Successful Pathways for the Second Generation of Migrants

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1 Successful Pathways for the Second Generation of Migrants Report about Second Generation Migrants and the pedagogical intercultural approach based on autobiographical narratives in Italy January 2010 This project has been funded with support from the European Commission. This publication reflects the views only of the author, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. Project nr: LLP IT-GRUNDTVIG-GMP 1

2 1. Introduction The aims of the following report are twofold. On one side, this report will briefly analyse the phenomenon of second generation of migrants in Italy. Italian sociologists started only in the last decade to study the children of immigrants with an increasing interest, much later than in the United States (Ambrosini 2004, 2007a, 2007b, Ambrosini, Molina 2004, Ambrosini, Caneva 2007, 2009, Andall 2002, 2003, Baldassarre et al. 2005, Baraldi et al. 2006, Bedogni 2004, Bertani 2009, Bosisio et. al. 2005, Casacchia et al. 2008, Ceccagno 2004, Cesari, Pacini 2005, Chiodi, Benadusi 2006, Cologna 2002, 2003, 2007, Demarie, Molinca 2004, Favaro, Napoli 2002, Fitzinger, Traversi 2006, Fravega, Queirolo Palmas 2003, Queirolo Palmas 2006, Frisina 2005, Mantovani 2008, Mazzetti 2002, Marazzi, Valtolina 2006, D Ignazi 2008, Mencarini et al. 2009, Colombo, Santagati 2010, Colombo et al. 2009a, Colombo et al. 2009b, Colombo et al. 2009c, Della Zuanna et al. 2009, Leonini, Rebughini 2010, Melotti 2007, Moro 2005, Ricucci 2007, Zanfrini 2006). On the other side, the report aims to describe the pedagogical autobiographical narrative approach developed in Italy and some major good practices concerning this pedagogical method, targeted to second generation of migrants. More precisely, the second paragraph will depict how Italy became a country of migration in the 80 of last century after having been for a long time a country of emigration and then sketching the main characteristics of the first generation of immigrants and their participaiton in the labour market. The third paragraph will give a a general overview about second generation of migrants based on the more recent statitical data (Istat 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008a, 2008b, 2009a, 2009b, 2010) and on qualitative and quantitative empirical researches. In particular, this paragraph will analyse the country of origin of second generation of migrants, their choice of edcucation, their educational attainments, the impact of their family background on their well-being, their identity formation and occupational attainments. The fourth paragraph will analyse the origin and the development of the pedagogical intercultural approach based on autobiographical narratives in Italy. The fifth paragraph will describe some good practices about the use of autobiographical narratives for second generation of migrants or for teachers who are in direct contact with the second generation. Finally, some concluding remarks will end the report. 2. First Generation of Migrants in Italy Before analysing the second generation of migrants in Italy, it has to explained how Italy became a country of immigration and describe the main characteristics of first-generation of immigrants (the parents of the second generations). Italy, differently from other European countries, has a long history of emigration before becoming a country of immigration. Indeed, at the beginning of the 20 th century Italian emigrated from Italy to the United States, Australia, Argentina and after the Second World War II they emigrated to the Northern European countries such as Germany, Switzerland, France but again also to the United States and South America. It is only with the Mid 80 s of last century that Italy became a country of immigration after the first oil crisis (1973) and after changes occurred in the migration policy of some European countries such as Germany, Great Britain and France, which closed their frontiers to immigration. Hence, the migratory flows were re-directed towards southern European countries including Italy. 2

3 According to the more recent data from the National Institute of Statistics (Istat) the foreign population, that was living in Italy in 2009, was 3,891,295 i.e. 6.5% of the total population resident in Italy (Istat, 2009a, p.1). In addition, it has to be high lightened that in the last five years the foreign population more than doubled as it is shown in the figure below (Fig. 1) and in 2008 the percentage of immigrant population on the total population was higher than European average. Moreover, Italy become in 2008 the third European country with the highest concentration of immigrants after Germany (11.7%) and Spain (8.2%) overtaking also United Kingdom (6.3%) (Caritas/Migrantes, 2009) Figure 1 Foreign residents in Italy from 1986 until 2009 Source: own calculations based on data from Istat (2006, 2009a). If we compare the data of last years, the foreign residents have increased of 458,644 units (+13.4%). The increase registered in 2008 was principally due to the immigrants coming from the European countries, which joint the European Union the year before such as Romania. The immigrants from Romania increased of 190,403 units (+24,5%) and from other East European countries not part of the EU (+ 12%) followed by an increase of immigrants coming from Morocco (+10.3%) and from Asian countries such as China, India and Bangladesh (Istat 2009, p. 1). If one analyzes the countries of origin of the immigrants in Italy, it is worth to notice more than 50% of the total foreign population are coming from seven main countries (see Table 1). They are coming from East European countries mainly from Romania (20.5% of total foreign population), Albania (11.3%) and Ukraine (4.0%), from Africa mainly from Morocco (10.4%), Tunisia (2.6%) and from Asia mainly from China (4.4) and the Philippines (2.9%). The distribution of the main foreign citizens in Italy is not homogenous on the whole Italian territory. In all major Italian regions the highest percentage of immigrants arrives from Romania such as in Lombardy, Piedmont, Umbria, Sicily and Sardinia while in other regions such as in Liguria the highest percentage of immigrants comes from Ecuador. Thus, in Emilia-Romagna the majority of foreigners come from Morocco while in Puglia they come from Albania. In addition, the immigrants from China are not distributed equally on the whole Italian territory. In particular, there is a high concentration of Chinese in some Italian towns such as Milan, capital of 3

