1 Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? John Schmitt and Janelle Jones July 2012 Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 400 Washington, D.C
2 CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? i Contents Executive Summary... 1 Introduction... 2 Defining a Good Job... 3 Earnings... 3 Health Insurance... 4 Retirement... 6 Good Jobs... 7 Accounting for Increasing Age and Education... 9 Conclusion References About the Authors John Schmitt is a Senior Economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, D.C. Janelle Jones is a Research Assistant at CEPR. Acknowledgements The authors thank Dean Baker and Heidi Shierholz for helpful comments. CEPR thanks the Ford Foundation and the Public Welfare Foundation for generous financial support.
3 CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 1 Executive Summary The U.S. workforce is substantially older and better educated than it was at the end of the 1970s. The typical worker in 2010 was seven years older than in In 2010, over one-third of US workers had a four-year college degree or more, up from just one-fifth in Given that older and better educated workers generally receive higher pay and better benefits, we would have expected the share of good jobs in the economy to have increased in line with improvements in the quality of workforce. Instead, the share of good jobs in the U.S. economy has actually fallen. By our definition of a good job one that pays at least $37,000 per year, has employer-provided health insurance, and an employer-sponsored retirement plan the share of workers with a good job fell from 27.4 percent in 1979 to 24.6 percent in The total share of good jobs had declined even before the Great Recession; in 2007, for example, only 25.0 percent of workers had a good job by our definition. Our estimates, which control for increases in age and education of the population, suggest that relative to 1979 the economy has lost about one-third (28 to 38 percent) of its capacity to generate good jobs. The standard explanation for the deterioration in the economy s ability to create good jobs is that most workers skills have not kept up with the rapid pace of technological change. But, if technological change were behind the decline in good jobs, then we would expect that a higher probably substantially higher share of workers with a four-year college degree or more would have good jobs today. Instead, at every age level, workers with four years or more of college are actually less likely to have a good job now than three decades ago. This development is even more surprising because the economy also has almost twice as many workers with advanced degrees today as it did in We believe, instead, that the decline in the economy s ability to create good jobs is related to a deterioration in the bargaining power of workers, especially those at the middle and the bottom of the income scale. The main cause of the loss of bargaining power is the large-scale restructuring of the labor market that began at the end of the 1970s and continues to the present. The share of private-sector workers who are unionized has fallen from 23 percent in 1979 to less than 8 percent today. The inflation-adjusted value of the minimum wage today is 15 percent below what it was in Several large industries, including trucking, airlines, telecommunications, and others, have been deregulated, often at a substantial cost to their workers. Many jobs in state and local government have been privatized and outsourced. Trade policy has put low- and middle-wage workers in the United States in direct competition with typically much lower-wage workers in the rest of the world. A dysfunctional immigration system has left a growing share of our immigrant population at the mercy of their employers, while increasing competitive pressures on low-wage workers born in the United States. And all of these changes have played out in a macroeconomic context that has with the exception of the last half of the 1990s placed a much greater emphasis on controlling inflation than achieving full employment. In our view, these policy decisions, rooted in politics, are the main explanations for the decline in the economy s ability to generate good jobs.
4 CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 2 Introduction Over the last three decades, the United States has experienced an enormous increase in its productive capacity. Compared to the end of the 1970s, the typical worker today is almost twice as likely to have a four-year college degree or more, is about seven years older, is working with about 50 percent more physical capital (buildings, machinery, equipment, etc.), and using much more advanced technology. As a direct result, even after the Great Recession, the United States was, on a per-person basis, over 60 percent richer in 2010 than it was in (See Table 1.) TABLE 1 Growth in Productive Capacity of the U.S. Economy, Workers with a four-year college degree or more (Percent of all workers, ages 18-64) Median age of workers, (Years) Capital per worker (Index, 1979=100.0) Workers using computer on job (percent of all workers) GDP per person (2010 dollars) 28,643 46,904 Notes: Workers with a four-year college degree or more and median age of workers from authors analysis of Current Population Survey (CPS) data. Capital per worker from authors analysis of Department of Commerce, Survey of Current Business, various years, and Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Employment Statistics. Workers using computer at work is authors estimate based on Department of Commerce (2003, 2011). GDP per person from World Bank, World Development Indicators, converted to 2010 dollars using GDP chaintype price index. As we have documented in earlier research, however, the U.S. economy has not managed to translate this substantial upgrading in the quality of the workforce and capital stock into a similar increase in overall job quality. 1 Using the definition of a good job that we develop in detail below one that pays at least $18.50 per hour, has employer-provided health insurance, and some kind of retirement plan the share of the U.S. workforce that has a good job actually declined from 27.4 percent in 1979 to 24.6 percent in This decline in job quality took place despite large increases in the average age and educational attainment of the workforce, which suggests that, if not for these improvements in the quality of the workforce, the decrease in good jobs would have been even greater. In fact, our analysis implies that, over the last three decades, the U.S. economy has seen a decline of about one-third in its capacity to generate good jobs. 1 See Schmitt (2005, 2007, 2008).
