement instrument to try and gauge more successfully not the just religiosity of inmates as reported themselves but also the sincerity of these beliefs as shown by behaviour choice in different prison situations. p Curran, K. (2002). p Bluck, J. (1998). Long, white and cloudy: In search of Kiwi spirituality. Hazard Press:Christchurch, New Zealand. p See the framework for reducing Maori offending document at This document acknowledges 7

8 religion nor Western society in general are absent of spirituality, this paper addresses the question of how religion has been understood and measured, and its applicability to Maori, and does not make the assumption that one can either have religion or spirituality. many salient issues with regard to Maori wellbeing including concepts of spiritual importance such as recognising individuals need for turangawaewae (usually one s marae, but literally a place to stand ), the importance of collective identity and tikanga (correct) Maori practice, the report gives a lot of detail for measuring outcomes and promoting accountability, but unfortunately does not provide much information about how to include these concepts in a prison programme. 8

9 Section one: The Maori belief system and understanding of identity While Western notions of spirituality and belief in spirit as part of an individual s make up vary considerably, Maori have a well established understanding of both the spiritual side of life (taha wairua) and a person s individual spirit (wairua), 18 which is recognised as one of the most important influences on Maori perspectives. 19 As part of a holistic system, trying to separate the idea of wairua, from other fundamental principles such as mana, mauri and distinctions between tapu and noa, is not only impossible, but to do so would also miss the point that these concepts are part of an interrelated whole that must be viewed together. This section will give an overview of Maori spirituality within wider Maori concepts. Mana is perhaps the most fundamental of concepts in Maori society. It translates broadly as spiritual authority or power, 20 and can be seen from a theological perspective as being equivalent to charisma in function. 21 But more than this it is the practical force of the gods in everyday matters, and as such the enhancement and maintenance of mana is linked to almost all activities in traditional Maori society. 22 There are three kinds of mana: that which one is born with, through genealogy (whakapapa) or originating in the deeds of one s ancestors (tupuna); that which is given by others for displaying desirable traits, such as knowledge of history and tikanga; and group mana, which is the mana a group acquires through other people, such as visitors to a marae sharing with others what a great experience it has been Benland, C. (1988). p Jenkins, K. (1975). He hono ki te wairua : The spiritual link: A Maori perspective on the spiritual dimension of social wellbeing. The April report: Future directions. Report of the Royal Commission on Social Policy Vol III Part One, p Patterson, J. (1992). Exploring Maori values. Palmerston North, New Zealand: The Dunmore Press Limited. pp Marsden, M. (1975). God, man and universe: A Maori view. In M. King (Ed), Te Ao Hurihuri: The world moves on. Wellington, Auckland, Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane: Hick, Smith and Sons LTD. p Ministry of Justice. (1998). He Hinatore ki t e Ao Maori- A glimpse into the Maori world: Maori Perspectives on Justice. Retrieved June, 2006 from, p King, M. (1975). p Definitions found on 9

10 To a large extent, no form of mana is dependent on another being born with mana does not guarantee mana in the eyes of others. This authority is seen as being a gift from the gods, and as such, humans are always the agent or the channel of mana but never the source. 24 Slights to an individual s or a group s mana were traditionally redressed by utu (reciprocation or revenge) in order that the honour of a group be restored and balance maintained in society. One way mana is protected is through the system of tapu and noa. Tapu is often defined as a sacred object or person. Though this is true in a sense, a tapu object is more accurately understood as having an untouchable quality due to it being imbued with mana from the gods. In practical terms, a tapu object may not be put to ordinary (noa) use. 25 Within Maori society, the concept of tapu served to bind family groups together, as every individual was regarded as tapu or sacred imposing on individuals the obligation to abide by norms of behaviour established by ancestors placing each person in a firmly interdependent relation with his whanau, hapu and iwi 26 The nature of a person s wairua is in many ways similar to the Christian concept of a soul or spirit, which is indeed how the word is usually translated. However the understanding and care of a person s wairua is more specific and integrated into the Maori cultural practice than in the traditional Christian understanding. Wairua is also not confined to humans, as all aspects of the environment are understood as having wairua and mauri 27. The wairua is understood to be present from the time a foetus develops eyes, before this point it lies dormant, though still attached, as it will be for life to the one person. Wairua is also the immortal essence of a person that continues on upon death to the afterlife. True to all Maori belief, the wairua of a person is not confined to purely religious practices but is able to warn of danger through visions 24 Marsden, M. (1975). p Marsden, M. (1975). p Ministry of Justice. (1998). p King, M. (1975). p Ministry of Justice. (1998). pp All people, animals and aspects of the environment were thought to be endowed with both wairua and mauri. When ones mauri (life force) was extinguished, their life was over, while ones wairua carried on to the afterlife. 10