4 Lombardy, where 20% of all Chinese immigrated to Italy, live, in Prato in Tuscany where the Chinese work mainly in the textile sector (Istat 2009a), in Florence and in Parma. Moreover, the majority of Chinese (60-70%) that arrived in Milan already in the 20s of last century in order to find new markets for their commerce (trading) generally before having immigrated to France, came originally from the rural villages of the Chinese Province of Zhejang (Cologna 2007, p. 1). The immigration fluxes from this Province decreased when Mao came to power but started again with Deng Xiaoping who implemented a political area of reform and economic liberalization. The consequences were that the migration networks of Chinese to Italy started again to arise at End of the 70s. This new flux of immigration came this time directly from China since the new immigrants could be supported by their families or other relatives. In the majority of cases the migration careers can be described as follows: the Chinese immigrants start to work as employees in a little enterprise in the commerce sector such as in a Chinese restaurants, in shops that sells clothes and leather goods and then aim to become employers themselves (Cologna 2002, 2003). Table 1 The first ten origin countries of the foreign population in Italy (year 2009) Country of origin Total % of total forcing population Men/Women ratio 100 Romania 796, Albania 441, Morocco 403, China 170, Ukraine 153, Philippines 113, ,0 Tunisia 100, Poland 99, India 91, Moldova 89, Source: own calculations based on statisitcal data from the National Statistics Institute (Istat 2009a, p. 5). 2.1 Participation in the labor market of first generation of migrants For what concern the participation in the Italian labor market, it has to be noticed that the activity rates and employment rates are very high for immigrant men (higher than those of the Italian men) and much lesser for women, especially for those women who married Italian men (59.7% vs. 50.6%). Indeed, once foreign-born immigrant women are married, the majority of them stops to work in the labor market and is full time active in the more traditional female roles as mothers and wifes. Table. 2 Major labor market indicators (years 2008) Foreigners Foreigners that have become Italians Men Women Total Men Women Total Activity rate (15-64 years old) Employment rate (15-64 years old) Unemployment rate

5 Rate of inactivity (15-64 years old) Source: own calculations based on National statistics (2009b, p. 2). The majority of immigrants (70%) find a job in an informal way through relatives, friends and acquaintances, embedded in the migrants networks (I stat 2009b, p. 3). Two third of the immigrants work in North Italy, 25% in the Centre of Italy and almost 10% in the South of Italy. Furthermore, almost 80% if all foreigners who are employed are concentrated in six major Italian region such as Piedmont, Lombardy, Veneto, Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany and Lazio (Istat 2008, p. 68). This reflects the well-known unequal distribution of the Italian productive system. Half of the foreigners who are employed are coming from five major countries: Albania Romania, Ukraine, Morocco, the Philippines (Istat 2008a,). For what concerns the level education, it has to be said that almost half of the foreigners has a high school diploma (40.4%) or has graduated from University (11.1%). The rest has a diploma of elementary school (13.3%) or has a secondary education diploma (35.2%) (Istat 2008a). The great majority of the foreigners (85%) works as employed with a standard full-time contract, a much higher per centage than Italian. Almost 85% of the foreigners work as employees rather than as self-employed. This percentage is much higher if compared to the Italian workers. A 13% of the foreigners employees are employed with a fix term contract which is slightly higher than for Italians (9.4% in 2006) (Istat 2008a, p. 81). More than half of the foreigners work in small enterprises which are less involved in collective bargaining. This means that who is employed in small enterprises have lower salaries, less income support and less rights especially when they are fired or made redundant compared to the workers employed in medium and big enterprises. The concentration of foreigners in small enterprises is much higher if compared with Italian workers (Istat 2008a, p. 83). The concentration of foreigners in workers is much less in self-employment compared to Italian. Indeed, self-employment is a good indicator for integration since self-employment requires a quite amount of social, economic and cultural capital in the sense of Bourdieu. This means it is necessary to be strongly embedded in the Italian society, having an extended social network, an initial economic capital to start a small enterprises and a rather high level of education. It has to be noted that some ethnic minorities such as Chinese immigrants have higher propensity for being selfemployed or working as assistant in family business (6 out 10 Chinese workers) (Istat 2008a, p. 85). For what concerns the distribution in the different economic sectors, we will see there is quite a difference compared to the Italian workers. Indeed, 4% of foreign workers are employed in agriculture in North and Centre Italy while in the South of Italy almost 13% are employed in agriculture (double percentage compared to the Italian workers) (Istat 2008a, p. 86). Another 40% of the foreign work force is employed in the industrial sector more than the Italian work force. A high percentage of the foreigners are employed in industries based in the Northern part of Italy in particular in building (27.0% immigrants compared to 12.0% of Italians) which are dangerous employments. The rest of the immigrant workers are employed in the service sector although less compared to the Italian workforce (55% compared to the 66%). It has to be underlined that in the service sector there are strong territorial disparities among Italy. Indeed, according to the National statistics in the South Italy the immigrants that work in the service sector are in percentage almost equivalent to the Italian and are strongly concentrated in the commerce sector and in activities and services for Italian families such house cleaner, babysitter and caring elderly people. If we look more in depth inside the service sector it has to be noted that the immigrants are very few in the more qualified service sector such as the ICT sector, research and development and high 5