5 CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 3 In the remainder of this report, we first define what we mean by a good job and spell out our three specific criteria based on pay, health insurance, and retirement benefits. We then examine trends between 1979 and 2010 in the distribution of good jobs using this definition. Finally, we measure the impact of the large improvements in the quality of the U.S. workforce since 1979 on the creation of good jobs. Controlling for this increase in workers age and education allows us to gauge the extent of the decline in the underlying capacity of the U.S. economy to generate good jobs. Defining a Good Job A good job is hard to define and many reasonable definitions exist. For our purposes, we seek a definition that both resonates with workers and that can be measured consistently over the last three decades. Pay is obviously central to job quality. Our analysis uses earnings as a key benchmark, but also incorporates health insurance and retirement benefits. Ideally, we would like to include many other characteristics of jobs job security, opportunities for advancement, availability of paid sick days, paid family leave, paid vacation, scheduling flexibility, workplace health and safety, and many others. Unfortunately, no data sources exist that track these features of jobs over the last three decades, and where there are data on some of these individual job characteristics, the data are not available in conjunction with other job quality information such as pay, health insurance, and retirement benefits. In this report, we follow earlier CEPR research and define a good job as one that pays at least $18.50 per hour (in constant 2010 dollars), offers any type of health insurance, and provides some kind of retirement plan. 2 We believe that this simple definition captures many of the most important features of job quality, both because pay and these core benefits are important on their own terms, but also because high pay and the availability of health insurance and retirement benefits are strongly correlated with other desirable job characteristics that we have not been able to include here. Our definition also has the highly useful feature of being measurable, using the Current Population Survey (CPS), from 1979 through the present. 3 Next, we will describe the three components of our good-job measure and how they are measured using CPS data. Earnings A good job in our analysis must pay at least $18.50 per hour, or about $37,000 annually. 4 This was the median hourly pay, in inflation-adjusted 2010 dollars, for men in Thus, a good job today pays as much, in inflation-adjusted terms, as the typical male earned in Figure 1 shows the trends from 1979 through 2010 in the share of all jobs above this earnings cutoff. In 2010, 47.2 percent of the workforce was at or above the earnings threshold, up from This analysis differs slightly from earlier research because the sample of workers here is limited to those who worked at least 26 weeks in the calendar year before the March CPS and worked an average of at least 20 hours per week. 3 The CPS is a large, nationally representative, monthly survey of U.S. households. Each year, the March CPS asks respondents about their income, health-insurance coverage, and retirement plan participation during the preceding calendar year. For further details on the CPS, see: 4 The values in the text round up from $18.43 per hour and $36,860 per year. All dollar figures in this report are in constant 2010 dollars, deflated using the CPI-U-RS.
6 Percent of Workforce CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 4 percent in The share of jobs earning at least $18.50 per hour was essentially flat over the Great Recession: 46.9 percent in 2007 and 47.2 percent in FIGURE 1 Share of Workers above Good-jobs Earnings Threshold, by Gender, Male All 40 Female 20 0 Source: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey. Earnings trends, however, differ strongly by gender. The share of men at or above the earnings cutoff declined from 57.4 percent in 1979 to 54.6 percent in At the same time, the share of women clearing the earnings threshold more than doubled, from 16.6 percent in 1979 to 38.7 percent in As a result, the gender earnings gap, by this measure, fell sharply. In 1979, men were 40.9 percentage points more likely than women to earn at least $18.50 per hour; by 2010, the gap had fallen to 15.9 percentage points. Health Insurance The second component of a good job is that it must have employer-provided health insurance. Throughout the time period examined here, the March CPS asked workers if they were covered by an employer-provided health insurance plan, and if so, whether the employer paid all, part, or none of the plan premiums. Several issues, however, may affect the interpretation of our health-insurance indicator. The first is that the CPS survey questions related to health insurance have changed several times over the last three decades. These changes had their biggest impact on measuring health-insurance coverage from sources other than employers, so are less relevant to our analysis. Moreover, the effect of almost all the survey changes was to raise the share of respondents who reported having some form of health 5 In general, our findings do not differ in any qualitative way if we use 2007 or 2010 as the endpoint of our analysis. Throughout, we report results for 2007 and 2010, but focus the discussion on the most recent data available, for 2010.
7 CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 5 insurance. Thus, to the extent that the survey changes have an impact on our results, the effect would be to bias our results toward finding more good jobs in recent years than in earlier years. 6 A second issue with the CPS data we use is that a worker must accept health-insurance coverage in order for us to observe them as having a job with employer-provided health insurance. A worker could have a job where employer-provided health insurance is available, for example, but choose not to accept it, and would be designated in our measure as not having a good job. This might be of particular concern with respect to married respondents that obtain employer-provided healthinsurance coverage through their spouse. In practice, however, this effect is not likely to be large. In 2008, for example, less than 14 percent of workers had employer-provided health insurance through someone other than their own employer. 7 More importantly, this share was roughly similar at the beginning and the end of the three decades, suggesting that movements in spousal coverage are not likely to bias our results in either direction. 8 Finally, the CPS does a poor job of gauging the quality of workers health-insurance plans. The CPS does not, for example, track the value of the underlying premiums, copays, deductibles, annual or lifetime limits, or other aspects of the coverage. The CPS does report a substantial decline in the share of employers who pay all of the health-insurance premium, but contains no other consistent measures of plan features over the full period. The quality of the underlying medical attention is certainly better today than it was three decades ago, but given greatly expanded efforts to shift the cost of insurance from employers to workers the quality of the health insurance itself is likely, on average, to be worse today than three decades ago. Our simple health-insurance measure, however, will not capture any of these likely declines in quality. Figure 2 displays the share of workers with an employer-provided health insurance plan. Even without taking into account the quality of plans offered, employer-provided coverage has sharply decreased. Between 1979 and 2010, the share of workers with coverage fell 16.4 percentage points for men, 12.9 percentage points for all workers, and 7.3 percentage points for women. This trend persisted through the Great Recession. 6 For a detailed discussion of changes to the CPS health-insurance questions, see Rho and Schmitt (2010). 7 Rho and Schmitt (2010), Table 4. 8 For a fuller analysis of workers health-insurance coverage from all sources, see Rho and Schmitt (2010) and Schmitt (2012).
