1 The Urban Working Class and the Mexican Revolution: The Case of the Casa del Obrero Mundial Author(s): John M. Hart Reviewed work(s): Source: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 58, No. 1 (Feb., 1978), pp Published by: Duke University Press Stable URL: Accessed: 06/04/ :49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact Duke University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Hispanic American Historical Review.
2 Hispanic Amnerican Histor ical Reviewv Volume 58, No. 1 ( 1978 by Duke University Press The Urban Working Class and the Mexican Revolution: The Case of the Casa del Obrero Mundial JOHN M. HART * THE creation and rapid growth of a national urban working-class organization, the Casa del Obrero Mundial, and its ensuing conflicts with the Zapatistas, Villistas and leadership of the Constitutionalist movement, was crucial to the outcome of the Mexican Revolution. The Casa advocated far-reaching programs of political, economic and cultural changes that were incompatible with the aspirations of other revolutionary groups. Based upon contemporary essays written by the leaders of the labor movement, this study is a historical reassessment of the plincipal Mexican urban working-class organization during the Revolution, its development between 1909 and 1916, and its role in the revolutionary process. The urban working-class experience in the Mexican Revolution, as analyzed in this essay, can be divided into three stages. The first phase, the organizational period, began in 1909 and terminated in the fall of The second stage, that of alliance with the Constitutionalists in armed struggle against the Villistas and peasant-based Zapatistas, began in the fall of 1914 and ended in mid The third and climactic stage, the urban labor-casa confrontation with the new government and allied factory owners and businessmen, extended from mid-1915 until August 2, * The author, Associate Professor of History at the University of Houston, wishes to express his gratitude to the University of Houston Faculty Research Committee for a grant which aided the completion of this study. 1. A fourth phase, of socioeconomic and political reorganization, which began after August 2, 1916, and ended with the creation of the government-supported Mexican Confederation of Workers (CTM) is outside the purview of this analysis. Recent studies which have contributed to a better understanding of the workingclass role in the revolutionary process are Ramon Eduardo Ruiz, Labor and the Ambivalent Revolutionaries: Mexico, (Baltimore, 1976); Jacinto Huitr6n, Origenes e historia del movimiento obrero en Mexico (Mexico, 1975); Barry Carr, El movimiento obrero y la pol'tica en Mexico, , 2 vols. (Mexico, 1976); and R. Th. J. Buve, "Protesta de obreros y campesinos durante el Porfiriato:
3 2 HAHR FEBRUARY I JOHN M. HART The Casa del Obrero Mundial was a product of revolutionary turmoil, economic crisis, political instability and a long tradition of urban lower-class unrest extending back to the pre-industrial, preideological Mexico City tumultos of the Spanish colonial period which were sometimes led by alienated artisans. Between 1865 and the Revolution of 1910 the principal ideological expression of Mexican working-class radicalism was anarchism. During the nineteenth centuly the Mexican anarchist movement was responsible for the formation of countless mutualist societies, cooperatives, industrial unions and the emergence of regional and national workers' councils. In 1880 the 50,000 member Mexican National Congress of Workers joined the Black International. Following government suppression in the early 1880s, the anarchists constituted an underground within a conservative-dominated labor movement whose leaders frequently held government positions with the ancien regime. During the late 1880s and 1890s their presence was evident in wildcat textile and railroad strikes and during the National University student protest demonstrations in Mexico City in the 1890s.2 Radical elements within the Mexican working-class movement were given new life shortly before the Revolution by the exile Ricardo Flores Magon and the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) which operated in the United States. His newspapers, Regeneracio'n and Revolucio'n, were smuggled into Mexico during the years before the outbreak of the Revolution. PLM organizers had a considerable effect upon the Mexican working class, especially among