EACH. Store D 72.2-"r C 3.7% 37.0%
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1 Marketing Notes and Communications 69 PERCENTAGE OF Store Patronized by the Coeds at the Time of the Interview A B C D E F G TABLE 1 "HIGH STATUS" RANKINGS FOR A 82.% B 3.% C 3.% EACH Store D 2.2-"r OF THE E 38.9' SEVEN STORES F 51.9% G 22.2% they were patronizing when inten-iewed as low status. In contrast to these findings, coeds ranked the stores they were not patronizing at the time of the interview as low status as frequently as 22%. Discussion Each of the above findings supports the hypothesis that the coeds endeavored to protect their self-concept in rating the stores. Evidence of this occurrence is found in the inflated ratings of the store in which the coeds were interv iewed relative to ratings assigned that store by respondents interviewed in other stores. Although it is impossible to measure the extent of the self-concept reflected in the store ratings, the inflated ratings given by a coed to the store she was patronizing at the time of the interview, relative to ratings assigned to that store by other respondents, strongly suggests that the self-concept factor significantly biased the data obtained. The results of this research suggest that interviewing a patron within a given store regarding attitudes toward certain features of the store should be avoided in order to eliminate in-store response bias. In addition, nonstore interviewing by unafl^liated personnel is suggested to avoid a further possible source of data distortion. However, if large-scale in-store interviewing is contemplated, a pilot nonstore interviewing effort should be conducted to obtain a reference data base. This data base can then be used to adjust in-store respondent bias associated with the large-scale effort. Social Qass and Income as Indicators of Consumer Credit Behavior JOHN W. SLOCUM, JR. and H. LEE MATHEWS The concept of social class as the best market segmentation variable needs to be critically re-examined. This article presents research findings drawn from a study of commercial bank credit card holders suggesting that social class is not a better indicator of consumer credit behavior than income level. THE CONSENSUS among behavioral.scientists is that an individual's market behavior is closely related to his social class.' Social class is often ' See, for example, Pierre Martineau, "Social es and Spending Behavior," JOURNAL OF MARKETING. Vol. 23 (October, 1958), pp ; Richard P. Coleman, "The Significance of Social Stratification in Selling," in Marketing: A Mature Discipline, Martin L. Bell, ed. (Chicago, 111.: American Marketing Association, 1961), pp ; Philip Kotler, "Behavioral Model for Analyzing Buyers," JOURNAL OF MARKETING, Vol. 29 (October, 1965), pp. 3-45, and "Mathematical Models of Individual Buyer Behavior," Behavioral Science, Vol. 13 (July, 1968), pp considered more important than income in affecting buying behavior.-' Pierre Martineau describes this phenomenon as follows: "While income has generally been the most widely used behavioral indicator in marketing, social class membership provides a richer di- - See, for example, John A. Howard, Marketing Management: Analysis and Planning, Revised Edition (Homewood, Illinois: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1963); John A. Howard and Jagdish N. Sheth, The Theory of Buyer Behavior (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1969); Francesco Nicosia, Consumer Decision Processes (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice- Hall, Inc., 1966).