8 Percent of Workforce CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 6 FIGURE 2 Share of Workers with Employer-provided Health Insurance, by Gender, Male All Female Source: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey. Retirement The final requirement for a good job is participation in an employer-sponsored retirement plan. Unfortunately, the March CPS does not track the quality of retirement benefits, so any employersponsored plan, regardless of its characteristics, will meet our criteria. Some of these plans will be traditional, defined-benefit pensions (of varying generosity), while some will be typically less generous defined-contribution systems along the lines of 401(k) plans (which also vary substantially with respect to their generosity). Defined-benefit plans have been on the decline over the last three decades and most have been replaced by some form of defined-contribution plan. By 2010, only about half of U.S. workers participated in an employer-sponsored retirement plan. 9 The shift from defined-benefit pensions to defined-contribution retirement plans represents a shift in risk from employers to employees, whose retirement income increasingly depends on their skill and luck in investing their individual holdings. This additional risk, however, is not measured in the March CPS, nor in our good jobs measure. Thus, much as in the case of health insurance, our measure likely overstates any progress the economy has made in improving job quality over time. Figure 3 shows the share of the workforce that has some kind of employer-sponsored retirement plan through their current employer. The portion of the workforce with a plan has zigzagged over the last three decades. Retirement coverage fell sharply through most of the 1980s as employers dropped traditional pensions. Coverage then increased through the 1990s, as employers began to offer lower-cost defined-contribution plans instead of traditional pensions. The economic downturn in the early 2000s, which was accompanied by a steep decline in stock prices, however, seems to 9 For a review of developments over the last three decades in retirement plans in the private sector, see Mishel, Bernstein, and Shierholz (2009).
9 Percent of Workforce CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 7 have set off a second wave of declines in retirement-plan participation. By 2010, the share of workers participating in a retirement plan at work was 7 percentage points lower than it had been in An interesting additional development is that since the early 2000s women have been more likely than men to participate in a retirement plan, a substantial reversal of the pattern in the 1980s and 1990s. FIGURE 3 Share of Workers with Employer-sponsored Retirement Plan, by Gender, Female All Male Source: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey. Good Jobs We now examine the results of combining these three individual criteria earning at least $18.50 per hour, having employer-provided health insurance, and participating in an employer-sponsored retirement plan. As Figure 4 demonstrates, in 2010, 24.6 percent of all jobs met our good-jobs standard, down from 27.4 percent in Over the last three decades, the share of good jobs in the economy fell 2.8 percentage points, despite substantial increases in the quality of the workforce and a 63 percent increase in GDP per person.
10 Percent of Workforce Percent of Workforce CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 8 FIGURE 4 Share of Workers with Good Jobs, Source: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey. Figure 5 shows large differences in good-job trends by gender. For women, the share in good jobs has grown almost continuously, from 12.4 percent in 1979 to 21.1 percent in Over the same period, the share of men in good jobs fell almost 10 percentage points, from 37.4 percent in 1979 to 27.7 percent in Over the entire period, women were less likely than men were to be in a good job, but the gender gap shrank steadily as the labor-market prospects for women generally improved. FIGURE 5 Share of Workers with Good Jobs, by Gender, Male All 20 Female Source: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey.
11 CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 9 Accounting for Increasing Age and Education As noted earlier, over the last three decades, the age and educational attainment of the workforce has increased substantially. Given that older and better-educated workers are more likely to hold good jobs, we would have expected the good-jobs rate to have increased in line with this improvement in the quality of the workforce. That the good-jobs share has, instead, declined suggests that the economy has lost an important part of its underlying ability to generate good jobs. In this section, we use the available information about the changing age and educational characteristics of the workforce to estimate the size of the deterioration in the economy s capacity to produce good jobs. Table 2 and Figures 6a and 6b document the large increase in the age and education of the workforce since In 1979, almost 20 percent of the workforce had less than a high school degree, but, by 2010, that share had dropped to just 7 percent. In 1979, about 20 percent of workers had a four-year college degree or more; by 2010, the share had increased to 34 percent. Over the same period, the workforce also aged considerably. 10 In 1979, almost half of workers (47.4 percent) were between 18 and 34 years old. By 2010, the share in this age range had fallen to one-third (33.4 percent). Over the same period, the share of workers in the 35 to 54 year-old range increased from just under 40 percent to almost 50 percent; and the share of workers just below retirement age 55 to 64 grew from about 13 percent to almost 18 percent of all workers. These demographic shifts combined to raise the median age of the workforce 7 years. As a result of these developments, by 2010, the typical worker was substantially older and much better educated than in TABLE 2 Increases in Age and Educational Attainment of the Workforce, (percent of employees, age 18-64) Education Less than High School High School Some College College or more Age Notes: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey. 10 Our sample throughout is limited to the workforce in the 18 to 64 age range.