the miners of Sonora and Coahuila and the textile workers in Orizaba who staged violent strikes. The strikes in Sonora and Orizaba turned into small insurrections requiring the use of troops to quell. Those events had a disquieting effect upon both urban labor and the nation in general.3 Unas consideraciones sobre su desarrollo e interrelaciones en el este de Mexico central," Bolettn de Estudios Latinoamericanos, 13 (1972), For a useful and comprehensive assessment of working-class conditions in the late Porfiriato see Rodney Anderson, Outcasts in Their Own Land: Mexican Industrial Workers, (DeKalb, Ill., 1976). The most comprehensive of the traditional histories of the Mexican working class during the Revolution is Luis Aralza, Historia del movimiento obrero mexicano, 5 vols. (Me6xico, 1966). 2. For an extended analysis see John M. Hart, Los anarquistas mexicanos, (Me6xico, 1974). Anderson, in Mexican Industrial Workers, p. 301, describes the "ineptness" of the government's labor policy. For an analysis of the increasingly sophisticated government manipulation of the labor movement over a thirty-five-year period see David Walker, "The Mexican Industrial Revolution and its Problems: Porfilian Labor Policy and Economic Dependency, " (M.A. Thesis, University of Houston, 1976). 3. For the essential aspects of the Flores Magon movement and the revolutionary strikes at Cananea and Rio Blanco see Juan Gomnez Quifiones, Sembrador-es:
4 CASE OF THE CASA DEL OBRERO MUNDIAL 3 In 1909 the urban workers in the great cities of central Mexico began to reorganize in the crucible of growing government weakness. An enfeebled ancien regime, shaken by economic and political crises, allowed underground workers' groups to operate; five years earlier this would have been unthinkable. The revival of working-class radicalism in Mexico City was initiated by Amadeo Ferres, a Catalan anarchist e6migre. Ferres was an emissary from the Barcelona libertarian socialist movement who came to Mexico to bring the doctrines of anarcho-syndicalism to the urban working class. Ferres contributed greatly to the later crisis between the revolutionary urban working class and the government through his early insistence that the independence of labor organizations from government was essential to defend working-class interests and to bring about the ultimate workers' social revolution. He saw the separation of organized labor and government as the crucial beginning in ending "bourgeois" control of society.4 A primary issue in the coming clash between the urban workers and the Constitutionalist leadership would be the choice of independent workers' syndicates or government controlled unions. In 1911, just one week before President Porfirio Diaz resigned, the typographic workers of Mexico City, led by Ferres and a nucleus of anarchists, organized the Confederaci6n Tipografica de Mexico. A short time later the tipo'grafos voted to act as a sociedad de resistencia in order for the Confederation to take the lead in the organization of the Mexican working class. The best educated men among the tipo'grafos became the directorate or control group known as the Obreros Intelectuales. These Ricardo Flores Mago'n y el Partido Liberal Mexicano (Los Angeles, 1973), pp ; James D. Cockcroft, Intellectual Precursors of the Mexican Revolution, (Austin, 1970), pp ; Armando Bartra, "Ricardo Flores Magon en el cincuentenario de su muerte," Supplemento de Siempre, No. 1015, December 6, 1972; Carr, Movimiento obrero, I, 71-72; Isidro Fabela, Documentos historicos de la Revolucio'n Mexicana: X, Actividades poltticas y revolucionarias de los hermanos Flores Mago'n (Mexico, 1966), 36-40, 78, 89-90, 99; and XI, Precursores de la Revolucion Mexicana, , 53; Manuel Gonz'alez Ramirez, Fuentes para la historia de la Revolucion Mexicana, III, La huelga de Cananea (Mexico, 1956); Buve, "Protesta de obreros," 1-15; and Moises Gonzalez Navarro, Las huelgas textiles en el Porfiriato (Puebla, 1971) and "La Huelga de Rio Blanco," Historia Mexicana, 6 (abr.-jun., 1957), For an interpretation which questions the significance of the PLM and radical tendencies in the prerevolutionary labor movement see Anderson, Mexican Industrial Workers, pp Amadeo Ferres, "Hacia el polvenir," El Tipo'grafo Mexicano (Me6xico), July 1, 1912; Ferres, " Compaiieros, Saludemos!" El Tipografo Mexicano, November 10, 1911; and Ferres, "El despertar del obrero mexicano," El Tipografo Mexicano, December 27, 1911.