11 and dreams, and is subject to being weakened through neglect, abuse, violence and maketu, commonly translated as sorcery. 28 The importance of these concepts for the current research is not so much the metaphysical ideas, but the practical implementation of them in day to day life and the insight they give us into the values and ethics in Maori society. The ideas to be emphasised here, as we start to look at religion, spirituality and Maori offenders, are the emphasis on balance between opposing forces, such as tapu and noa, the integral role of community in maintaining an individual s wellbeing, and the idea that virtues and ideals in Maori society were seen as a the emulation of ancestors with great mana, the sort of person one should try to be, rather than a set of rules. 29 The nature of spirit in Maori and Christian traditions. The first area of identity and Maori spirituality to look at is the question of shape. Christianity has had a readily identifiable expression and mode in society. It is a religion of assent, meaning one can convert to its teachings and conversely one can choose to discard them and the way of life they embrace. 30 European views of being tend to see individuals as being made up of body, mind and spirit, as though these are separate entities which could be dealt with separately 31. Similarly Western society in general seeks to keep sacred and secular affairs apart, for example the separation of church and state being as one of the most fundamental principle of democracy. What these features point to is a system of beliefs whereby one s spiritual side can be separated from other areas of one s life. Maori spirituality, on the other hand, is defined somewhat differently, with the three orders of existence-the realm of ultimate reality, that of the gods, the realm of the human, and the realm of the dead-being viewed as equal sides to a triangle, all ever 28 Moko Mead, H. (2003). Tikanga Maori: Living by Maori values. Wellington, Aotearoa New Zealand: Huia Publishers. pp Patterson, J. (1992). pp Though it should be noted that the Christian ideas and the values contained in these have influenced areas in wider society, such as the criminal justice system. In addition Christian ideas such as a person s soul or the presence of a holy spirit pervade these boundaries. 31 Irwin, J. (1984). An introduction to Maori religion. South Australia, Australia: Australian association of the study of religions at South Australian College of advanced education. p

12 present, with the sacred and the secular unable to be separated. 32 This is a common feature of tribal religions and this permeation of the spiritual through all aspects of life partly accounts for the lack of recognition of Maori religion and its importance to the overall culture. Past, present and future are seen in Maori society as being intertwined, with life not just a temporal process but a continuous stream of events that are part of a greater cosmic process. This overarching principle is illustrated by the fact there is no verbal tense in Maori language. 33 Traditionally, responsibility for soul and spirit in the European understanding rests mostly with the church. Though this is influenced by one s personal; religious practice, this practice is still guided largely by those within religious institutions. The Western tendency to separate out one s religious life and spiritual practice from other activities is another fundamental example of how the holistic approach to life present in traditional Maori society is vastly different to a Western approach to religious practice. Within Maori cultural practice, it is more the case that the spirit is attended to as a matter of course when addressing everyday matters. For instance should a member of a tribe become ill, they may have karakia or ritenga (incantations and rituals), used as one part of the healing process, in addition to the use of medicinal flora to provide physical relief. This concept of addressing both the spiritual and the symptomatic, to re-establish balance between tapu and noa, 34 is perhaps the most pertinent point in the differences between the two traditions. The difference between the internal implicit characteristics in Maori spiritual perspectives and the externally explicit Christian religion is strongly exampled by how Maori interpreted the Christian message delivered by missionaries. The traditional Christian understanding of faith and religion held that the divine love of God followed the faith and correct practice of the devout, whereas the Maori belief was that habit and virtue of faith arose from the love felt by the follower of which God (or in the Maori understanding atua-spiritual source) was the source. This notion of implicit faith also challenged the Christian view of salvation and truth, understood by missionaries as being something held exclusively by the church and those 32 Irwin, J. (1984). p Patterson, J. (1992). p Durie, M. (1994, 1998). pp