12 Percent of workforce Percent of workforce CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 10 FIGURE 6a Increases in Educational Attainment of the Workforce, Less than High School High School Some College College or more Notes: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey. FIGURE 6b Increases in Age of the Workforce, Notes: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey.
13 Percent of workforce CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 11 Remarkably, though, workers at every education level even those with a college degree or more were less likely to be in a good job in 2010 than they were in 1979 (see Table 3 and Figures 7a and 7b). In 2010, only 3.9 percent of workers with less than a high school degree were in a good job, compared to 18.2 percent in 1979; among high school graduates, 14.7 percent were in good jobs in 2010, compared to 24.4 percent in 1979; and for those with a four-year college degree or more, 40.5 percent were in good jobs in the most recent data, down from 43.2 percent at the end of the 1970s. The decline in the good-jobs rate for workers with a four-year college degree or more is especially striking because the share of the workforce with an advanced degree (M.A., J.D., M.D., Ph.D. or similar) increased from 6.5 percent in 1979 to 11.8 percent in TABLE 3 Good Jobs, by Education and Age Groups, (percent of employees, age 18-64) Education Less than High School High School Some College College or more Age Notes: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey. FIGURE 7a Good Jobs, by Education, College or more Some College 20 High School 10 Less than High School Notes: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey.
14 Percent of workforce CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 12 FIGURE 7b Good Jobs, by Age Groups, Notes: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey. Workers at every age level were also less likely to have a good job in 2010 than they were in 1979 (see Table 3). For 18-to-34 year olds, only 15 percent of workers had a good job in 2010, down from almost 20 percent in For 35-to-54 year olds, the 2010 rate was 29 percent, compared to 35 percent in For 55-to-64 year olds, the share fell to 31 percent in 2010 from 33 percent in Even as the workforce grew older and better educated, the economy became less and less able to provide workers at every age and education level with a good job. Table 4 summarizes the basics of a more formal analysis that attempts to measure the degree to which the economy has lost its ability to generate good jobs. For each year (1979, 2007, and 2010), we divide the workforce into twelve education-and-age groups, based on the same age-and-education categories in Table 2. For each of these 12 groups, separately for each year, we calculate the share of workers with a good job. In 1979, for example, 22.7 percent of workers with less than a high school degree and between the ages of 35 and 54 had a good job. We also calculate the share of the workforce in each year that fell into each of the 12 groups. In 1979, for example, 9.2 percent of all workers were in the group comprised of workers with less than a high school degree and in the 35-to-54 year-old age range. Within each year, the share of the 12 age-and-education groups sums to 100 percent, or the total workforce in the 18- to-64 age range. Note, also, that the good-jobs rate for All is simply the weighted average of the good-jobs rate for each group, where the weights are each group s share in total employment.
15 CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 13 TABLE 4 Distribution of Good Jobs, by Age and Educational Attainment, (percent of employees, ages 18-64) Education, Age 1979 Share of total workforce 1979 Goodjobs rate 2007 Share of Total workforce 2007 Goodjobs rate 2010 Share of Total workforce 2010 Goodjobs rate Less than High school, Less than High school, Less than High school, High school, High school, High school, Some college, Some college, Some college, College or more, College or more, College or more, All Notes: Authors analysis of March Current Population Survey. This feature of the overall good-jobs rate that it is simply the weighted average of the good-jobs shares for the 12 age-and-education categories allows us to examine the effects on the overall good-jobs share with changes in the age-and-education mix of the workforce. We can, for example, ask what the overall good-jobs share would have been in 2010, if we had not had any age or educational upgrading after To do so, we simply take the age-and-education distribution of the workforce in 1979 (column one of Table 4), rather than the actual 2010 age-and-education distribution (column five), and multiply it by the actual 2010 good-jobs rates for the same age-andeducation groups (column six). As Table 5 shows, the resulting calculation suggests that if the economy had not experienced any educational upgrading at all between 1979 and 2010, the overall good-jobs rate would have fallen from its actual 1979 rate of 27.4 percent to only 17.1 percent (shaded cell in the first row). The 10.3 percentage-point decline in the good-jobs rate that would have occurred in the absence of the ageand-education upgrading gives one estimate of the deterioration in the underlying capacity of the economy to generate good jobs. In the absence of observed improvements in the labor force, the share of good jobs would have fallen about 38 percent (10.3/27.4).