5 4 IHR I FEBRUARY I JOHN M. HART men, Jose L6pez D6niez, Rafael Quintero, Federico de la Colina and Enrique H. Arce, were recruited by Ferres and later assumed leadership roles in the Casa del Obrero Mundial. By late 1911 the Confederacion had a total of almost 500 members and during most of 1912 it had an average weekly increment of between 15 to 20 new enlistments. In a short time most of the publishing houses of Mexico City were organized, and affiliates had been formed in Monterrey, Tepic, Guadalajara and Oaxaca. The name of the organization was changed in July 1912 to the Confederacion Nacional de Artes GrAficas in order to reflect its new national status. The Artes Graficas was run by Ferres through the office of Secretario de Interior and by an elective board of directors dominated by the Obreros Intelectuales. They envisaged themselves as the harbingers of a nationwide workingmen's revolutionary movement.5 In June 1912 Juan Francisco Moncaleano, an anarchist fugitive from Colombia, arrived in Mexico after a two-year stay in Havana. While in Cuba Moncaleano published a series of articles regarding the martyred Catalan anarchist Francisco Ferrer Guardia. Moncaleano was a devout believer in Ferrer Guardia's idea of workers' schools, Escuelas Racionalistas, which were adjuncts of workers' organizing and cultural centers established by the syndicates. The schools were intended to proselytize and uplift the workers and to develop their sense of class consciousness. They were to be openly critical of both Church and state.6 Moncaleano was attracted to Mexico by news of the Madero revolution, the work of the tipografos, and the agrarian uprising in defense of village communal integrity led by Emiliano Zapata. He attended meetings of the Artes GrAficas for several weeks and then solicited support from that group in order to establish a combination 5. Ferres, "Hacia el porvenir," El Tipo'grafo Mexicano, July 1, 1912; Anastasio D. Marln, "Nuestro Ilamnamiento en favor de la lucha reinvindicadora ha merecido la atencion de los tipografos," El Tipo'grafo Mexicano, December 27, 1911; and Agustin Segura, "La influencia de Amadeo Ferres," El Tipo'grafo Mexicano, December 27, These developments took place in the context of growing nationwide labor unrest; see Carr, Movimiento obrero, I, 66-67; and Ruiz, Labor and the Ambivalent Revolutionaries, pp It is noteworthy that the typographic and stone workers (canteros), the most most active and radical artisan groups at the time, were from industries that wn7ere feeling the impact of technological innovation: the advent of the linotype machine and modern cement processing. During the 1870s the most militant artisan groups, the tailors (sastres) and hat makers (sombrereros), were suffering the disastrous economic consequences of an emergent textile industry. 6. Jose Ortiz Petricioli, Cincuentenario de la Casa del Obrero, (Me6xico, 1962), p. 7.
