Rivalry and the Israel-Palestine Conflict

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1 Rivalry and the Israel-Palestine Conflict By Ferdinand v. Götzen University of Glasgow (April 2013) 1

2 In October 1945 during a meeting with Franklin D. Roosevelt, King Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia expressed his preference that a Jewish state be established on German land, as Germany was responsible for the Holocaust. Ibn Saud warned Roosevelt of the potentiality of conflict and the difficulties that a Jewish state in Palestine would bring. The International Community however, decided that Palestine would be the most logical place to establish a Jewish state. In 1948 Israel declared itself independent leading to over half a century of constant conflict and tension that saw the development of some of the most complex and intense rivalries in modern history. Those supporting the Palestinians view the conflict as an illegitimate occupation of Palestinian land by Israel with the unfair economic and diplomatic support of the United States. Those who sympathize with the Israelis however, tend to view the conflict as a terrorist campaign led by Palestinian groups such as Hamas and Fatah from which Israel needs to defend itself. This essay will attempt to analyse the origins, causes and development of the Israel-Palestine conflict in order to explain what measures could potentially deescalate a seemingly unresolvable conflict. The beginning of the rivalry between Israel and Palestine can be traced back to the creation and promotion of Zionism by the Hungarian journalist, Theodor Herzl in Zionism was born from the increasing oppression that the Jewish population of Europe experienced towards the end of the 19 th century. Herzl promoted the need for an independent, internationally recognised Israeli state, the promised land in which Jews could live safe from persecution (Dowty, 2005: pp ). Until 1948, Palestine covered square-miles of land and bordered Egypt, Syria, the Jordan River and Lebanon. Before the Second World War, the land was inhabited 2

3 by both Jews and Arabs (Dowty, 2005: pp ). Though Arabs long represented a majority of the area s population, the rise of Zionism saw a rapid increase in Jewish settlers throughout the 20 th century (Gelvin, 2007: p. 102). The intervention of a third party on the issue of the establishment of an Israeli State didn t occur until the Balfour Declaration presented Britain s support for a Jewish state on the 2 nd of November After the Great War, in order to dismantle the Ottoman Empire, Britain secured a League of Nations Mandate that planned to prepare Palestine for self-governance under a Jewish State functioning within the Empire (Tessler, 1994: pp ). This mandate presents the beginning of actual conflict between Jews and Arabs in Palestine; the British had hoped that they would coexist in a multi-ethnic democracy under Jewish rule (Tessler, 1994: p. 151). The British plan ultimately failed as Jewish settlement was met with strong resistance from the local Arab population, often ending in violent clashes throughout the 1920s and 1930s, the height of which is known as the Arab Revolt of 1936 (Tessler, 1994: p. 238). At the end of the Second World War, it became clear that the Jewish people would need compensation for the atrocities and consequences of the Holocaust. The international community decided on Palestine as a future settlement for the Jews and presented a partition-plan (Shlaim, 2009: p. 28). In 1948, under Israeli and Arab pressure, Britain withdrew from Palestine and on the 14 th of May, Israel declared itself an independent state under David Ben-Gurion, Executive Head of the World Zionist Organisation (Tessler, 1994: pp ). Jordan, Egypt and Syria declared war on the newly founded Israeli state leading to the 3

4 destruction of hundreds of Palestinian villages with Israel occupying 78% of historic Palestine and 70% of Palestinians left refugees (Tessler, 1994: ). Despite Israeli victory, tensions remained between Jews and Arabs. Israel quickly gained international recognition, leaving the Palestinians confused and angry about their status. Palestinian political organisation set its first milestone on February 3 rd 1964 with the foundation of the Palestine Liberation Organization in Cairo by the Arab League under the leadership of Ahmad Shuqeiri (Shlaim, 2009: pp ). The foundation of the PLO presents a key moment in the escalation of the conflict as it advocated the destruction of Israel. Anti-Israeli organisation continued into the 1960s with the foundation of Fatah in 1965 and the birth of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine in The Fatah became the major political party in the PLO under its leader Yasser Arafat, closely followed by the PFLP, a Marxist-Leninist revolutionary organisation (Tessler, 1994: pp ). The development of Palestinian resistance to the mere existence of Israel paved the way for the most significant event in the rivalry, the Six Day War. In 1967, following an Egyptian military build-up, Israel launched an attack on the Egyptian Air Force. A six-day war in which Israel defeated the combined military forces of Egypt, Jordan, Iraq and Syria ensued (Tessler, 1994: pp ). The war saw over 20,000 casualties and resulted in Israel capturing significant amounts of land from Syria, Egypt and Jordan. The sheer impact of the Six Day War in deepening rivalry between participant states was made clear by the Khartoum Resolution, presented at the Arab 4