16 CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 14 TABLE 5 Effects of Aging Population and Educational Upgrading on Good Jobs, (percent of employees, ages 18-64, with a good job) Good-Job Rates from: Workforce from: Difference Difference Notes: The entries on the main diagonal 27.4 and 24.6 give the actual good-job rates in 1979 and 2010, from Figures 4 and 5, and Table 4. The shaded, off-diagonal entries give counterfactual good-job rates. For 2007 (not shown in table), the actual rate of good jobs was 25.0 percent. The overall rate of good jobs using the 1979 age-andeducation distribution and the 2007 good-jobs rate would be 18.0 percent. The overall rate of good jobs using the 2007 age-and-education distribution and the 1979 goodjobs rates would be 33.6 percent. We can also use the same data to ask a different question: what would the good-jobs rate have been in 2010 if the economy had not lost any of its capacity to generate good jobs between 1979 and 2010? In this case, we use the actual distribution of workers by age and education in 2010 (column 5 of Table 4), but substitute the corresponding rate of good jobs held by each group in 1979 (column 2), when each group was more likely than today to have a good job. As Table 5 summarizes, if the economy had sustained the same capacity to produce good jobs that it had in 1979, the workforce upgrading that the economy did experience between 1979 and 2010 would have produced an overall good-jobs rate of 34.2 percent in 2010 (shaded cell in the second row), compared to the actual rate of 24.6 percent. Once again, we can use the gap between the actual and hypothetical rates to provide an estimate of the deterioration in the underlying capacity of the economy to create good jobs. In this case, the 1979 economy would have yielded a good-jobs rate of 34.2 percent if it had had the more-experienced, better-educated workforce available in That the 2010 economy could only produce a good-jobs rate of 24.6 percent with the higher quality workforce suggests that between 1979 and 2010 the economy lost about 28 percent (9.6/34.2) of its capacity to generate good jobs. Conclusion The U.S. workforce is substantially older and better educated than it was at the end of the 1970s. Given that older and better-educated workers generally receive higher pay and better benefits, we would have expected the share of good jobs to have increased in line with improvements in quality of the workforce. Instead, the share of good jobs in the U.S. economy has actually fallen. Our estimates suggest that, relative to 1979, the economy has lost about one-third (28 to 38 percent) of its capacity to generate good jobs. The standard explanation for the deterioration in the economy s ability to create good jobs is that most workers skills have not kept up with the rapid pace of technological change. The good jobs data, however, are not consistent with that view. If technological change were behind the decline in good jobs, then we would expect that a higher probably substantially higher share of workers with a four-year college degree or more would have good jobs today. Instead, at every age level, workers with four years or more of college are actually less likely to have a good job now than three
17 CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 15 decades ago. This development is even more surprising because the economy also has almost twice as many workers with advanced degrees today as it did in We believe, instead, that the decline in the economy s ability to create good jobs is related to a deterioration in the bargaining power of workers, especially those at the middle and the bottom of the income scale. The main cause of the loss of bargaining power is the large-scale restructuring of the labor market that began at the end of the 1970s and continues to the present. The share of private-sector workers who are unionized has fallen from 23 percent in 1979 to less than 8 percent today. The inflation-adjusted value of the minimum wage today is 15 percent below what it was in Several large industries, including trucking, airlines, telecommunications, and others, have been deregulated, often at a substantial cost to their workers. Many jobs in state and local government have been privatized and outsourced. Trade policy has put low- and middle-wage workers in the United States in direct competition with typically much lower-wage workers in the rest of the world. A dysfunctional immigration system has left a growing share of our immigrant population at the mercy of their employers, while increasing competitive pressures on low-wage workers born in the United States. And all of these changes have played out in a macroeconomic context that has with the exception of the last half of the 1990s placed a much greater emphasis on controlling inflation than achieving full employment. In our view, these policy decisions, rooted in politics, are the main explanations for the decline in the economy s ability to generate good jobs For further discussion, see Baker (2007), Bernstein and Baker (2003), Bivens (2011), Mishel, Bernstein, and Shierholz (2009), and Schmitt (2009).
18 CEPR Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone? 16 References Baker, Dean The United States Since Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bernstein, Jared and Dean Baker The Benefits of Full Employment: When Markets Work for People. Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute. Bivens, Josh Failure by Design: The Story Behind America s Broken Economy. Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute. Mishel, Lawrence, Jared Bernstein and Heidi Shierholz State of Working America: Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Rho, Hye Jin and John Schmitt Health-Insurance Coverage Rates for US Workers, Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research. Schmitt, John How Good is the Economy at Creating Good Jobs? Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Job Quality in the United States over the Three Most Recent Business Cycles. Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research The Decline of Good Jobs, Challenge, vol. 51, no. 1 (January-February 2008), pp February Inequality as Policy: The United States since Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research Health-insurance Coverage for Low-wage Workers, and Beyond. Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research.