6 CASE OF THE CASA DEL OBBERO MUNDIAL 5 workers' central and Escuela Racionalista. The central was to recruit workers from all skill and income levels. Despite their sympathy, Ferres and the Obreros Intelectuales decided against committing their organization to Moncaleano's venture because it was too risky and would prematurely precipitate open conflict with both Church and state. Moncaleano was turned down but Ferres and several Obreros Intelectuales joined him as individuals. During the summer of 1912 Moncaleano's group, which numbered about twenty, held secret meetings at private residences. Precautions were necessary because he had been warned by the authorities to cease all such activities or face expulsion from Mexico.7 Taking the name Luz, meaning hope and enlightenment, Moncaleano's group published a newspaper under the same name and used it to publicize the cause of Flores Mago6i, the Partido Liberal Mexicano, and anarcho-syndicalism for the Mexican working class. They also issued a "Manifiesto Anarquista del Grupo Luz" which declared their intentions: To enlighten an enslaved and ignorant people. To overthrow the tormentors of mankind, clergy, government and capital. To refuse to serve the ambitions of any political charlatan because no man has the right to govern another. To make known that all men are equal because we are all ruled by the same natural laws, not by arbitrary ones. To demiiand explanations from the opulent rich regarding their wealth, from the government regarding its lying authority, and from the agents of the bandit god of the Bible for his celestial powers. To devastate the social institutions created by torturers and loafers. To gain freedom for the enslaved worker. To use truth as the ultimate weapon against inequity. To struggle against fear, the terrible tyrant of the people. To march forward toward redemption, toward the universal nation where everyone can live in mutual respect, in absolute freedom, without national political father figures, without gods in the sky nor the insolent rich.8 7. Fernando Cordova Perez, "El movimiento anarquista en Mexico, " (Licenciado Thesis, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1971), pp Ruiz, Labor and the Ambivalent Revolutionaries, pp , cites Rosendo Salazar and Jose G. Escobedo, Las pugnas de la gleba, 2 vols. (Mexico, 1923), p. 9, in the incorrect claim that the tipografos entered tlhe Casa in "Manifiesto anarquista del Grupo Luz," Luz (Me6xico), July 15, Anderson, in his otherwise thorough and intelligent Mexican Industrial Woorkers, p. 313, while doubting the role of ideology in the formation of the Mexican labor movement omits Ferres and the Obreros Intelectuales from the text, describes Jacinto Huitron (Mexican) as a "Colombian anarchist," and Moncaleano as a "socialist from Venezuela." Earlier he inexplicably labels the nineteenth-century industrial worker experience as "mutualist."
7 6 HAHR I FEBRUARY I JOHN M. HART Luz planned to open the first workers' central and Escuela Racionalista on September 8, 1912, but was frustrated by a police raid resulting in the mass arrest of the membership and in Moncaleano's immediate expulsion from the country.9 While inside Belem prison, the anarchists organized the inmates and on September 15 they led a tumultuous demonstration against prison conditions and in support of their own political freedom. They were released barely two weeks after their arrests by the embarrassed and relatively democratic Madero government. On September 22 the released prisoners, other Luz members, and their supporters held a meeting to commemorate the opening of the first center of the Casa del Obrero and Escuela Racionalista. The Casa was to serve as a workers' central council for labor-organizing, educational, cultural and propaganda activities. Its leadership, comprised of Luz members, would plan, coordinate and implement these efforts. Outside volunteers would assist them in the conduct of various educational projects. The crowd of supporters in attendance was largely composed of stone workers, typesetters, other members of organized labor and some middle-class intellectuals. The speakers all paid tribute to Moncaleano and it was clear that the Casa had found a martyr. In the beginning the Casa held public meetings on Sundays, classes with open enrollments weekday nights, and even opened a small library of predominantly anarchist literature, the Biblioteca de la Casa del Obrero.'0 In the months that followed large numbers of workers affiliated with the Casa and became increasingly politicized. As a result, by Januaiy 1913, the Luz control group was enlarged and renamed Lucha in order to incorporate the new militants and to activate a plan to organize anarcho-syndicalist unions on a national scale. These syndicates had national representation in the Mexico City-based Casa and autonomous locals at the factory or provincial level. The change in name from Luz to Lucha paralleled the growing militancy of the Casa's directors and their soaring confidence that they could rally the workers. The Casa was a sensation and its successes in the capital stirred an enthusiastic response in Monterrey. A group was formed there which adopted the name Luz and began publication of a newspaper of the same name on April 1, The Monterrey group claimed loyalty 9. Moncaleano eventually settled in Los Angeles, California, where he opened a Casa del Obrero Internacional. 10. Huitron, Origenes e historia, pp ; and C6rdova Perez, "Movimiento anarquista," pp