2 mension of meaning. The individual's consumption patterns actually symbolize his class position, a more significant determinant of his buying behavior than just income."' However, this generally accepted statement has not been tested in the consumer credit area. Based on the above proposition, it would appear logical to consider individuals' consumption patterns as symbolic of their class position. Thus, membership in a social class should influence consumers' credit card use patterns to a greater extent than their income level. This research examines the effect of social class membership and income on consumer credit card behavior. It was hypothesized that installment and convenience use of credit cards would vary among social classes within an economic level. Thus, the higher the individual's social class, the greater his ability to defer his gratifications.^ Those individuals who did not defer their gratifications were classified as installment users. A convenience user was one who deferred his gratifications. To measure this concept, deferred gratification was operationally defined in terms of repayment schedules. A card holder with a balance for a number of months which exceeded his number of months with a purchase was considered to be an individual who was not deferring his gratifications. This individual was classified as an installment user. A card holder who paid his balance off within the normal billing cycle was classified as a convenience user. Methodology The universe for this study consisted of approximately 25, commercial bank credit card holders in a large eastern metropolitan area. A questionnaire was mailed to 4,316 card holders on a random basis, and 2,18 questionnaires were returned, of which 2,32 were usable. Data were gathered by means of a questionnaire that was designed to collect demographic information, to determine card holders' attitudes toward credit, and to ascertain those consumer goods considered acceptable to charge with a commercial bank credit card. Data concerning use of the commercial bank credit card were obtained from the participating financial institution. '' Pierre Martineau, same reference as footnote 1, p Chester R. Wasson, "Is It Time to Quit Thinking of Income es?," JOURNAL OF MARKETING. Vol. 33 (April, 1969), pp ^ H. Lee Mathews and John W. Slocum, Jr., "Social and Commercial Bank Credit Card Usage," JOURNAL OF MARKETING, Vol. 33 (January, 1969), pp. 1-9, and Marketing Research Strategics in the Commercial Bank Credit Card Field (Chicago, 111.: Bank Public Relations and Marketing Association, 1968), pp Journal of Marketing, April, 19 Measurement of Social The Hollingshead two-factor index was selected for use in this study for several reasons.^ First, this index produces results practically identical to Warner's scale in measuring social class.'' Second, it utilizes the occupational and educational variables which Carman suggests are the best predictors of differences in buying behavior by social class.^ Finally, it allows measurement of social class without taking income into consideration. Coleman has noted that individuals earning similar incomes but belonging to different social classes exhibit different purchasing behavior. Hence, the contamination effect of income on social class can be eliminated by using this index. The effect of social class membership on consumer credit card behavior is presented in Table 1. The data support the research hypothesis that credit usage varies with social class membership. The percentage of upper class people who use credit cards for installment purposes is 55.3% compared to 8.1% for the members of the lower class. An increase is shown for each class. This supports Alfred B. Hollingshead and Frederick C. Redlich, Social and Mental Illness (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1958), pp " Kaare Svalastoga, "Social Differentiation," in Handbook of Sociology, Robert Faris, ed. (Chicago, 111.: Rand McNally and Company, 1964), pp James M. Carman, The Application of Social in Market Segmentation (Berkeley, California: University of California, Institute of Business and Economic Research, 1965), pp " Richard P. Coleman, same reference as footnote 1. ABOUT THE AUTHORS. John W. Slocum, Ir. is associate proiessor oi management at The Pennsylvania State University. He received his DBA irom the University oi Washington. Proiessor Slocum's research has been published in the JOURNAL OF MARKETING. Management Science, and other proiessional journals. He and H. Lee Mathews are coauthors oi Marketing Strategies in the CommeTCial Bank Credit Card Field, and The Effect of Sociological cal Variables on Consumei Credit Decisions. Psychologi- H. Lee Mathews is associate professor oi marketing at The Pennsylvania State University. His MBA and PhD in marketing are irom The Ohio State University. Proiessor Mathews' research has been reported in the JOURNAL OF MARKETING and Other proiessional journals. The authors wish to acknowledge their indebtedness to Mr. David Kuhn. Department oi Management oi The Pennsylvania State University, who collaborated on the design and analysis oi this study.