Making Jobs Good John Schmitt and Janelle Jones April 2013 Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 400 Washington, D.C. 20009 202-293-5380 www.cepr.net CEPR Making Jobs
Has Education Paid Off for Black Workers? Janelle Jones and John Schmitt June 2013 Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 400 Washington, D.C. 20009 202-293-5380 www.cepr.net
Issue Brief April 2012 Low-wage Workers Are Older and Better Educated than Ever BY JOHN SCHMITT AND JANELLE JONES* Relative to any of the most common benchmarks the cost of living, the wages of the average
Health-Insurance Coverage Rates for US Workers, 1979-2008 Hye Jin Rho and John Schmitt March 2010 Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 400 Washington, D.C. 20009 202-293-5380
Going Nowhere Workers Wages since the Mid-1970s I n the late 1990s, many observers hoped that we had finally broken free of the slow income growth that had bogged down the American middle class for more
cepr Briefing Paper CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND POLICY RESEARCH Student Debt: Bigger and Bigger By Heather Boushey September 2005 CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND POLICY RESEARCH 1611 CONNECTICUT AVE., NW, SUITE 400
Issue Brief August 2015 Young Black America Part Four: The Wrong Way to Close the Gender Wage Gap By Cherrie Bucknor* Young blacks in America have had significant improvements in educational attainment
Social Security Eligibility and the Labor Supply of Elderly Immigrants George J. Borjas Harvard University and National Bureau of Economic Research Updated for the 9th Annual Joint Conference of the Retirement
November 214 The Wealth of Households: An Analysis of the 213 Survey of Consumer Finances By David Rosnick and Dean Baker* Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Ave. NW Suite 4 Washington,
Levy Economics Institute of Bard College Levy Economics Institute of Bard College Policy Note 14 / 4 A DECADE OF FLAT WAGES? FERNANDO RIOS-AVILA and JULIE L. HOTCHKISS Workers wages are the most important
cepr Center for Economic and Policy Research Health Insurance Data Brief # 4 Access to Employer-Provided Health Insurance as a Dependent on a Family Member s Plan By Heather Boushey and Joseph Wright 1
The Impact on Inequality of Raising the Social Security Retirement Age David Rosnick and Dean Baker April 2012 Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 400 Washington,
The Impact of Cutting Social Security Cost of Living Adjustments on the Living Standards of the Elderly Dean Baker and David Rosnick September 2011 Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut
BRIEFING PAPER November 2005 Are Women Opting Out? Debunking the Myth BY HEATHER BOUSHEY Executive Summary A front page article in the New York Times (Story 2005) recently reported that women at Yale University
Women s Participation in Education and the Workforce Council of Economic Advisers Updated October 14, 214 Executive Summary Over the past forty years, women have made substantial gains in the workforce
Issue Brief September 2014 The Affordable Care Act: A Family-Friendly Policy By Helene Jorgensen and Dean Baker* Most of the discussion of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has focused on the extent to which
PROFILES OF CHANGE: EMPLOYMENT, EARNINGS, AND OCCUPATIONS FROM 1990-2013 April 20, 2015 By Melissa S. Kearney, Brad Hershbein, and Elisa Jácome The Hamilton Project There has been tremendous focus in recent
Health Insurance Coverage, Poverty, and Income of Veterans: 2 to 29 February 211 NCVAS National Center for Veterans Analysis and Statistics Data Source and Methods Data for this analysis come from years
S E C T I O N THE GROWING COST OF HEALTH INSURANCE COVERAGE 18 The Growing Cost of Health Insurance Coverage New York s large employers contribute higher shares of premium costs than employers in any other
I S S U E P A P E R kaiser commission on medicaid and the uninsured Changes in Health Insurance Coverage in the Great Recession, 2007-2010 John Holahan and Vicki Chen The Urban Institute Executive Summary
The Risk of Losing Health Insurance Over a Decade: New Findings from Longitudinal Data Executive Summary It is often assumed that policies to make health insurance more affordable to the uninsured would
Health-insurance Coverage for Lowwage Workers, 1979-2010 and Beyond John Schmitt February 2012 This paper was prepared for the conference on What Works for Workers? Public Policies and Innovative Strategies
Research perspective 1401 H Street, NW, Suite 1200 Washington, DC 20005 202/326-5800 www.ici.org November 2010 Vol. 16, No. 2 A Look at Private-Sector Retirement Plan Income After ERISA Key Findings Retirement
IWPR Publication #D487 March 2010 Social Security: Vital to Retirement Security for 35 Million Women and Men Jeff Hayes, Heidi Hartmann, and Sunhwa Lee This Briefing Paper examines major sources of income
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES CONGRESSIONAL BUDGET OFFICE Percent 70 The Distribution of Household Income and Federal Taxes, 2008 and 2009 60 50 Before-Tax Income Federal Taxes Top 1 Percent 40 30 20 81st
Issue Brief March 2012 Affording Health Care and Education on the Minimum Wage BY JOHN SCHMITT AND MARIE-EVE AUGIER* The current value of the federal minimum wage $7.25 per hour is often compared to the
SOCIETY OF ACTUARIES THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF ACTUARIES RETIREMENT PLAN PREFERENCES SURVEY REPORT OF FINDINGS January 2004 Mathew Greenwald & Associates, Inc. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION... 1 SETTING