8 CASE OF THE CASA DEL OBRERO MUNDIAL 7 "to the teachings of Ferrer Guardia," and was the first reflection of the growing influence of the Casa among workers in outlying industrial cities.'" From its inception, the Casa confronted government competition and opposition. Initially the Madero government, elected after the resignation of Porfirio Diaz, created a Department of Labor which supported the Gran Liga Obrera de la Repiiblica Mexicana, a union that would cooperate with and support the regime. The government was alarmed by large numbers of workers drifting toward the Casa, an organization that rejected government-sponsored labor activities. The government officials had little but scorn for the anarcho-syndicalist labor leaders, never bothered to determine the substance of their ideas, and as a result underestimated them. The Gran Liga's well-known ties to the government gave it a dubious reputation. On one occasion it attempted to elect its officers during an open meeting. Its directorate was defeated by a rival slate of Casa radicals who then mockingly declared the organization dissolved. The Gran Liga lacked popular acceptance and failed in its effort to attract members. It remained a paper organization.12 In the winter of , with the collapse of the Madero government imminent, Lucha sensed the regime's weakness and decided to adopt more belligerent working-class tactics. Pointing out what it saw as government links with the capitalist class, the Casa leadership argued that it was useless and immoral to seek government arbitration or assistance in disputes with employers. It claimed that "direct action" via strikes and boycotts was more effective and was anxious to prove its point. In January of 1913 the Casa was invited to help during a strike being carried out by the Union Muitua Cooperativa de Dependientes de Restaurantes del D.F. and the radical Empleados Libres y Cosmop6litas against the Cafe Ingl's of Mexico City. Lucha chose this highly publicized encounter as the test it needed to prove its tactics and to gain further support for the Casa. The strike, sit-in and mass demonstration proved a quick success "Luz," Luz (Monterrey), April 1, 1913; "Los pajarillos de la jaula de oro," Luz, May 18, "La Gran Liga Obrera y la sesi6n tormenta de la Confederacion," El Obrero Liberal (Me6xico), February 1, The government frequently supported management during strikes in The Maderista newspaper Nueva Era (Mexico) described the Casa as a "nest of anarchists." For more on the government's role see Ruiz, Labor and the Ambivalent Revolutionaries, pp. 30, "Un boicott, un jurado y una manifestacion," Lucha (Me6xico), May 1,
9 8 HAHR I FEBRUARY I JOHN M. HART On February 2, 1913, a crowd of 2,000 called out by the Casa and its local affiliate, the Sociedad Mutualista de Obreros Libres, the labor group responsible for the organization of Mexico City's store clerks, gathered in the street in front of a clothing store, the Ciudad de Hamburgo. The situation became tense because Casa crowd tactics frequently led to the stoning of store windows and to violent encounters with the police. A further complicationi was the delicate location of the Ciudad de Hamburgo; it was situated on the Calle de Plateros near the Zocalo and the National Palace. The Madero government acted quickly and, with expressions of concern for justice, appointed a special commision to investigate the dispute. The commission strongly rebuked the company and ordered the management to pay the striking clerks' union 1,000 pesos compensation and to accede to the union's demands.'4 These and other successes of "Accio6n Directa" helped Lucha attract a number of new unions and several thousand additional workers to the Casa during January and February The Casa's leaders did not give the government commission any credit for the strike's success. When General Victoriano Huerta overturned the Madero government in February 1913, the apprehensive Lucha directorate refrained from public comment. They had been circumspect in avoiding a confrontation with Madero and continued the cautious policy. Fearing suppression Lucha protested that the Casa was an "educational institution," albeit one that preached against the three "octupi" of clergy, government and capital.'6 Despite Lucha's fears, Huerta, perhaps because of his tenuous political situation, proved to be exceedingly tolerant. He did not move against the Casa until directly challenged by it several months later.17 In the next two months the Casa organized new syndicates among the restaurant workers, retail clerks, and weavers. It was ready for Mexico's first large May Day rally. Thousands of workers marched across Mexico City. Lucha took the initiative in organizing the event and two of its members addressed the crowd. Signs carried by the workers called for the eight-hour day and six-day work week. rt'he 14. Ibid.; and Lorenzo Camacho Escamilla, "Ingenioso primer jurado sindical," Gaceta Obrera (Mexico), 6, (June 1962), p Confederacion Internacional del Trabajo," Liucha, February 5, 1913; and Cordova Perez, "Movimiento anarquista," pp Hilario Carrillo, ";Aparteos vampiros!," Lucha, May 1, For a careful assessment of Huerta's policies see Michael C. Meyer, Huerta: A Political Portrait (Lincoln, 1.972).