5 Summit on the 1 st of September The resolution saw the adoption of the three no s by 8 Arab states, in which they agreed upon: no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel and no negotiations with Israel (Tessler, 1994: pp ). The Khartoum Resolution is the perfect example of typical rival behaviour; there is an irrational refusal to recognise the other state and an immediate rejection of peace based on grudges rather than politics (Valeriano, 2013: pp ). Soon afterwards, Fatah became the dominant party of the PLO and on February 2nd 1969, Yasser Arafat was appointed head of the PLO (Gelvin, 2007: p. 199). In 1972, the massacre of the Israeli Olympic team in Munich on the 6 th of September saw the first portrayal of Palestinians as terrorists (Rowley & Taylor, 2006: p. 87). The conflict escalated further, extending beyond the two main actors to involve the neighbouring states of Syria and Egypt, who on the 6 th of October 1973 launched a surprise attack on Israel, known as the Yom Kippur War. Despite initial losses, Israel reacted swiftly and regained all lost territory (Dowty, 2005: pp ). With the risk of further escalation, the US intervened in 1979 and through a combination of diplomacy and financial aid, eased tensions between Israel and Egypt. Egypt s President Anwar Sadat signed a historic declaration of mutual recognition with Israel. In exchange, Israel returned Sinai to Egypt and the first stable relationship in the Middle East since 1945 was formed (Dowty, 2005: p. 126). With Egypt s Sadat on Israel s side, granting the Jewish state legitimacy as an Arab supporter, tensions calmed down until On the 8 th of December however, Palestinians launched the First Intifada, a religious rebellion causing riots, strikes and 5

6 violence across the West Banka and Gaza. The Israeli military forces reacted with tear gas, plastic bullets and violence to supress the Palestinians. Following the Intifada, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin created the Hamas party from a Palestinian wing of the Muslim Brotherhood (Tessler, 1994: pp & ). The suppression of the First Intifada led to a period of negotiation, which many hoped would bring peace in the Middle East. In 1993, the US led the peace process for Israel and Palestine with the Oslo Accords. Despite vague statements by Israel, the Accords seemed to set the two parties on a road to recognition and cooperation (Gelvin, 2007: pp ). In July 2000, Bill Clinton brokered a peace summit between Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak at Camp David. Barak presented a resolution that heavily benefitted Israel and made very little difference to Palestine. The Palestinians rejected the Israeli proposal, leaving relations once again unstable. The failed Camp David Accords resulted in the Second Intifada, led by a combined effort of Fatah and Hamas (Gelvin, 2007: pp ). The Second Intifada had a lasting impact, leaving Palestine under Israeli siege. Under the newly enforced Israeli occupation, Palestinians rights were heavily compromised; dawn-to-dusk curfews, Israeli military patrols and a block of foreign aid were implemented. Conditions were abysmal with services from healthcare to education being completely neglected (Reinhart, 2002: pp & ). Israel s strict measures were viewed by many as harsh and in violation of the Geneva Convention, deepening the hatred between Palestinians and Israelis. Hamas landslide 6

7 victory in the PLO elections in 2006 meant a new era for Palestinian freedom movements; using more extreme methods, many deemed Hamas to be a terrorist organisation (Dowty, 2005: p. 185). Tensions eventually spiralled, reaching their climax in 2008 with the Gaza War. In response to Hamas activism, Israel invaded the Gaza Strip, attacking police stations, hospitals and mosques in a three-week war that would see the death of over 2000 Palestinians. Israel s victory however was not a decisive one (Shlaim, 2009: pp ). Palestine scored a significant victory in September 2011 by winning membership of the UNESCO, furthering their cause to gain international recognition. Though their bid to be fully recognised as an independent State failed due to the opposition of the US, Germany and Israel, Palestine was upgraded to non-member observer state status by the UN General Assembly on November 29 th 2012 (United Nations, 2012). The re-election of the conservative Benjamin Netanyahu in 2009 and division between the factions within the PLO have left both sides with leaders that are unwilling to recognise the other and the potential of conflict arising from a lack of negotiation. Many deem the numerous problems unresolvable. The main issues at stake in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are land, independence, security and recognition. Both parties want an independent state that is recognised by the International Community. The first problem to forming a state is that of land and borders. If one looks at John Locke s theories on land and land ownership, it becomes clear how complex it can be to appropriate land fairly in this debate. Locke speaks of paternal inheritance, however this hardly applies to this debate because the past 7