6 qualified services for the enterprises while there is a high percentage in the less qualified service sector where the presence of Italians is very low such as in the activities and services which supports the Italian family. These activities and services include housecleaning, assistance to elderly people (the well known badanti ) and young children. More than one third of all immigrants work in these employments which represent the less qualified, less well paid and with long working hours compared to only 4% of the Italian. If we look at the gender composition of the immigrants workers, it has to be noticed that there are profound differences between men and women. Almost one out of two immigrant women are employed in activities and services supporting Italian families (housecleaners, assistance to young children and elderly person). This strong gender bias is due also mainly to the model of the Italian Welfare regime a familistic and conservative Southern European model based on the principle of subsidy for what concern the family support. This means that the State intervenes only when the family is not able to support its members. Hence, the Welfare State gives support to the families through money transfers but offers much less in terms of services compared to other European countries with a different Welfare Regimes such as the Scandinavian countries (the socialdemocratic model) (Ferrera 1996, Flaquer 2000). Although it has to point out that there is unequal distribution of social services in the whole country, much more services for young children (Kindergarten ect.) and for elderly are offered in the North and the Centre of Italy than in the South of Italy. For this reason in the South 70% of the immigrant women are employed in the Italian families for care and cleaning activities (Istat 2008, p. 87). 2.2 Migration and family composition According to recent Italian Statistics Office, the immigration flows changed also the composition of the Italian families (Istat, 2007, Istat 2010). From the 90s of last century there has been a strong increase in marriages in which at least one of the spouse was a person with foreign nationality: from 3.3% in 1993 to 15% in 2008 (Fig. 2). Figure 2 Marriages with at least one foreign spouse (percentage of total marriages) Source: own calculations based on National Statistical data (Istat 2007, p. 5 and Istat 2010, p. 8). 6

7 If we look at the data about spouses and their participation in the labor market, it is worth to notice that there is a higher percentage of men being the only breadwinner (50.5%) in those families in which both partners/spouses are foreign citizens. This percentage declines in mixed couples (46.7%) and in Italian couples (37.3%). There are only 43% of foreign couples in which both men and women work in the labour market compared to the 55.9% of the Italian couples. Hence, there is still a more traditional division of labour in families between women and men in those families in which at least one of the partners is foreign citizens compared to those families in which both partners are Italian-born. Figure 2 Gender differences in Italian and Foreigners Couples and their participation in the labour market Source: own calculations based on National Statistic data (Istat 2008, p. 118). 3. Second Generation of Migrants in Italy Statistical data about second generation of migrants is very scarce in Italy compared to other European countries such as Austria, the Netherlands or the United Kingdom. The definition of second generation of migrants for the Italian Statistical Institute differs from the wider sociological definition. Furthermore, the sociologist Rubén Rumbaut (1997), native from Havana (Cuba) and today professor of sociology at the University of California, makes a rather precise distinction. He distinguishes different kinds of second generations of immigrants depending on the age of arrival in the country of destination of their parents. The generation so called 2G refers to those children of immigrants who are born in the country in which their parents have emigrated (host country). Then, follows the generation 1.75 which is constituted of those children of immigrants who arrived in their early childhood in the host country (no later than five years-old) and the generation 1.5 that is constituted of those arrived in the country of destination of their parents when they were 6 to 12 years-old. Finally, he distinguishes the generation 1.25 constituted of all children of immigrants that arrived in the country of destination when they were 13 to 17 years-old (Rumbaut, 1997, p. 950). Although the Bridge project focus both on generation 2G and 7

8 generation 1.75, these data can not be quantified since the Italian National Statistical Institute (Istat) gives a much more restrictive definition of second generation of migrants. Indeed, for Istat second generation of migrants are only those born in Italy with at least one foreign parent (2G). On January 1 st 2009 second generation of migrants in Italy were 518,700 (13.7% of all immigrants) and 0.9% of the total population resident in Italy. In 2008 the second generation of migrants born in Italy represented 12.6% of all native Italian children. Other scholars came up with a slightly higher amount putting together different source. Indeed, according to recent elaboration of Italian sociologists Letizia Mencarini, Emiliana Baldoni and Gianpero Della Zuanna (2009) based on the 2001 Census, children from 0 to 17 years old living in immigrant family were 927,211. The major countries of origin are three European countries - Switzerland, Germany and France - followed by Morocco and Albania (see Fig.3). Figure 3 - Children in immigrant families in Italy: The first 20 countries of origin of their parents Source: own calculations on data in Mencarini, Baldoni, Della Zuanna (2009) based on 2001 Census. 3.1 Education and ecucational achievements of children of immigrants Since there is not more statistical data on adult second generation of migrants, we have to concentrate our observation on children and young girl and boys with immigrant origin. Hence, in this paragraph we will briefly give an overall overview about education of second generation of migrants (from 3 years old to 18 years old) underlining their educational attainments and their drop outs. Indeed, according to recent literature education remains an important feature for upward social mobility. In the last decade the percentage of students living in immigrant families enrolled in the Italian school system has rapidly increased. In 2002 the total percentage of immigrant children was only 2% while in 2008 this percentage reached 6.4 per cent. 8