10 CASE OF THE CASA DEL OBRERO MUNDIAL 9 Huerta government tolerated the event which took place without major incident.18 Later in May, Lucha amplified the name of the Casa to include the word Mundial (world) in recognition of the anarchist International Association of Workers headquartered in Amsterdam. The leadership of the Casa del Obrero Mundial then held a series of clandestine meetings with other enemies of the Huerta government in order to prepare anti-government demonstrations for May 25. The crowd was smaller than that of May Day, but it totaled several thousand. Eight Lucha members addressed the assembly and condemned "military dictatorship" and "usurpation" without directly mentioning Huerta. They appealed for a "return of deemocracy."19 Despite Lucha's caution in avoiding an overt call for the removal of Huerta, the dictator moved quickly in retaliation. Confronted with revolutionary armies to the north and south, he could not tolerate growing unrest in the capital. The government arrested about a dozen Lucha members and deported as undesirable aliens three of their speakers at the May 25 rally.20 Lucha was temporarily disrupted and demoralized. Labor-organizing activities by the hard-pressed Casa floundered for about three months until August 1913 when Amadeo Ferres and the Obreros Intelectuales came to the rescue by integrating it with the hitherto independent Confederacion de Artes Grdficas. The government allowed it to remain open and although it had lost momentum, the Casa continued to function.2' By the end of 1913 the Casa syndicates presented clear organizational principles. Members of trade unions were organized into syndicates and, consistent with artisan tradition, maintained their independence from other trades. Faced with unacceptable conditions, 18. Salazar and Escobedo, Las pugnas, 1, 63; Camaclho Escamiiilla, "Gotero historico: La tragedia de Chicago y primeras conmemoraciones en Mexico," Gaceta Obrera, 5, (May 1962), p. 29; and Meyer, Huerta, p Huitron, Origenes e historia, pp ; Araiza, Movim.iento obrero, III, 43-44; and Salazar and Escobedo, Las pugnas, I, A number of sources cite this as the "first" May Day celebration in Mexican history. Carr, Movimiento obrero, I, 111, claims the first such demonstration occurred in In fact, workers' May Day observances began in the nineteenth century. The march of 1913, however, was much larger and more important than its predecessors. 20. Jose Santos Chocano, For la raza y por la humanidad (Puebla, 1914), pamphlet; and Federico Gamboa, "Mexico aplica el articulo 33 al poeta J. Santos Chocano," Excelsior (Me6xico), July 7, 1940; botlh cited in Cordova Perez, "El movimiento anarquista," p "Actitud del Sindicato de Tipografos," El Sindicalista (Mexico), October 10, During its first fifteen months, the Huerta regimne, despite its reputation for repression, was more tolerant of the Casa than the Madero government.