IWPR #C411 January 2014 How Equal Pay for Working Women would Reduce Poverty and Grow the American Economy* Heidi Hartmann, Ph.D., Jeffrey Hayes, Ph.D., and Jennifer Clark Persistent earnings inequality
The Big Payoff: Educational Attainment and Synthetic Estimates of Work-Life Earnings Special Studies Issued July 2002 P23-210 Does going to school pay off? Most people think so. Currently, almost 90 percent
Employment Patterns During the Recovery: Who Are Getting the Jobs and Why? By Ayşegül Şahin and Jonathan L. Willis Employment in the United States is recovering slowly from the Great Recession. After declining
Autumn 1992 (Vol. 4, No. 3) Article No. 5 Discouraged workers - where have they gone? Ernest B. Akyeampong One of the interesting but less publicized labour market developments over the past five years
STATISTICAL BRIEF #436 April 214 Comparing Health Insurance Coverage and Costs for Employees in Lower-Wage versus Higher-Wage Establishments, Private Sector, 212 William A. Carroll, M.A. and Beth Levin
Issue Brief October 2012 The Problem with Structural Unemployment in the U.S. BY DEAN BAKER* It took centuries worth of research and evidence for astronomers to convince the world, including their fellow
WHAT DO WE KNOW ABOUT ENTRY-LEVEL, HOURLY EMPLOYEES? Families and Work Institute November 2006 Supporting Entry-Level, Hourly Employees is a project of the Families and Work Institute (FWI) and the Institute
Statement of Linda J. Blumberg, Ph.D. Senior Fellow The Urban Institute Committee on Energy and Commerce Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations United States House of Representatives Hearing: The
Trends in part-time and temporary work This analysis has been carried out using the latest available quarterly data from the Labour Force Survey. This was used to examine trends in temporary and part-time
FAMILY LEAVE INSURANCE AND TEMPORARY DISABILITY INSURANCE PROGRAMS The enactment P.L. 2008, chapter 17 on May 2, 2008 created the New Jersey Family Leave Insurance Program and required the Commissioner
Occasional Studies A Comparative Analysis of Income Statistics for the District of Columbia ACS Income Estimates vs. DC Individual Income Tax Data Jayron Lashgari Office of Revenue Analysis Office of the
1 A Gender Reversal On Career Aspirations Young Women Now Top Young Men in Valuing a High-Paying Career By Eileen Patten and Kim Parker Career Importance, by Gender % of 18-34-year-olds saying being successful
ICI RESEARCH PERSPECTIVE 1401 H STREET, NW, SUITE 1200 WASHINGTON, DC 20005 202-326-5800 WWW.ICI.ORG OCTOBER 2014 VOL. 20, NO. 6 WHAT S INSIDE 2 Introduction 2 Which Workers Want Retirement Benefits? 2
DIFFERING WORKPLACE PERCEPTIONS OF FEMALE GRADUATES Frederick J. DeCasperis, Ed.D Department of Marketing & Management Siena College email@example.com ABSTRACT Female students under the age of 25 when
GAO United States Government Accountability Office Report to Congressional Requesters February 2006 EMPLOYEE COMPENSATION Employer Spending on Benefits Has Grown Faster Than Wages, Due Largely to Rising
BRIEFING The self-employed and pensions Conor D Arcy May 2015 resolutionfoundation.org firstname.lastname@example.org +44 (0)203 372 2960 The self-employed and pensions 2 The UK s self-employed populace
MARCH 2015 Trends In Long-term Unemployment Karen Kosanovich and Eleni Theodossiou Sherman Long-term unemployment reached historically high levels following the Great Recession of 2007 2009. Both the number
MetLife Retirement Income IQ Study A Survey of Pre-Retiree Knowledge of Financial Retirement Issues June, 2008 The MetLife Mature Market Institute Established in 1997, the Mature Market Institute (MMI)
January 2015 Failing on Two Fronts: The U.S. Labor Market Since 2000 By John Schmitt* Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Ave. NW Suite 400 Washington, DC 20009 tel: 202-293-5380 fax:
February 2014 Expanding Federal Family and Medical Leave Coverage: Who Benefits from Changes in Eligibility Requirements? By Helene Jorgensen and Eileen Appelbaum* Center for Economic and Policy Research
Wealth and Demographics: Demographics by Wealth and Wealth by Demographics using the Survey of Consumer Finances *** DRAFT March 11, 2013 *** Jeff Thompson* Economist Microeconomic Surveys Federal Reserve
First Time Underwater The Impact of the First-time Homebuyer Tax Credit Dean Baker April 2012 Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 0 Washington, D.C. 20009 202-293-53
AP Photo/John Amis The Promise and Peril of a Model 401(k) Plan Measuring the Effectiveness of Retirement Savings Plans Offered by Private Companies and the Federal Government By Rowland Davis, Nayla Kazzi,
187 Wagadu Volume 9 Fall 2011 NINE DECLINING FACULTY WAGE PREMIUMS: ANALYSIS OVER TIME BY GENDER IN THE PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SECTORS Frederick G. Floss i Abstract: The wage premium is the relative wage of
Chapter Three TRENDS IN POST-SECONDARY EDUCATION ATTENDANCE AND COMPLETION RATES Probably the most basic fact relating to post-secondary education in recent years has been the dramatic increase in enrollment
First draft September 29, 2009 Health Care, Health Insurance, and the Distribution of American Incomes by Gary Burtless THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION Washington, DC Pavel Svaton L ÉCOLE D ÉCONOMIE DE TOULOUSE
Have Life Insurance Benefits Kept Pace with Wages? Over the last two decades, life insurance protection for beneficiaries of employees has generally kept up with employee earnings, either through automatic
Executive Summary September 3, 2010 Gloomy Days, But a Ray of Hope, for Oregon Workers Labor Day is an appropriate moment to reflect on the state of Oregon workers. This year s holiday takes place as the
