Student-Led Reading Group
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1 Student-Led Reading Group Javier ernández CLT/UAB November 9th, 2012 Discussion: Ott, Dennis & Mark de Vries (2012). Thinking in the Right Direction: an ellipsis account of Right. 1 Data Two types of right dislocated (RDed) structures: backgrounding (1) and specificational afterthoughts (2), both displaying a structure illustrated in (3): (1) Joop heeft ze al gezien, die nieuwe tablet-pc s. Jooh has them already seen those new tablet-pc s Joop saw them already, those new tablet PCs. (2) Jooh Joop heeft has iets moois gezien: something beautiful seen: een a tablet-pc van 10,1 tablet-pc of 10.1 inch. inch Joop saw something beautiful: a 10.1 inch tablet PC. (3) [... correlate i... ] XP i Assumption: (1) and (2) are syntactically equivalent, even though prosodicwise as well as in terms of information structure they are different. Diagnosis: underlyingly biclausal structure and ellipsis in the second clause. (4) [Joop heeft ze al gezien] (and=:) [die nieuwe tablet-pc s heeft Joop al t gezien] 1
2 2 RD meets -Ellipsis (E) Sluicing (Merchant 2001; Lasnik 2005) (5) a. John bought something, but I don t know what. b.... but I don t know [ P what i [ [ ] [ John bought t i ]]] ragment answers (Merchant 2004; Brunetti 2003) (6) a. A: Wie dacht who thought Carl dat de wedstrijd zou winen? Carl that the contest would win B: Kim. b. [ P Kim i [ dacht Carl t i de wedstrijd zou winen]] Split questions (Arregi 2010) (7) a. Qué árbol plantó Juan, un roble? b.... [P [ DP un roble] k [ plantó Juan t k ]] Right (8) a. Joop heeft ze al gezien, die nieuwe tablet-pc s. Jooh has them already seen those new tablet-pc s b.... [P [ DP Die nieuwe tablet-pc s] [ [ ] [ heeft Joop al t i gezien] ] ] (Rather technical) questions a) What triggers ellipsis? As usual, mutual entailment of -type-shifted expressions (e-givenness, see Schwarzschild 1999; Merchant 2001) (9) e-givenness: an expression E counts as e-given iff E has a salient antecedent A and, modulo -type shifting, A entails -closure(e) and E entails -closure(a). (10) [ A [ John ] likes [ caviar ] ] and [ E [ Mary ] [ beans ] ] (11) a. -clo(a) = x y [x likes y] b. -clo(e) = x y [x likes y] b) How are clauses connected? Specifying coordination based on Koster (2000) s colon phrase: Javi ernández Student-led Reading Group 2
3 (12) :P specifier : : complement Therefore: (13) :P : Joop heeft ze al gezien : P DP i die nieuwe tablet-pc s [E] heeft Joop al t i gezien 3 Properties accounted for 3.1 Connectivity Case (14) Ich I habe have ihm geholfen, dem/ *der/ *den Peter. him.dat helped the.dat *nom *acc Peter (15) a. Peter hat angeordnet, PRO die Straße zu fegen Peter has ordered the street to sweep (*die Arbeiter). the.nom workers b. *die Arbeiter hat Peter angeordnet, t die Straße zu fegen Binding The anaphor (16-a) and the pronoun (16-b) are bound by material in the antecedent clause despite appearing as clause-displaced elements. The ungrammaticality in (16-c) arises from a violation of Principle C in the BT, obviously only if ze she c-commands Mieke. (16) a. Jan zag iemand in de spiegel: zichzelf. Jan saw someone in the mirror himself Jan saw someone in the mirror: himself. Javi ernández Student-led Reading Group 3
4 b. Die liebt doch jeder Lehrer i, seine i Schüler. Them loves PRT every teacher, his students I am sure every teacher loves them, his students. c. *Ze i heeft hem gisteren nog gezien, Mieke i. She has him yesterday still seen, Mieke *She did see him yesterday, Mieke. The logic is that there is no actual reconstruction between the antecedent clause and the displaced element, only run-of-the-mill reconstruction of Ā-movement within the second clause. 3.2 Scope (17) Jan heeft twee keer het eerste kievitsei gevonden. Jan has twice the first plover s egg found Jan twice found the first plover s egg. (twice>first, #first>twice). Meaning: it was the case twice (i.e. in 2 subsequent years) that Jan found the first plover s egg. 1 (18) Jan heeft het twee keer gevonden, het eerste kievitsei. Jan has it twice found the first plover s egg. Jan found the first plover s egg twice. (first>twice, #twice>first). Meaning: it was the (pragmatically odd) case that John found the same first plover s egg twice. In (18), het eerste kievitsei c-commands twee keer and thus takes wide scope. 