3 Marketing Notes and Communications 1 Social Upper Middle Lower s TABLE 1 USE O«" COMMERCIAL BANK CREDIT CARDS BY SOCIAL CLASS Percent Instnllment Percent Row Percent..... A Chi-square analysis indicates that these findings are sig^nificant at the.1 level Income Category I (> $13,) II ($1,- $12,999) III ($,- $9,999) IV (< $6,999) TABLE 2 USE OF COMMERCIAL BANK CREDIT CARDS BY INCOME CATEGORY centage s A Chi-square analysis indicates that these findings are significant at the.1 level Row previous findings reported by the authors.' However, while the concept of social class has been related to how cardholders actually u.se their credit card, the data in Table 2 indicate that income is also a salient segmentation variable for understanding credit behavior. The data in Table 2 show the percentage of installment use from upper income to lower income classes increases from 6.1% to 83.4%. Thus, members of different economic hierarchies exhibit different credit card use patterns. While there is a correlation between income and social class (r =.533), Wasson" and others- have found that social class is a better indicator of behavior than income. If social class were a better indicator of consumer credit behavior than income, we would usually not expect a significant difference in convenience and installment use patterns as reflected by income classes. The information in Table 2 refutes these statements and seriously questions the usefulness of social class as the single most fruitful segmentation variable in understanding consumer credit behavior. In addition, the effect of social class membership on use patterns was examined while holding income class constant. This procedure enabled the researchers to accurately assess the impact of social class on consumer credit behavior. The data in " Same reference as footnote 5, p Same reference as footnote 4. 1-Same reference as footnotes 1, 2, and 6. Table 3 indicate that there are no clear relationships between social class and income. In two of the four income classifications, the pattern of differences is too large and consistent to be due to mere chance variation. Holding income constant for each social class, the re.searchers were not able to conclude that social class within a given income class is a good indicator of credit card behavior. According to sociological and behavioral theory.'^ the Chi-square values should have been significant in all instances. These data make clear that social class does not significantly differentiate credit behavior within all income categories; however, social class does appear to be a valid segmentation variable in the upper income categories. According to Martineau, segmenting a market by social class permits a "richer dimension" of consumer behavior. Thus, one would expect social class to be a better indicator of consumer attitudes than income level. To test this concept, a five-point Likert scale was developed to measure an individual's attitudes toward credit card use.' A Chi-square analysis of these data suggest that income and social class provide an equal understanding of consumer attitudes toward purchasing goods on credit. ' ' Same reference as footnote 6. ' H. Lee Mathews and John W. Slocum, Jr., Marketing Strategies in the Commercial Bank Credit Card Field (Chicago, 111.: Bank Public Relations and Marketing Association, 1968), pp
4 2 Journal of Marketing, April, 19 TABLE 3 USE OF COMMERCIAL BANK CREDIT CARDS BY SOCIAL CLASS WITHIN INCOME GROUPS Social Upper Middle Lower ,999' Card Use INCOME CLASS $-$6 of Users by Type of centage "A Chi-square analysis indicated that these findings are significant at the.6 level INCOME CLASS $,-$9,999' of Users by Type of Card Use Social Upper Middle Lower A Chi-square analysis indicated that these findings are significant at the.32 level Social Upper Middle Lower INCOME CLASS $1,-$12,999 of Users by Type of Card Use' Conveyitence centage The lower middle and lower classes were combined so that the expected frequency in each cell was never less than three. A Chi-square analysis indicated that these findings are significant at the.26 level Social Upper Middle Lower INCOME CLASS $13, and OVER of Users by Type of Card Use Per- Per- centage centage centage A Chi-square analysis indicated that these findings are significant at the.8 level
5 Marketing Notes and Communications 8 Acceptable Goods Luggage Furniture Clothing Vacations Jewelry Swimming Pools Education Appliances Medical Expenses Antiques Hobbies Groceries Furs Gifts Gasoline Sporting Goods Boats Restaurants Entertainment Sewing Machines TABLE 4 CONSUMER ATTITUDES TOWARD ACCEPTABLE GOODS TO CHARGE BY INCOME GROUPS WITHIN SOCIAL CLASSES Upper Upper Middle Middle Lower MiddU Lower A Chi-square analysis indicated that attitudes to charge specific items differed significantly by income groups at the.5 level: upper income groups more favorable in all instances. A Chi-square analysis indicated that attitudes to charge specific items differed significantly by income groups at the.1 level: upper income groups more favorable in all instances. NOTE: Tables for all Chi-square values are available from the authors upon request. Therefore, within different social classes income levels demonstrate an effect upon attitudes toward charging goods. Members of the upper social class, for example, exhibit similar attitudes regardless of their income level. The pattern of attitudes