13 civilisations under it, a connection that was not obvious to Maori given their understanding of spirituality. 35 The importance of balance in Maori society. As has been mentioned, a key aspect of many Maori practices for example utu, medicinal practices, karakia and rituals associated with food is about maintaining a balance between the sacred and the ordinary. In contrast to a European understanding, the ideal world is not one where good has presided over evil but rather one containing life and death, light and dark, tapu and noa always opposed but always in balance. 36 This idea of opposing forces always operating in the world, and more importantly, that this opposition is desirable, must be understood at a practical level rather than just metaphysically. For example, the belief that all objects in the environment have both mauri and mana imbued within them, at a practical (and ideal) level means all things must be treated with respect. Humans are not more important than their environment. Indeed, as will be discussed later, the belief that everything has a genealogy means that objects in the environment are understood as having more than just a sacred element, they are actually kin to humans and descendants of the gods. 37. If we contrast this to Judeo-Christian traditions, we find the understanding expressed in religious texts such as Genesis that humans are superior to other creatures and the implication of a dichotomy between man and nature, wild and domesticated, wilderness and garden, primitive and civilised. 38 Balance and criminal justice In terms of criminal justice, the Western system has been heavily influenced by Christian themes of atonement and concepts of good and evil. Undoubtedly the aforementioned understanding of opposite forces seeking to overpower each other rather than establishing a balance have influenced current notions of crime and 35 Henare, M. (1996). Christianity: Maori Churches. In P. Donovan (Ed), Religions of New Zealanders 2 nd edition (pp ). Palmerston North, New Zealand : Dunmore Press. p Patterson, J. (1992). p Patterson, J. (1992) pp Stokes, E., Milroy, W. and Melbourne, H. Te Urewera: Nga Iwi Te Whenua Te Ngahere (People, Land, Forests of Te Urewera) cited in Patterson, J. (1992). p

14 punishment. 39 The Maori understanding of balance similarly had implications for their traditional justice system, namely through the practice of utu. Utu, though commonly understood as revenge, is in fact the broader concept of obligatory reciprocation, of which revenge may be one facet. Utu was largely concerned with the maintenance of balance in Maori society through the protection of a tribe s or an individual s mana. As failing to give or receive utu for either transgressions or kind deeds reduced the mana of both parties, utu was required to return a party to their prior position. 40 Transgressions in Maori society were restored fairly quickly because of the need to restore balance, whether it be in social, spiritual, or cultural relationships 41. This is not to say Maori society did not have a concept of punishment. Where punishment rather than reciprocity was called for, utu was sought through muru, which punished the transgressor and put an end to the matter, with no need for reciprocation. 42 However, balance was still the object of muru, and a transgressor and their kin group was held collectively accountable for an offence against another group. When Maori came into contact with the Pakeha system of justice, the idea of good overcoming bad and the system of taking transgressors out of the community - as opposed to the individual and their whanau facing up to their peers to make amends - was seen as bewildering, unfair, arrogant, insensitive to Maori feelings and monocultural. 43 Again, these concepts cannot be relegated to the distant or traditional past as they have consequences and implications for modern Maori operating in society. Many Maori authors have made the connection between the high levels of abuse and more general dysfunction present in Maori society, of which one aspect is the over representation of Maori in prison, and the diminished spirituality and lack of knowledge around concepts such as tapu and noa and how to bring these components 39 I am not covering the Christian influences on the criminal justice system in this paper as I have done so in an earlier research paper, however for further information on this topic see Snyder, T.R. (2001). The Protestant ethic and the spirit of punishment. Grand Rapids, Michigan & Cambridge, U.K: William B. Eerdmans publishing company and Weaver, J.B. (2001). The non-violent atonement. William B. Erdmans publishing company: Grand Rapids, Michigan and Cambridge, U.K. 40 Ministry of Justice. (1998). pp Ibid, pp Ibid, p Dixon, M. (2006). Crime and justice. In Martin Mulholland (Ed), State of the Maori nation: Twentyfirst century issues in Aotearoa. (pp ). New Zealand: Reed Publishing. p