9 The highest percentage and increase is to be noted in elementary school (scuola elementare) while still less students with immigrant origin are enrolled in upper secondary school and in particular in lyceum (liceo) (see Fig. 4). Figure 4 Percentage of foreigners students of total students in Italy per type of school (from 2001 to 2008) Source: own calculations on National Statistical data from 2001 to There is a high concentration of young second generation of migrants in some major Northern Regions such as Lombardy and Veneto and in the Centre Regions of Italy such as Emilia-Romagna and Marche (almost 8-10% of total students) while a very low concentration of second migration of migrants - only 1% - is registered in the Southern region of Campania. In the bigger cities of Italy such as Milan and Turin the concentration is high, more precisely, 12.7% and 11.2% (Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione 2006, p. IV). 9

10 Figure 5 Territorial distribution of foreign-born minors under 18 years-old in Italy January 2008 Source: National Statistical in Della Zuanna, Farina, Strozza (2009, p. 17) Many different nationalities are found amoung children with immigrant origins (more than 190 different nationalities). Moreover, in the last year there has been a strong increase in children coming from East Europe and in particular from Albania, Romania, Ukraine, Moldawia and Ex Jugoslavia (mainly from Serbia). In year school 2005/2006 the highest concentration of children with immigrant origin were coming from Albania (16.3%) followed by those coming from Morocco (14%) with a particularly high concentration in Milan, Turin, Brescia, Bergamo and Bologna (Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione 2006, p. IV). Recent research have underlined that there is a risk for the raise of school with high concentration of children with immigrant origin in marginalized neighborhoods. This can lead to a polarization of the schools into high quality of schools with a majority of native Italian children on one side, and poor quality of school with high majority of foreigners children on the other side (ghetto schools). 10

11 Figure 5 Students with foreign citizenship per continent school year 2005/2006 Source: own calculations based on data from the Italian Ministry of Education (Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione 2006, p. 63). For what concerns the choice of the school, it should be noticed that Italian children tend to reach the highest secondary school level, in particular the lyceum than children of immigrants (Fig. 6), who tend to choose more vocational and professional schools after having finished the lower secondary school (compulsory until 16-years old) than Italian natives (almost 40.6% compared to 19.9%) (Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione 2006, p. V). The consequences of the choice could have an effect continuing then the education until University. It has to stress out that in Italy the access to University is permitted also after the completion of a vocational or technical school compared to other European countries. Hence, there is no institutional barrier to enroll in University but once a student has enrolled in vocational school that prepares him/her for a future profession, it is less likely that he/she will continue his/her education reaching a University level. For what concerns the educational achievement of children in immigrant families according to the Ministry of Education (2006), the educational attainments of foreigner students are always lower at all school levels than for natives Italian due the initial difficulties with the Italian languages especially for some ethnic minorities such as Chinese and due to less support from their families at home (for home works). Other scholars based on their quantitative research have come out with slightly different findings about education achievements of children in immigrant families (Mencarini, Baldoni, Dalla Zuanna 2009). They demonstrate that the educational attainments are strongly related to the country of origin and to the social-economic status of their parents. In some cases the educational achievement are even higher than native Italian children (Mencarini, Baldoni, Dalla Zuanna 2009). Other scholars have pointed out that for some parents in particular those coming from Morocco, China and the Philippines the enrolment in school and educational attainment is a key factor for social mobility. It has to be underlined that for some ethnic minorities such as Chinese a great majority of students are working during their studies. This is often due because Chinese are often self-employed. Hence, their children help them with to carry on the business. 11

12 Figure 6 Students choice for the a non vocational upper secondary school lyceum- per school years Source: own calculation based on data of Istat (Alunni italiani e stranieri), available at: It As recent sociological literature has pinpointed, there are different factors that influence school performance and academic achievement of second generation of migrants (Gibson 1988, 1991, 1995, 1997, Jacobs, Jordan 1987, 1993, Kao, Tienda 1995, Matute-Bianchi 1991, Rumbaut 1995, Suárez-Orozco, Suárez-Orozco 1995, Valverde 1987, Bankston, Zhou 1997, Waters 1997, Vernez, Abrahamse 1996, Fuligni, 1997). These factors, that the empirical evidence has registered also in Italy include: i) age upon arrival, length of residence in the country of destination of the parents of immigrant children; ii) family background in the country of origin, including parent s educational and economic status; iii) the quality of the school in the country of origin; iv) educational and occupational aspirations of parents for their children; v) sanctions supporting school success (from both the ethnic community and individual families); vi) individual abilities and skills (hours spent on homework, extracurricular activities ect.); vii) respect for teachers and trust in the school system; viii) availability of school services in particular supporting the learning of the Italian language; ix) parental and community involvement and support in the school system; x) peer group support in promoting academic success (McCarty, 1998, p ). Finally, a very important factor for good educational achievement is the socio-economic background of the family but also a cohesive and not strong conflictual realationships inside the family. As already Coleman (1988) demonstrated in his famous article, it is a strong advantage when parents can give educational and psychological support to their children during their studies (helping them with home works). It is not sufficient that parents have a high human capital but that they transmit their knowledge to their children. Hence, this will foster the achievement of their human capital which is very important for future achievements in the labour market. 3.2 Transnational families and identity formation of second generation of migrants This paragraph will focus on side on the family of second generation of migrants and the many difficulties that they have to experience from their early life until their adolescence. On the other side, it will analyze the identification strategies of children of immigrants who are grown up and socialized in two different social and cultural context (the country of origin of their parents and the country of destination in which they live). 12