changes, however, in the middle social class. Here income patterns significantly affect attitudes toward charging various consumer goods. In all instances, where significant differences exist, the data indicate that upper income groups hold more favorable attitudes than lower income groups. These results are summarized in Table 4. Table 5 summarizes the data which suggest that within certain income categories social class membership affects consumer attitudes. For example, in income category $,-$9,999, the upper social classes feel it is more acceptable to charge furs, luggage, antiques, and other goods than the lower social classes. This effect is noted in all instances where significant differences are obtained; that is, the upper social classes maintain a more favorable attitude toward credit card use in the purchase of certain goods than the lower social classes. If social class membership was a better market segmentation variable than income, the number of significant attitudinal differences between social class and income as market segmentation variables should be high. According to Martineau and Wasson, social class is a better indicator of buyer behavior than income. By holding income constant, social classes do not exhibit a large number of different buying preferences. Furthermore, the number of significant differences should be substantially more than noted in Table 4 if social class was a more salient segmentation variable. When comparing the data in Table 5 with those found in Table 4, we can conclude only that neither segmentation variable influences consumer attitudes more than the other. Based on the above analysis, it would appear that social class is not the most useful market segmentation variable in the area of consumer credit card behavior. The concept of social class as the best segmentation variable, developed by Martineau and advocated by Coleman and others, needs to be critically reexamined in light of these findings. While it is difficult to speculate beyond these data, the need to segment markets in terms of income cannot be overlooked. Social class position does not necessarily appear to be a more significant determinant of consumer behavior than amount of income. The obvious example of the differences in household expenditure patterns of a family income of $1, earned by a truck driver compared to a college professor is open to question. In large groups of people, such examples do not occur with sufficient frequency to invalidate the use of income as a segmentation variable.
6 4 Journal of Marketing, April, 19 Acceptable Goods Luggage Furniture Clothing Vacations Jewelry Swimming Pools Education Appliances Medical Expenses Antiques Hobbies Groceries Furs Gifts Gasoline Sporting Goods Boats Restaurants Entertainment Sewing Machines TABLE 5 CONSUMER ATTITUDES TOWARD ACCEPTABLE GOODS TO CHARGE BY SOCIAL CLASS WITHIN INCOME LEVELS Income < $6,999 Income $,. $9,999 -J- Incom^ $1,- $12,999 -f- Inco^me > $13, A Chi-square analysis indicated that attitudes to charge specific items differed sig^nificantly by social classes at the.5 level: upper classes more favorable in all instances. A Chi-square analysis indicated that attitudes to charge specific items differed significantly by social classes at the.1 level: upper class more favorable in all instances. Relative Occupational Income: A Significant Variable in the Marketing of Automobiles A combination of family income and occupation is introduced as a new explanatory variable in this study of buying behavior. This easy-to-build, new variable may be more helpful in market segmentation and in the task of understanding buying behavior, than either income or occupation used alone. WILLIAM H. PETERS THIS study of buying behavior introduces a new explanatory variable relative occupational class income. It is the relationship of a family's total income to the median income of other families in the same occupational class. (Occupational class is determined by the occupation of the family head.) A family whose income is above the median for their occupational class is placed in the "overprivileged" group. A family whose income is below the median for their occupational class falls into the "underprivileged" group. Families in the middleincome range for their occupational class make up the "average" group. It is hypothesized that relative occupational class income, used as an explanatory variable, will add a new, helpful dimension to the study of buying behavior differences and similarities. The following questions are considered in this study: Is the buying behavior of overprivileged blue-collar workers, white-collar workers, and professionals similar? Or, do all blue-collar workers have similar buying behavior? Is relative occupational class income a better tool for market segmentation than either absolute income level or occupation used alone? These questions are examined in the context of a study of automobile ownership. Previous Research The concept of relative occupational class income is most closely related to the ideas put forth by Coleman.> He noted that explanatory variables such as income and social class, when used alone, are Richard P. Coleman, "The Significance of Social Stratification in Selling," in Marketing: A Maturing Discipline, Martin L. Bell, ed. (Chicago, 111.: American Marketing Association, Winter, 196) pp
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