15 of identity into balance. 44 With particular respect to the current topic, the high rates of Maori offending and re-offending can in part be attributed to the failure to incorporate Maori belief systems. As Ranginui Walker observed, Penal institutions fulfil a deeply rooted primitive need in humans for revenge and punishment of offenders. In other words the courts simply provide a civilised veneer for utu. But utu is a two-way process. When the offender is released at the end of his sentence, he exacts utu by offending again. 45 In terms of the wellbeing of an offender, Kuni Jenkins also finds the current system insensitive to Maori beliefs. He explains that the effect of the confinement on an individual s mana is a debasement of their tapu and their spiritual dimension loses its protection. 46 This coheres with the stance of researchers such as Rotman who says, we should move beyond the effectiveness justifications for rehabilitation and locate the need for rehabilitation in the inmate s right not to deteriorate. 47 The restoring of balance, it should be emphasised, is not just the remedy for trouble but lack of balance is also the cause of problems. 48 Traditional Maori laws grew out of an understanding of the balance required by Maori between their spiritual, emotional, physical and social dimensions. Transgressions were understood as an imbalance between these things within an individual or whanau. 49 Bringing balance back into the current system would be no mean feat. Some initial observations on how this might be accomplished and current health system attempts to do a similar thing, will be explored in section three. However a brief mention may be made of those elements that are identified as important to restoring balance in Maori society. The first is the understanding that action to restore balance must attack the cause rather than the symptom. Here, again, we can see the integration of spiritual belief with practical remedies is both possible and desirable within a Maori world 44 Jenkins, K. (1988). pp Walker, R. (1996). Nga pepa a Ranginui: The Walker papers. Auckland New Zealand: Penguin books. p Jenkins, K. (1988). p Rotman, E. (1990) cited in Clear, T. et al (2000). p Patterson, J. (1992). p Jackson, M. (1988) cited in Patterson, J. (1992). p

16 view. To use an environmental example, a forest that is infected with a virus carried by insects is showing an imbalance between certain elements. More specifically this can be viewed as Whiro (a god associated with the dark side of life) attacking Tane (god of the forest). The starting point is that the mauri of the trees must be protected and the virus of Whiro must be respected as a dangerous force and treated as such. From this initial stance one moves forward with treatment. If there are practical solutions, such as sprays, these should be applied to restore the balance. Balance in the Maori understanding is not static but dynamic; when hostile forces swing the balance in an unfavourable direction, strong measures must be taken to correct this. 50 So far, we have looked at the key concepts that make up the Maori belief system and the principles that governed traditional Maori society. In the next section we will examine how identity is understood from a Maori and Pakeha perspective, since targeting antisocial identities and replacing them with positive ones is often the focus of attempts to reform offenders. What makes up a person s identity? Maori and Pakeha perspectives Identity, as understood from a psychological-social perspective, is comprises those facets of self-understanding that answer the question who am I? John Patterson observes that Western thought often assumes that self as a concept differs from the roles an individual plays, existing independently from its means and purposes. 51 Though there are a number of factors that feed into the creation and maintenance of one s identity, three main dimensions may be differentiated; personal identity, a sense of uniqueness and distinctiveness from those around us, place identity, a feeling of belonging in certain contexts and areas, and social identity, being validated and located as part of a wider group. 52 From the point of view of the research looking at religion and identity change, Curran explains identity as being an internalised, evolving life story, or personal myth, that binds together the reconstructed past, perceived present and anticipated future Patterson, J. (1992). pp Patterson, J. (1992). p Curran, K. (2002). p Curran, K. (2002). p