13 The phenomenon of children with immigrant origin in Italy is very complex and multifaceted. The heterogeneity of the phenomenon depends on very different factors such as the age of arrival in Italy, the way in which the reunification of the family of origin occurred, the way in which the country of origin of their parents has been left and what kind of ties they still exist with the family of origin, the socio-economic status of the family and which type of ethnic minority they belong to. Moreover, recent researches have been demonstrated that there is a quite a big difference if a person is born in the country in which their parents immigrated (native-born children of immigrants) or if they arrived in a later stage of their lives (1.75 and 1.5 generation). Indeed, those children of immigrant born in Italy have much less difficulties integrating and proceeding in school since they do not have to tackle with the Italian language as a foreign language. In addition they are already socialized and embedded in small social networks composed of native Italian friends and other relatives on whom they can rely on. Indeed, the literature has pointed out that friends play an important role in supporting the learning process and hence, the educational achievements of second generation of migrants. For those children of immigrants who arrive later on in their lives, the situation is completely different. They have to learn the Italian language in order to attend class and to integrate well in the Italian schooling system. Indeed, as Rumbaut points out the language acquisition is a function of age. It is especially good between the ages of three and the early teens after ten years old there is the risk to speak with an accent (Rumbaut 1999, p. 502). Thus, for non native-born children of immigrants the first years in elementary school are generally remembered as a very stressful period due to the difficulties in understand what has been explained in class and being able to communicate with the other school mates (Bosisio et al. 2005) Moreover, it has to be pointed out that poor immigrant children are more likely to receive limited linguistic support at home, and therefore need more support at school to be fluent in Italian language. Hence, the support they receive at school to improve their Italian is crucial to move on in formal education. Furthermore, non native second generation of migrants experience other stressful events besides the language barrier and integration into the Italian schooling system. These stressful events arise due to different kind of trauma that they may have experienced before arriving to Italy such as war (in some cases the parents of immigrant children escaped from their country because there was a war), family disruption or separation (see also McDonnell and Hill 1993, Suárez-Orozco, Suárez- Orozsco, 1995a, 1995b; Rumbaut, 1995, 1994, Olsen, 1988). In fact when they arrive to Italy the reunification process with the family is a very complex and an ambivalent one because it implies opposite emotions and expectations both from children than parents. Indeed, the migration process has an impact on the re-organization and renegotiation of the roles and relationships both among the couple and between parents and children (Leonini 2010, Bonizzoni 2010). In recent years in Italy there has been a feminization of the migration process which meant that the women (wives) emigrated before their husbands and their children because in Italy, due to its particular familistic Welfare system, there is a strong demand of domestic work as housekeepers and caregivers for children and elderly. Thus, a lot of women, who emigrated from the Philippines, from Latin America and from Ukraine, found and still find easily work in these types of occupations. Although they experienced a big sufferance because of the separation from their children and husbands, they integrate rather rapidly in the Italian labor market and become the breadwinner of the family. Indeed, they work very hard in Italy in order to send monthly remittances ( Euro per month) (Bonizzoni 2010, p. 105) to their family and hope for a future reunification of the family which is much more complicated that what they imagine. In addition, they make a strong effort in order to maintain a relationship with their children and their husband which today are easier than in the past due to the development of the ICT although this is very difficult. Becoming the main breadwinner of the family means a big change in the traditional 13

14 gender roles based on a patriarchal culture which foresees the man in the role of the main breadwinner and the woman in the main role of wife and mother as caregiver (Leonini 2010, p. 64). They try hard to remain an important emotional point of references for their children although in reality they often risk to be put on the margins (Bonizzoni 2010). This role changes can often destabilize the family creating conflicts inside the couple since men, in particular those grown up in a more traditional patriarch cal country, accept only with extreme difficult a subordinated role inside the family. The children left behind by their parents (or by their mothers) in their country of origin, differently as some literature has underlined, are generally not abandoned to themselves but receive care and educational support from other relatives, generally their grand-parents or the new wife of their fathers in case of divorce since long-distance relationship are quite difficult to maintain in the longrun. The children of immigrants once they have surpassed the trauma of separation from their parents have a rather well-off standard of living thanks to the remittances of their parents, which permits them higher consumption than average families, sometimes also to attend private schools and few family obligations in the household. Hence, when the family reunification take place the children of immigrants has ambivalent feelings and great difficulties once they arrive to Italy. On one side, they are often rather happy to join their parents or their mothers (but not always) and are attracted to live in a richer environmental context, which probably will offer them greater opportunities for their future lives. On the other side, they experience a great sufferance because for a second time they have to separate from the relatives who have substituted their parents (double trauma) such as the grand-parents, separate from a familiar place, separate from a familiar culture, separate from a familiar language and separate from their friends. In addition, when they arrive to Italy many expectations will not take place. First of all, they often experience a lower level of standard of living because the cost of living is much higher in Italy than in their country of origin. They are obliged to live in smaller houses in not in the city centre (Leonini 2010, Bonizzoni 2010) or in overcrowded housing because they share the house with other relatives in order to reduce the cost for house renting. In addition, many immigrants with their children are forced to change often place due to the work opportunities that their parents find. The literature has highlight that overcrowded housing which often implies also scarce hygienic conditions and high residential mobility, are very stressful in terms of psychological stability and health (McCarthy 1998). Said this, recent research have stated that in recent years there has been an increase of second generation of immigrant who own their houses although smaller than the average houses of native Italians (Mencarini et al. 2009, p. 63). According to recent literature this is an important indicator for space stability and social mobility (Rumbaut 1999, p. 490). Besides the harsher living conditions that children of immigrant experience when they join their parents, they have to reestablish an intimate relationship with their parents, which they hardly know, and eventually also with other sisters or brothers, born in Italy. These are very difficult processes, painful and often full of conflicts because parents and children have to rebuild trust and affection among them. Since their parents are struggling hard to make a living working all day long, the young immigrant children are obliged to contribute substantially also to the domestic activities at home and look after their smaller brothers or sisters during the day after they come back from school. Finally, the children of immigrants after the reunification have to cope with another social and cultural environment, learning and adapting to new social norms and customs but also entering in a new schooling system, often of lower quality compared to the one left at home. This is particular true for young second generation coming from China (Leonini 2010). Not only they have to adapt to a new schooling system but they feel the pressure to perform well from their parents. Indeed, for many parents the children should complete their high personal ambitious concerning better occupational attainments and social mobility (Leonini 2010, p. 76). Indeed, the parents, who 14