Student Loan Update: A First Look at the 2013 Survey of Consumer Finances Elizabeth J. Akers and Matthew M. Chingos September 2014 Introduction and Summary Earlier this year, we released a report aimed
Enrollment Hits All-Time High, Fueled by Community Surge FOR RELEASE: OCTOBER 29, 2009 Paul Taylor, Project Director Richard Fry, Senior Researcher Wendy Wang, Research Associate Daniel Dockterman, Research
Journal of Education and Training Studies Vol. 3, No. 1; January 2015 ISSN 2324-805X E-ISSN 2324-8068 Published by Redfame Publishing URL: http://jets.redfame.com Income Sustainability through Educational
Health Economics Program Issue Brief March, 2011 Background Health Insurance Premiums and Cost Drivers in Minnesota, 2009 Persistently rising health care costs affect the budgets of consumers, employers
GAO For Release on Delivery Expected at 1:00 p.m. EDT Wednesday, September 19, 2007 United States Government Accountability Office Testimony Before the Subcommittee on Income Security and Family Support,
The Retirement Savings Crisis: Is It Worse Than We Think? Media and Interested Parties Webinar June 20, 2013 11:00 a.m. ET Agenda Welcome and Introductions Report Overview Detailed Findings Conclusions
Nearly 1 million Coloradans do not participate in workplace plans 765,000 employees have no retirement program at work Rich Jones, Director of Policy and Research Alison Suzukamo, Policy Fellow April 21,
FAMILY LEAVE INSURANCE WORKLOAD IN 2014 SUMMARY REPORT New Jersey Department of Labor and Workforce Development Office of Research and Information October 2015 HIGHLIGHTS FAMILY LEAVE INSURANCE WORKLOAD
ECONOMICS I RESEARCH Paul Ferley Assistant Chief Economist 1-97-71 email@example.com Nathan Janzen Economist 1-97-79 firstname.lastname@example.org David Onyett-Jeffries Economist 1-97- email@example.com
GAO United States General Accounting Office Washington, D.C. 20548 Health, Education, and Human Services Division B-279910 May 12, 1998 The Honorable John D. Dingell Ranking Minority Member Committee on
AGENDA ITEM 12. SUMMARY OF: INCREASING COLLEGE ACCESS OR JUST INCREASING DEBT? A DISCUSSION ABOUT RAISING STUDENT LOAN LIMITS AND THE IMPACT ON ILLINOIS STUDENTS Submitted for: Summary: Information The
Social & Demographic Trends Wednesday, August 17, 2011 Women See Value and Benefits of College; Men Lag on Both Fronts, Survey Finds Paul Taylor, Director Kim Parker, Associate Director Richard Fry, Senior
Economic Snapshot for February 2013 Christian E. Weller on the State of the Economy Christian E. Weller, associate professor, Department of Public Policy and Public Affairs, University of Massachusetts
EPI BRIEFING PAPER ECONOMIC POLICY INSTITUTE DECEMBER 5, 2012 BRIEFING PAPER #353 EMPLOYER-SPONSORED HEALTH INSURANCE COVERAGE CONTINUES TO DECLINE IN A NEW DECADE BY ELISE GOULD The current economic environment
Special Preview from the Winter 2016 Issue of The Presidency, ACE s Member Magazine FEDERAL WATCH Where Have All the Low-Income Students Gone? By Christopher J. Nellum and Terry W. Hartle Since 2008, an
LECTURE NOTES ON MACROECONOMIC PRINCIPLES Peter Ireland Department of Economics Boston College firstname.lastname@example.org http://www2.bc.edu/peter-ireland/ec132.html Copyright (c) 2013 by Peter Ireland. Redistribution
$1, Districts Costs on the Rise (Figure 1) The gap between the insurance cost to school districts and the cost to private-sector employers increased from 12 percent in 24 to 26 percent by 212. 9, 8, 7,
1(k) plans 1(k) plans move away from employer stock as investment vehicle Increasingly, employees are given the option to choose how their 1(k) plan funds are invested; this greater choice is one factor
Issue Brief November 2007 Changes in the Cost of Medicare Prescription Drug Plans, 2007-2008 BY JOSHUA LANIER AND DEAN BAKER* The average premium for Medicare Part D prescription drug plans rose by 24.5
ICI ReseaRCh Perspective 1401 H Street, NW, Suite 1200 WashINgton, DC 20005 202/326-5800 www.ici.org march 2011 vol. 17, no. 3 WHAT S INSIDE 2 Introduction 5 Employee Demand for Pension Benefits 14 Why
Economic Policy Institute Brief ing Paper 1660 L Street, NW Suite 1200 Washington, D.C. 20036 202/775-8810 http://epinet.org TAX CUT NO CURE FOR MIDDLE CLASS ECONOMIC WOES by Jared Bernstein, Edie Rasell,
The Vanishing Middle: Job Polarization and Workers Response to the Decline in Middle-Skill Jobs By Didem Tüzemen and Jonathan Willis Over the past three decades, the share of middle-skill jobs in the United
A LIFE-CYCLE AND GENERATIONAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE WEALTH AND INCOME OF MILLENNIALS William R. Emmons and Ray Boshara Young adulthood is the life stage when the greatest increases in income and wealth typically
1 The Rise of College Student Borrowing FOR RELEASE: NOVEMBER 23, 2010 Paul Taylor, Project Director Richard Fry, Senior Researcher Rebecca Hinze-Pifer, Intern Daniel Dockterman, Research Assistant MEDIA
820 First Street NE, Suite 510 Washington, DC 20002 Tel: 202-408-1080 Fax: 202-408-1056 email@example.com www.cbpp.org February 15, 2006 THE COST AND COVERAGE IMPACT OF THE PRESIDENT S HEALTH INSURANCE BUDGET
1 Table of Contents A. Aggregate Jobs Effects...3 B. Jobs Effects of the Components of the Recovery Package...5 C. The Timing of Job Creation...7 D. Breakdown by Industry...7 E. Effects on Different Demographic
INTERACTION OF AUTOMATIC IRAS AND THE RETIREMENT SAVINGS CONTRIBUTIONS CREDIT (SAVER S CREDIT) A Report Prepared for AARP By: Optimal Benefit Strategies, LLC Judy Xanthopoulos, PhD Mary M. Schmitt, Esq.