17 a) Personal Identity The Maori understanding of personal identity is, as might be expected, far less individualistic than that of Europeans. Of the three aspects of identity, that pertaining to one s personal identity is least emphasised. An individual is understood as being identified with a particular kinship group rather than as a singular moral agent. 54 Traditionally individual rights and wishes were seen as either indivisible from whanau, hapu or iwi or as balanced against the greater mana and concerns of the wider whanau. 55 Those aspects of personal identity in a Western framework are tied in a Maori framework to a collective identity. For example, one s self esteem and sense of continuity of self, are gained by an individual having security as part of a strong cohesive culture that enables a stable self and group identity. 56 Individuals are special and sacred in the sense that they are part of a greater tradition that can retrace its descent to such spiritual sources as land and the gods, rather than something that can be created by deeds and associations. The importance of an individual s behaviour was measured in the way their actions affected the mana of the whole group. So if an individual either performed great deeds or conversely behaved badly, the outcome was an increase or decrease in the mana of the whole group as a result of these actions. For example should a member of one hapu offend members of another, the shame and consequence of these actions were felt and faced by the group as a whole rather than by just the transgressor. Similarly an individual could feel secure in the knowledge that an offence committed against them would be seen as an attack on the whole group. 57 This is not to say that Maori individuals could not increase their own mana or did not see themselves as individuals, only that the emphasis in Maori society was on placing people within a wider family context. b) Social Identity Michael King sums up the differing understanding of Europeans and Maori when it comes to identity by saying Western man since Descartes draws his identity from within himself, I think therefore I am, whereas the Maori speaker says I belong 54 Patterson, J. (1992).pp Patterson, J. (1992). pp Ibid. p Ministry of Justice. (1998). p

18 therefore I am. 58 This emphasis on belonging securely to a wider group, and the sense of identity this instils in an individual, is at the essence of a person s social identity. Whereas an individual s personal identity is shaped primarily by how they perceive themselves and their values and beliefs, social identity is a mix of how one s group perceives them and the role ascribed by the group to an individual and an individual s sense of affiliation with this. 59 In the Maori tradition, social identity is strong and based around one s kin group. Here again we see the Maori understanding of the universe as one where realms of living and dead and notions of past, present and future are indistinct, with the basis for social identity being formed by tracing all group members to a common ancestor. 60 The Maori practice of reciting one s whakapapa when being introduced is part of the cultural practice that keeps social identity strong and confirms an individual s place within their kin group, 61 with each person adding to the family s and tribe s story moving forward in the growing community of past and present 62. The strength of carrying one s past with them gives Maori the ability to change and adapt while maintaining their identity. 63 Partly this is because one s ancestors are seen to have literally made an individual who he or she is through the inheritance of various traits or characteristics, both strong and weak. 64 The practice of reciting one s ancestral links and identifying the tribal landmarks of an area also serves the important function of allowing the listener to make connections with the speaker and thus affirm a connection. 65 The Western research we will look at in section two often emphasises identity that separates past from present in reforming individuals. This is another area of understanding that is out of sync with the way Maori people see their past, present and future. In a Maori understanding the past is not something that lies behind an individual but in front. 58 King, M. (1975). p Curran, K. (2002). pp Ministry of Justice. (1998). pp bid. pp King, M. (1975). p King, M. (1975). p Patterson, J. (1992). p King. M. (1975). p.7. 18