3.3 Preposition stranding P-stranding generalization under sluicing: A language L will allow preposition stranding under sluicing if and only if L allows P-stranding under regular wh-movement. Sluicing: (19) a. Sie hat mit she has with *(mit) wem. with who jemandem someone geredet, spoken aber but ich I weiß nicht know not 1 According to Zwart: this refers to the risian springtime tradition of looking for the year s first plover s egg. Javi ernández Student-led Reading Group 4
5 b. Per har snakket med noen, men jeg vet ikke Per has talked with someone but I know not (??med) with Right : (20) a. Ich habe I have Peter. Peter b. Jeg I hvem. who den the krangler quarrel ganzen whole Tag day auf for ihn gewartet, *(auf) den him waited for the ofte med ho, (??med) søstera mi. often with her with sister my 4 Towards a E analysis of Romance RD? 4.1 Binding Principle A: Prediction (21) a. Karl Popper se preguntaba a sí mismo en Conocimiento Objetivo acerca de los métodos científicos de Albert Einstein. b. Karl Popper se lo preguntaba en Conocimiento Objetivo, a sí mismo. c. :P Karl Popper... : : P PP i a sí mismo Karl Popper... t i Principle B: Prediction In DatCl+V+IO+DO the IO asymmetrically c-commands the DO (ex. from López 2009, p.88) (22) a. Le entregué a cada autor su libro. cl.dat gave to each author his/her book Javi ernández Student-led Reading Group 5
6 I gave each author his/her book. bound reading b. Le entregué a su autor cada libro. cl.dat gave to its author each book I gave its author each book. *bound reading But RDed DO can c-command an IO in the presence of a dative clitic: (23) a. Se lo entregué a su autor, cada libro. b. :P P Se lo entregué... PP i cada libro Entregué a su autor t i Principle C We expect (24-b) to be ungrammatical because of reconstruction under Ā-movement, contrary to the fact: (24) a. *Le devolví a ella i el libro de [Anna Busquets] i. b. Se lo devolví a ella i, el libro de [Anna Busquets] i. c. :P P 4.2 P-stranding Se lo devolví... PP i el libro de A.B. Le devolví a ella t i (25) a. *Qui ha parlat en Joan amb? b. En Joan ha parlat amb algú, però no recordo (amb) qui. c. En Joan hi ha parlat, *(amb) algú. d. En Joan ha parlat amb algú: (amb) la Maria. 4.3 Scope (26) a. Juan ha encontrado dos veces el primer huevo del chorlito. Javi ernández Student-led Reading Group 6
7 b. Juan lo ha encontrado dos veces, el primer huevo del chorlito. 2>1,#1>2 c. Juan ha encontrado algo dos veces: el primer huevo del chorlito. 1>2,#2>1 (27) a. En Joan va presentar dues dones a tres homes. 3>2 b. En Joan els va presentar dues dones, als tres homes. 2>3 c. En Joan va presentar dues dones a qui ja sabeu: als tres homes. 2>3 4.4 Island repair (28) a. They hired someone who speaks a Balkan language, guess which! b. *[guess which] i they hired someone who speaks t i (29) a.??en Joan treballava mentre mirava la tele, en Pere. The John worked while was watching the TV, the Peter b. *[en Pere] i en Joan treballava mentre t i mirava la tele. References Arregi, K. (2010). Ellipsis in split questions. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 28, Brunetti, L. (2003). Information ocus Movement in Italian and Contextual Constraints on Ellipsis. In Tsujimura, L. & Garding, G. (Eds.), WCCL 22 Proceedings, (pp ). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. Koster, J. (2000). Extraposition as parallel construal. University of Groningen. Lasnik, H. (2005). Review of Jason Merchant: The Syntax of Silence. Language, 81, López, L. (2009). A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure. Oxford: OUP. Merchant, J. (2001). The Syntax of Silence. Oxford: Oxford: OUP. Merchant, J. (2004). ragments and ellipsis. Linguistics and Philosophy, 27, Schwarzschild, R. (1999). GIVENness, Avoid and other constraints in the placement of accent. Natural Language Semantics, 7, Javi ernández Student-led Reading Group 7
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