15 arrived to Italy, entered in the labour market occupying the less paid and more precarious jobs (Ambrosini 2005) and find themselves at the lower level of the social ladder. Hence, they hope that their children will reach higher level of education and occupational achievements than they did. It has to be added that in particular in elementary school but also in other ambits of everyday life children of immigrants - both native-born than foreign-born - are exposed from their early life to prejudices and ethnic discriminations. The sociological literature states that almost all second generation of migrants have experienced these negative attitudes and behaviors from native-born Italians, which hinders the development of a good self-esteem and positive social representation. 3.3 Identification strategies and intergenerational conflicts The literature have pinpoint that all children of immigrants both native born than foreign-born have to straddle with two cultures and find a identification strategies in order to build their identities. Children of immigrant have to know norms, values, and customs of their family of origin but they are simultaneously socialized to the values, habits and to the culture of the society in which they live. As affirms acutely Kristin McCarthy (1998) these two cultures are often viewed as opposing each other, a situation which is sometimes described as cultures in conflict. This leads often not only to a personal conflict but also to a intergenerational conflict between immigrant adolescents and their parents, which is very difficult to elaborate as recent literature have demonstrated (Padilla, Duran, 1995, James 1997; Rumbaut 1994; Gibson 1988; Gil, Vega, 1996; Szapocznik, Kurtines 1993, Olsen 1988, Castex 1997). Besides a painful feeling of not belonging to any of these cultures, some authors have underlined that children of immigrants have different feelings when trying to adhere to their parents values and norms that could be in contrast with the society in which they live such as shame, a sense of guilty, anxiety and loneliness. Hence, the failure of the difficult process of integration of the two cultures has a strong impact on the formation of the identity that can lead to identity disorders and a decrease in self-esteem. This is intergenerational conflict between children and parents in transnational families can be stronger for some ethnic minorities in which the values and norms are more distant from those of the Italian societies. In addition, the intergenerational conflict has a different impact and consequences for women and men. Thus, in those families in which there is a strong traditional gender role based on a patriarcal culture and on strong radicated religious beliefs, the intergenerational conflict can be very harsh. This happens when the second generation of young girls starts an emancipatory process rejecting the traditional female identity of the family and adhering to the more equalitarian and less stereotyped gender identities and roles of the Western society such as the Italian one 1. Recent studies from a constructionist theoretical approach based on a qualitative research about adolescent second generation of migrants in Italy and in particular in the city of Milan, have demonstrated the difficulties to build their own identification strategies being socialized into two or three different cultures (Bosisio et al. 2005, Colombo et al. 2009b, 2009c). There are different types of identification that can be found among children of immigrants depending on the existence of networks, cultural and social capital of the parents, socioeconomic status of the family, individual experiences and discrimination in the new social context in which they grew up. 1 In Italy there has been two cases of murder in recent years in which two young second generation Muslim girls one from Pakistan in 2006 and the other from Morocco in have been killed by their own fathers because they have rejected the traditional Muslim religion and the traditional female identity forseen by the Islamic religion. They lived with the values and norms of secular Western society: they dressed according to Western society style, they didn t participate at any religious practices and have formed their own family without being married (co-habitation). These two homicides opened a very strong debate in the Italian civic society about the integration of immigrants into the Italian society. 15