19 beginning, as it were, at his feet. He sees his parents, grandparents and fore bearers spread out in front of him, and, seeing, he participates in what is an ongoing participation by his sharing. There is a strongly cyclical rhythm here, but only in terms of te ao hurihuri for it does not leave the past behind. It gathers it up and moves forward. This is not a static view of history; each person is added to the story (whakapapa) and moves forward in the growing community of past and present and that which is to come 66 This understanding of identity, shaped and contributed to over time, means that it is an impossible idea for a Maori person to leave their past behind, in the way presupposed by Western research, for to do so would mean loss of identity. c) Place Identity Of equal importance to one s social identity is the concept of place identity. Maori and European understandings of place identity are the most similar, with both acknowledging the importance of familiar environment to an individual s sense of self and wellbeing, though Maori stress the links between people and their land in a more intimate and literal way, as will be explained. Just as social identity is formed through interacting with people to whom we feel we belong, place identity stresses the importance of having a sense of belonging to specific settings. 67 Place identity, in the Western understanding, is not formed purely through geographical locations, but also through the memories, smells, feelings, routines and sensations attached to these environments. In the literature on identity formation, it is stressed that identity is never unilateral, so connection to a place transforms the social environment into a community and fosters a sense of continuity with the past 68 This is true also in the Maori understanding, with a practical example of this being the Maori practice of returning the placenta to the earth following a child s birth, establishing a sacred link 66 King, M. (1975). Te Ao hurihuri is part of the Maori saying that expresses the idea of a cyclical world rhythm, the entire quote is: the world is revolving; a world that moves forward, to the place it comes from. p Curran, K. (2002), p Curran, K. (2002). p

20 between that child, the past and the land. 69 An argument could be made that in Maori society place and social identity are inseparable concepts, as key to the Maori world view is that genealogy is central to governing Maori relationships, and all things in the natural world have a genealogy. The tracing of genealogy finds all animals and plants are kin, ancestors or primeval parents to humans 70. Part of the Maori whakapapa, as mentioned, identifies significant landmarks; with the land in a traditional understanding being the link between the dead, the living and the unborn. Because Maori religion traces the Maori genealogy back to Papatuanuku (the earth mother), Maori see themselves as not just of the land but as the land. 71 This is demonstrated by Maori expressions that compare favourable human attributes to elements in the environment. For example, the notion of strength, safety security and leadership could be symbolically represented by familiar environmental features such as a significant trees or rocks. 72 If balance between life s sacred and ordinary sides in Maori society is understood as connecting spirituality to correct practice and positive identity, if genealogy and past is considered of greatest significance in forming identity, and identity as a whole is understood from a we rather than an I perspective, what does this mean for religion as an agent of reform, and its impact within a Maori setting? The next section will look at some of the key research findings on the connection between religion and rehabilitation in prisons, focussing again on themes of identity as related to one s self, place and community. 69 Ministry of Justice. (1998). pp Ministry of Justice. (1998). pp Ibid. p Ibid. p

21 Section two Identity, transformation and religious practice Current research on the role of religion and prison has tended to focus on the Durkheimian principle that religion is the societal vehicle for maintaining social order by providing a common set of values and beliefs. 73 The understanding of religion and reform has tended to focus on the external and measurable, with methods seeking to understand how an inmate s religiousness corresponds with their ability to cope in the prison environment, their personal identity, and their liklihood of recidivism upon release. These themes relate to the wider concepts of personal, place and social identity, with again an emphasis falling on individual rather than collective identity, on opposing forces seen in competition rather than balance, and on identity being something that can be recreated rather than being continuation of ancestral traditions and traits. The identity model of religion, which is one of several explanations for the relationship between religion and identity, offers an account of the importance of religion to identity and identity transformation. This explanation holds that one s identity is being constantly affected by change, and religion offers a person a means of stabilising their sense of self against the ever present forces of change. 74 The prison environment provides an extreme example of change affecting identity, as the very nature of the institution removes those features that a person usually uses to define themselves. Most notably these include family, familiar or significant environments, work, and one s personal autonomy over all manner of things from clothing, to use of time, to an individual s diet. In this section, I am going to look at current research on the above themes of identity, using in particular Clear s 2000 study. 75 I have chosen this research as it attempts to capture the value of religion for inmates as reported by the prisoners themselves, 73 Clear, T. (2002). p Mol, H. (1982). The fixed and the fickle: Religion ad identity in New Zealand. Waterloo, Ontario, Canada : Wilfrid Laurier University Press. p Clear, T, Hardyman, P., Stout, B., Lucken, K., and Dammer, H. (2000). The value of religion in prison. Journal of contemporary criminal justice, vol 16 (no 1 Feb 2000). pp