8 centuries have seen Jews and Arabs presence in Palestine fluctuating throughout the past millennium (Gelvin, 2007: p. 149). While the obvious solution is to divide the land equally, there is the problem of recognition; Israel doesn t recognise Palestine s claim to the land and vice versa, making it very hard to decide how to split it, let alone how to manage it (Gelvin, 2007: pp ). A major obstacle to resolving the land issue is Israel s settlement policy, which has only accelerated and gathered more negative attention since the election of Netanyahu in Israel has been ceding Palestinian-occupied land to Israelis willing to settle in Gaza and the West Bank, much in the same way the US gave Native land to Americans who migrated West after the 18 th century. Israel s attempt to overpopulate Palestinian territory is in direct contradiction with the former governments expressed desire to negotiate (Reinhart, 2002: pp ). There have however been many attempts, by political realists and liberals alike, to come up with solutions to the land problem in Israel. The most commonly accepted solution is the two-state solution, in which current Israel would be divided into a Jewish Israel and an Arab Palestine, independent from one another (Reinhart, 2002: pp ). One complication for the two-state solution is the fact that Palestine isn t one piece of land; it is divided into the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Political Realists view the conflict in terms of sovereignty. Realists see the rivalry as a power struggle, one that stems from Israel having military and economic power as well as international recognition, while Palestine does not (Morgenthau, 1945: pp. 1-8 & 17-18). According to realists, a two-state solution is viable, as the two states 8

9 sovereignty would cause a deadlock of political power and thus, peaceful relations. The problem with the Realist view however is that it only allows for the absence of war rather than proper peace in which the two peoples could have economic, diplomatic and even social cooperation. Many liberals support the two-state solution as well; defending the idea that Israel and Palestine would both, with the help of international institutions, relinquish some of their land and prejudices for the greater good. If a two-state solution was achieved, many Liberals cite democratic peace theory as a key element to the conflict s resolution. The theory claims that states can establish peace amongst themselves, as like-minded democratic states are less likely to go to war. Similar to realists, liberals believe state sovereignty to be important, however they believe that sovereign states can pool their sovereignty by becoming socially and economically interdependent (Doyle, 1986) pp ). In the case of this particular rivalry, Israel and Palestine would become interdependent through economic and diplomatic relations. Participating in international institutions would stabilize the tensions and pave the way to peace. There is however a major problem with the orthodox international relations theories. Neither realism nor liberalism can account for the fact that Israel and Palestine are already too interdependent. Sharing the same land, water resources and depending on one another for labour, Israel and Palestine already act as one sovereign entity due to their interdependence. Critical theorists and constructionists claim that the land might just be too small and too densely populated to be separated and suggest another 9

10 resolution that takes into account culture, society and religion rather than citizenship and sovereignty. The proposed solution to the land issue by modern political thinkers is the bi-national state solution. In a bi-national state, Israelis and Palestinians would live together under one government with a constitution that preserves both groups rights to language, culture, freedom and identity (Reinhart, 2002: 53 & 55-58). Suggestions have been for a bi-national state, separated into semi-autonomous zones called cantons. In this case there would be Palestinian cantons and Israeli cantons, or states, within which each group would have a certain degree of autonomy under a federal government run by both groups (Reinhart, 2002: 43-45). This would combine the ideas of a federal state such as the US or Germany with that of a multi-national state such as the UK. There are however, numerous obstacles that make it very unlikely for the two parties to agree to a one-state solution. The first problem is one of recognition; Israel is an internationally recognized state while Palestine is not. This plays a huge role as it forces Palestine into the underdog role, which is why the rivalry goes beyond a simple quarrel between states. The Palestinian struggle for autonomy is one for recognition (Gelvin, 2002: p ). The case is worsened by the United States support for Israel as the super-power s veto has often blocked past resolutions that went against Israel s human rights abuse in the UN Security Council. In addition to political backing, the US offers 3 billion dollars worth of aid to Israel every year and provides the country with significant amounts of military equipment (Reinhart, 2002: pp ). Many have criticized American support of Israel leading to Obama 10

11 stating his support for Palestinian Independence so long as Palestine and Israel reach an agreement. The Israeli-Palestinian problem is one of ethnic, cultural and religious rivalry in addition to political opposition. Conflict between Jews and Arabs has existed for hundreds of years in the Middle East and the issues at stake go far beyond that of land. Israelis appeal to the injustice of their exile hundreds of years ago while Palestinians object to the Israeli invasion of the lands that they inherited from their parents. The main problem is that the acts that caused the enmity were committed by different people, generations ago. The historic back and forth of conflict makes it impossible to determine who is right and it is this uncertainty that epitomizes the rivalry; Israel and Palestine are political, military and historic rivals and the issues that once caused the hatred have lost their importance (Rowley & Taylor, 2006: pp & 82-84). The fact that only the enmity remains is typical of political rivalry. The enmity between the two peoples has become increasingly political over years, leading to an outright rejection of peace. Benjamin Netanyahu has clearly stated that he has no desire or intention to negotiate with Palestine and similar claims have been made by the PLO (Shlaim, 2009: pp ). The Israel-Palestine conflict faces a recognition dilemma ; there is no chance of negotiation because neither side recognizes the other. If both sides refuse to acknowledge the mere right of existence of the other side, there is no way to get them to negotiate. The recognition problem is the key issue and the most important obstacle to the resolution of the rivalry. 11