16 The scholars of this study found six different types identification strategies. The first three types of identification strategies, more static and locally grounded, are found also in other sociological and psychological literature that focused on second generation of migrants (Piore 1979, Portes 1996, Alba. Nee 1997, Crul, Vermelen 2003, Ambrosini 2004). The first three types, which refers to the second generation of migrants, who came during their adolescence, are the following one: the ethnic identification (complete identification with the culture of the ethnic network which sometimes represent a shelter and affection and sometimes limits the possibilities of experiences), mimicry (an ability to camouflage nationality, to adhere totally to the Italian culture rejecting the culture of origin in order not to feel isolated from the rest of the social context), the crisis or the ambivalent identification (a fluctuating identification neither with the culture of origin of their parents neither with the culture of the hosting society because they are felt being of not being reconcilable. A sense of not feeling at ease and sense of marginalization (Colombo et al. 2009b, p. 64). The other three types of identifications, more dynamic and global, are the following one: transnational identification (partaking in identity at more than one level main, strong bonds and exchanges with both countries of origin and of destination), multiple identification (favouring elements of connection), and cosmopolitan identification (ability to adapt to each cultural context conforming completely to the norms, values and habits of both societies in order to avoid conflict) (Bosisio et al. 2005, Colombo et al. 2009) 3.4 Social networks, associations and friends and future occupational achievements of second generation of migrants in Italy There are still very few studies concerning second generation of migrant in Italy and their entrance into the Italian labour market and their occupational achievements (Zanfrini 2006). According to Laura Zanfrini (2006) altough in recent years the entrance in the labour market for the first generaiton of migrants has a changed (not always in bad jobs), the intergenerational transmission of the disadvange s from father to son/daughter has not disappeared. The difference between the first and the second generation is that the children of immigrant don t feel anymore host but citizens. Hence, they have different and more ambitious expectations than their parents who accepted an occupation at the lowest level of the occupational hierarchy. Unfortunately, the ambitions of second generation often have to tackle with strong discrimination in the labour market. The discrimination can assume three different forms related both to the entrance in the labour market but also at workplace itself: i) discrimination rules for hiring employees; ii) discrimination at work (poor work conditions); iii) discrimination in career advancement. These discriminations can raise ethnic conflict and bring to great tensions between native-born Italians and second generations. The question that future scholars have to answer is if second generation of migrants in Italy will integrate successfully into the Italian society reaching middle class living standards through qualified jobs or if there is a risk that also the second generation of migrants as it happened partially in the United States and in France, like most of their parents, are stucked in so called bad jobs and are constantly disrimninated when trying to reach higher levels of occcupation. In other words, if second generation of migrants will rebel (Piore 1979, Gans 1992) to accept the lowest occupations in the occupational hierarchy aiming for better jobs or if there is a concrete risk of a continuing ethnicization of the labour market and of downward assimilation (Portes 1995). Indeed, in recent year the assimilation therory has been revisited by American scholars elaborating the theory of segmented assimilation (Portes, Zhou 1993, Zhou 1997, Portes, Rumbaut 2001, Portes, Rumbaut 2006). According to this perspective, three main possible insertions in the country in which they live, have been theorized. The first forsees a complete economical and cultural integration with the insertion into the middle class and the possibility of an ascendant social mobility. The second possibilities forsees a 16

17 economical integration and partial acculturation which is supported by the ethnic community. This pernmits to maintain a strong connection with the ethnic community of origin and lead to a selected assimilation. As points out Maurizio Ambrosini and Elena Caneva the solidarity and the resources inside the community support social cohesion and economic advancement in the society in which they live (2010, p. 26). The third possibility of insertion, especially for those with lower level of human and economic capital, is that of the downward assimilation and downward acculturaton with the formation of an underclass. This risk of downward assimilation is particular strong for those second generation, who live in very poor and disadvantaged urban neighbourhood such as the french banlieue of Paris possessing a very low level of human and social capital (Roulleau-Berger 2009, Silberman, Alba 2004). A spatial segregation, where only migrants and second generation, doesn t exist in Italy with the exception of the Milanese Chinese community who tend to live in particular neighborhoods in the well-off centre of Milan. The literature has highlighted many different factors that make second generation of migrants more at risk of downward assimilation such as the the migration policies, the structure of the labour market, the racial discrimination (Ambrosini, Caneva 2010), the economic, social and cultural capital of the family, the human capital and personal migration history, the speed of acculturation of the family and children (Portes, Rumbaut 2001), social networks and asssociations in which they are embedded and the network of friends. Indeed, friends of second generation of migrants can both have very positve than negative impact on integration into Italian society. On one side, recent studies have demonstrated that friends both foreign than Italian friends, have an important role and can have positive impact on second generation of migrants lives. The group of peers have an important role in the socialization process of norms and values of the Italian society. In addition friends can represent a strong emotional support and support for their self-esteeem in difficult moments of their lives in particular when the parents can not be present because they have to work. Friends can support also the learning process and the educational attainments. Finally, they represent an important source of different forms of social such as information, trust and obligation which are also very important to find a job in the Italian labour market. On the other side, friends can also lead to negative actvities such as drug abuse or alcohol and hence openening the path to deviance. Recent research have pinpoint that informal and formal associations of second generation of migrants can represent another source of social capital that can be useful to have a support, to have information about specific issues related to citizenship, to have econmic and cultural exchanges between different coutries and Italy and also to facilitate the entrance in the labour market. In recent years many different associations of second generation of migrants arouse such as Network of Second Generation (Rete G2), the Young Muslim of Italy (Giovani musulmani d Italia) Chinese association (Associna) (Bertani 2010) just ot make some examples. One of the aim of the Network of Second Generation, contituted of global citizens coming from Asia, Africa, Latin America and founded in Rome in 2005 from second generation of migration (as they like to call themsleves), is to change the a actual legislation about citizenship based mainly on the ius sanguinis. This means that the Italian citizenship is not acquired immediately once a person is born in Italy like in the United States (ius soli) but only after a person becomes adult (18 years-old). Thus, many second generation have great difficculties to acquire the Italin citizenship which males the entrance in the labour market more difficult but also the career advancement. The Association Young Muslims of Italy, founded in 2001 by young Muslim, aims to support the social integration in the Italian society of Young Muslims (both men than women) maintaining simultanously the values and customs of the Muslim culture and religion. Finally, the Chinese association aims to inform about the Chinese culture but also to foster the cultural and economic exchange between China and Italy. 17