22 rather than measuring the external aspects of religious behaviour. Clear explores both the intrinsic and extrinsic religious orientations and establishes three main ways in which intrinsic orientations are of value to inmates. 76 I am choosing to focus on those concepts that relate to intrinsic religious beliefs for four reasons: first they are the predominant motivations for religion in prison; 77 second, there is evidence that the struggles a religious inmate will face in the prison culture often outweighs any perceived extrinsic benefits; third, as the purpose of this study is to examine sincere religious belief and spirituality so as it can be better understood and compared to Maori concepts, the intrinsic motivation for religious inmates provides a more reliable insight into the role of religion in reforming offenders and finally given that Maori spirituality and religious belief, as mentioned above, is largely an implicit system, the insights of this research are more appropriate. The value of religion to inmates in Clear s findings is as follows: Helping to deal with the loss of freedom Coping with loss of freedom was found to be one of the key values of religion in prison. Clear identifies that unlike other losses experienced upon entering prison, such as affiliation or personal safety, there is no obvious way to meet an inmate s need for freedom 78. The emphasis found within Christianity on valuing those things of a spiritual nature or those that belong to God over things of this world, proves to be a concept of huge value to those living with the deprivations of prison. Clear explains that, this is a very sage teaching, because the person who focuses on losses incurred by being incarcerated is likely to become embittered. 79 The sense of peace Clear found in many prisoners, expressed through their religious belief, was described as a sense of freedom within the prison walls, as religious prisoners, internalise the loss of freedom, redefining it not as a place where a person lives, but the point of view that a person takes while living there. 80 The process of incarcerating a person strips an 76 Clear, T. (2000).. p. 56. Intrinsic orientation refers to those people for whom religious beliefs define their lives master motives. Extrinsic orientation is when an individual becomes involved in religious activity for its utilitarian benefits. 77 Curran, K. (2002). p. 32. Curran citing Clear s 1992 study which found virtually no evidence that the religion game was adopted to influence parole boards. 78 Clear, et al (2000). p Clear, et al (2000). p Clear, et al (2000). p

23 individual of those things that provide meaning to their life and support their sense of identity; religion in these situations can inject a sense of purpose and meaning to life that goes beyond the prison walls 81. Dealing with guilt According to Clear, for the remorseful prisoner, finding a way to confront and deal with the shame and guilt they feel is the key to surviving the prison experience, and religion can assist this process in two ways. The first is through the understanding that there are forces of evil present in the world. This teaching, particularly prevalent among Evangelicals, offers prisoners struggling with their guilt an explanation for how they came to be in prison namely that absence of religion weakened their resistance to various temptations, which in turn led to crime 82. When evil is understood as an active personified force, such as the devil, the danger is that the prisoner is denied the need to take responsibility for their actions, for who can blame the sinner for his crimes once the devil has been cast out? 83 Clear found that this notion was more readily accepted by those who had committed crimes of a particularly taboo nature, for example crimes against children, allowing the individual to accept their crime while dissociating themselves from the most damming aspects of the label. 84 However, Clear found it was more common that the evil in the prisoner s life was a lack of discipline more common, for which the prisoner had to take responsibility. For these prisoners, the more significant way religion helps to relieve guilt is through the teachings of atonement and forgiveness. These teachings allow prisoners to accept their crimes but also provide a way for them to move past their guilt. Religion provided a way to atone for what they had done while receiving the forgiveness needed to re-establish their self-worth. 85 Clear explored this link between religion and the positive identity further in his 2002 study in which he sought to establish whether religiousness had an effect on inmates 81 Curran, K. (2002). p Clear, et al. (2000). pp Clear, et al. (2000). p Clear, et al. (2000). p Clear, et al. (2000). p