11 10 HAHR I FEBRUARY I JOHN M. HART workers of an industry could strike with the expectation that their fellow tradesmen nationwide, by means of Casa directed coordination, would support them. The short-run objectives of these strikes were improved working conditions and higher salaries. Lucha regarded the early strikes as preliminary struggles prior to the great nationwide general strike which would end capitalism. The anarcho-syndicalist leaders of urban labor were convinced that once the syndicates were sufficiently developed they would be in a position to paralyze the entire national economy. This would result in the take-over of all industry and trade by the workers' syndicates which in turn would inaugurate a new "Industrial Republic" without "capitalist exploitation. "22 By the end of 1913, the Mexico City working class and the Casa were both in pitiful economic shape. Without funds, El Sindicalista, the Casa newspaper, ceased publication and the leadership instituted mass meetings as a means of recruitment. A popular group of orators known as the Tribuna Roja held sway. The Tribuna Roja addressed large crowds that overflowed into the streets in front of the meeting hall. General economic misery and the Casa's financial bankruptcy ironically had a beneficial effect on its recruiting efforts. The mass meetings, given the generally difficult economic setting, succeeded to an unexpected degree and reached the rank-and-file workers more effectively than El Sindicalista and its literary predecessors had done. The Tribuna Roja era, beginning in late 1913 and ending in late May 1914, was the most successful period of membership recruitment the Casa had yet enjoyed. The crowds were often excited and unruly as one orator after another attacked the Church, capitalism and the state.23 On May 27 the police raided Casa headquarters, arrested between fifteen and twenty persons and destroyed the Casa facilities. Several leaders were detained, some were deported, and others escaped. Normal Casa activities were suspended until "liberation" by the revolutionary Constitutionalist Army two months later.24 After the defeat of Huerta, the Constitutionalist forces loyal to Venustiano Carranza moved quickly to recruit urban labor support against their former northern allies led by Francisco Villa and the 22. Antonio Diaz Soto y Gama, "Educacion racional, lucha reinvindicadora," El Sindicalista, September 30, 1913; Epigenio H. Ocampo, "Valor y serenidad," El Sindicalista, September 30, 1913; and Santiago R. de la Vega, "La paradoja triste," El Sindicalista, November 20, "Los u'ltimos mitines que se han celebrado en la Casa del Obrero Mundial," Emancipacion Obrera (Mexico), May 15, 1914; and Salazar and Escobedo, Las pugnas, I, "Los tartufos de la clase trabajadora," Tinta Roja (Mexico), October 24, 1914; and Salazar and Escobedo, Las pugnas, I, 80.
12 CASE OF THE CASA DEL OBRERO MUNDIAL 11 peasant forces of Emiliano Zapata. On August 20, the date of Carranza's triumphal entry into Mexico City, a "liberation celebration" was held at Casa headquarters. General Alvaro Obreg6n followed up by donating the building of the former Jesuit convenit of Santa Brigida to the Casa as a meeting place.25 With Constitutionalist blessings the Casa reopened in late August 1914 and began an intense organizing campaign in which Lucha representatives visited factories and artisan shops in Mexico City, Guadalajara, and the other industrial centers of the nation. The basis for the resurgence of the Casa had been prepared during its months of suppression under Huerta by means of an underground system of committees and emissaries sent out from Mexico City to towns all over central Mexico. As a result, a fledgling national structure, composed of affiliated syndicates already existed. At both the national and local levels the syndicate was to be self-governing and integrated with the Casa structure for mutual aid and armed defense through workers' militias. Mutual aid included cooperation in such endeavors as nutritional and hygienic instruction; syndicate-organizing and ideological proselytizing; and coordinaton of efforts during strikes. The national syndicate leadership became part of the expanded directorate of the Casa. As the directorate grew, the Lucha leadership group also increased in number and finally disappeared as a separate entity. In the late months of 1914 the rubric Lucha fell into disuse. The Casa-controlled labor movement had grown a great deal and its organizational structure was increasingly complicated. Casa activities were divided among twenty-three committees run by unpaid secretaries who were members of the national directorate. The rejection of remuneration was a fundamental tenet of the leadership's commitment to egalitarianism. The leaders of the new syndicates increased the total number of the Casa directorate to more than seventy-five.26 In late 1914 and early 1915, rapid unionization, the continuing turmoil and instability of the Revolution, extreme inflation, and high urban unemployment rates led to serious strikes in the major cities. These strikes closed down the Mexico City rail transit system, the Elec- 25. Araiza, Movimiento obrero, III, 49; Salazar and Escobedo, Las pulgnas, I, 83-85; "Calendario laico: Efemerides: Septiembre," Luz, September 25, 1918; and Cordoba Perez, "Movimiento anarquista," "Movimiento obrero," Ideas (Monterrey), November 22, 1914; "Calendario laico: Efemerides: Septiembre," Luz, September 25, 1918; "Sindicato de Carpinteros," Nueva Patria (Mexico), October 13, 1914; "Quedara' constituido el sindicato de costureras," Nueva Patria, October 13, 1914; and Aralza, Movimiento obrero, III,