12 The problem of recognition and rivalry extends beyond the borders of Israel into the third-party actors of the conflict. Countries such as Iran don t recognize Israel while Israel s main supporters don t recognize Palestine. Iranian president Ahmadinejad has often stated his desire for the destruction of Israel and has worked closely with Hamas, supporting their violent means. Other countries in the Arab League have also denied Israel s right to exist often choosing to politically attack Israel rather than support Palestine (Rowley & Taylor, 2006: pp ). The key third-party actors have made things more complicated, placing the Israel-Palestine conflict within a larger rivalry between the West and the Middle East. The Scapegoat Theory argues that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has become a scapegoat to the large rivalry between the United States and the Middle East. Political leaders would have to accept that the conflict is a rivalry and that its resolution lies in logical rather than emotional negotiations (Valeriano, 2013: pp ) If the recognition dilemma was to be overcome, Israel and Palestine could negotiate more efficiently with fair-minded proposals at the centre of discussion. If Israel recognised Palestine, there could be an end to the bellicism that has caused so much conflict in the past century (Gelvin, 2007: p ). Bellicism is the act of using war as the first measure to resolution rather than the last, epitomized by Palestine s Intifadas and Israel s counterattacks. The first step to solving the recognition problem could be the neutralisation of other actors in the conflict. Since signing the Mutual Recognition Pact in 1979, Egypt has functioned as Mediator of the Israel-Palestine conflict (Dowty, 2005: pp ). There is no doubt as to the positive impacts that Egypt s role has had on the rivalry 12

13 and though Egypt s position is currently unclear under Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, it is widely accepted that more mediator states in the region could make a significant difference. Similarly, support for both Israel and Palestine from international institutions can grant both sides an undeniable legitimacy. The UN s acceptance of Palestine into the UNESCO and its upgrade to observer-state status have backed up Palestine s claims for independence (United Nations, 2012). If a majority of third-party actors support both Israel and Palestine, they would be peerpressured into negotiating, as there would be nobody to legitimise their reasons for non-recognition. There is no doubt that the US recognition of Palestine would put pressure onto Netanyahu s government to negotiate with the PLO, especially given that the President of the United States can officially recognize countries without congress approval (Rowley & Taylor, 2006: pp ). It is clear that the Israeli-Palestinian rivalry is a typically complex one with a combination of issues extending from land possession to ethnicity (Valeriano, 2013: p143). These issues have, over the past century, fuelled an enmity that is characterized by a refusal from both sides to recognize the other s right to exist. This recognition dilemma is at the source of the problems when it comes to negotiation; political thinkers may have presented solutions to the land problem, such as the twostate solution or the bi-national state solution, but it is ultimately negotiation between Israel and Palestine that will solve this issue. It is for this reason that many place importance on the third-party actors such as the US, the UN and the Arab League to work as neutral mediators, granting both sides enough legitimacy to pressure or entice them into negotiation. As long as both parties refuse to recognize one another, peace negotiations will be unlikely and unsuccessful. 13

14 Bibliography: Dowty, A. (2005) Israel/Palestine, 2 nd ed., Cambridge: Polity Press Doyle, M. (1986) Liberalism and World Politics The American Political Science Review, vol. 80, no. 4: pp , Washington DC: American Political Science Association Gelvin, J.L. (2007) The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: a Hundred years of War, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Morgenthau, H. (1945) The Evil of Politics and the Ethics of Evil Ethics, vol. 56, no. 1: pp. 1-18, Chicago: University of Chicago Press Reinhart, T. (2002) Israel/Palestine: How to End the War of 1948, Canada: Seven Stories Press Rowley, C.K. & Taylor, J. (2006) The Israel and Palestine Land Settlement Problem, : An Analytical History - Public Choice Vol. 128 No. 1/2, The Political Economy of Terrorism, pp , New York: Springer Shlaim, A. (2009) Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, Revisions, Refutations, London: Verso Tessler, M. (1994) A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Bloomington: Indiana University Press United Nations (2012) Sixty-seventh General Assembly General Assembly Plenary 44 th & 45 th Meetings, New York: News and Media Division < [Accessed: March 2013] Valeriano, B. (2013) Becoming Rivals: The Process of Interstate Rivalry Development, New York: Routledge. 14

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