18 4. Pedagogical intercultural approaches based on autobiographical narratives 4.1 The Birth and the Development of Intercultural Pedagogy in Italy The intercultural pedagogy in Italy is a rather young discipline compared to other countries such us the United States, that started rethinking its pedagogy being sensitive to cultural differences already in 1940s of last century. The pedagogy in Italy has been forced to rethink its theoritical perspectives and approaches after the great social and cutural transformations arised with the social movements that have characterized the 1970s such as feminism and environmentalism and then in the 1980s with the process of migration. As has been pointed out in the previous paragraphs, Italy has developed since the 1980s of last century to a country of immigration, after having been for more than a century a country of strong emigration. In particular, many Italians coming from the rural South of Italy (Ginsborg, 1990) emigrated in the United States or in North Europe after the industrialization have started at the end of the 19 th century also in Italy until Mid of 20 th century in order to ameliorate their living conditions. Since the late 1980s of last century and the beginnig of the 1990s the pedagogy in Italy started to develop new methods in order to understand a multicultural society and Other cultures (compared to the Western, Christian-Greek, bourgeois culture) and to resond to the new pedagogical needs for migrants and their children. In these years the Ministry of Education introduced new laws in order to start to change the educaton in particular in the schools introducing for the first time an intercultural pedagogy As stated Franco Cambi the pedagogy has to elaborate new ways of communication and critreria of cultural exchange, has to train for a dialogue and tolerance [ ]. In other words, the task of pedagogy is today to reveal its ethnocentrism but also the racist features and intolerance of society (Cambi, 2001a, pp ). The pedagogy has therefore started its path towards an intercultural approach in order also to respond to the eductional needs both of migrants and second generation of migrants than the needs of the trainer and teacher themselves in confronting themselves with other cultures. Moreover, on one side the intercultural pedagogy analyzes in-depth the openess towards other cultures and the culture of its own country (Pizzi, 2008, p. 5). Hence, one key element of intercultural pedagogy is to be relational. This means in relation and in a constant dialogue with other cultures that are different from the Italian one. On the other side, the intercultural pedagogy maintains the principal focus from the broader pedagogy concentrating itself on human being and on his/her education and transformation. According to Francesco Susi the intercultual pedagogy starts also in Italy to search for its own autonomous discipline. To describe this new discipline Francesco Susi uses a metaphor. It is like a network of concepts tied together by different knots that represents the frame (1999, p. 9). Said this, the intercultural pedagogy in Italy has not defenetively developed its own theoretical and conceptual framework although there has been a long political and academic debate about this relatively new discipline. In accordance to many authors this is due to a non clear defintion of some key concepts. Some authors suggests that to reach a more clearer definition and direction for the discipline, it is necessary to clarify and distinguish the following concepts: multicultulturalism, interculturalism and transculturalism. In continental Europe and in Italy multiculturalism is a more descriptive approach pointing out how Western societies including Italy, have changed and have become multicultural societies which 18

19 means societies characterized by the cohabitation of different races and ethnic minorities. From a pedagogical point of view, this theoretical perspective highlithened that the focus of the multicultural pedagoy was to study and become aware of different cultures and Weltanschaaungen. Hence, the aim was to educate people to respect and recognize other cultures and their rights for free expression. In addition, pedagogy started to reveal the monocultural assumptions behind it. Hence, the further aim of multicultural education is to be social active, representing a resistance of oppression due to one monocultural education (generally coming from White, middle class teachers) (Sleeter 1996). The perspective of interculturalism goes a little bit further than the former perspective. The focus is not only about the awareness of different cultural backgrounds and identities but primarily about interaction among them, how they exchange perceptions and values. The intercural pedagogy foster the exchange and confrontation among the different cultures in order to suppprt a social integration of the Other, of foreigners. From this perspective, the encounter between the migrants and their children and natives, is seen first of all, as a resource that permits to develop a more profound knowledge of other cultural identities and gives the opportunity to clarify one s own cultural assumptions. It gives the opportunity for each actor involved in the interaction to learn about other values, behaviours and attitudes. A better knowledge that enriches both the single person who is involved in the interaction but also the broader collectivity (the typical example are the ethnic shops and restaurants that brings to knowledge of other). The inrecultural pedagogy much more dynamic than the multicultural pedagogy because it understand the exchange about different cultural as a dynamic and ongoing process (Pizzi 2008), has the aim to support the single individual to develop her/himself in accordance to his/her social and cultural backgroud, to his/her specific needs. The last perspective transcultural pedagogy which has its root in transcultural psychology and psychiatry which staterd already at the beginnig of the 20 th century initially conceptualizes by with Kraepelin (1904), is less developed in Italy. Only few authors such as the pedagogist Duccio Demetrio (1984), who is quite near to this approach which supports and emphasizes the dimension of passing through cultures and the role for identity formation. A pedagogy that emphasize and interprets the individual being in movement between and within cultures. From this perspective, the identity formation is interpreted as a continuous process of changes and transitions. The subjects are understood as subjects-in-process-and-on-trial (Kristeva 1986; 1996). The subjectivity is understood as a heterogeneous ongoing process of (trans) formation and becoming (Kristeva 1986, p. 30): identities engage with one another to produce meanings; these meanings are not fixed but are in a constant state of flux and may change over time (Kristeva 1996, pp ). The consequences is that the transcultural pedagogy permits the formation of an identity that higlight and makes explicit the belonging to and the relationship with different cultures in particular for second generation of migrants: the one of their parents and the one of the country in which they live and were they are born 4.2 A pedagogical methods used in intercultural pedagogy: The autobiographical narratives A pedagogical methods that have been used rather early in the Italian pedagogy sensible to understanding different cultures and the dialogue between them, especially in adult education for migrants but now also for second generation of migrants, is the autobiographical method (Anzaldi et al. 1999, Demetrio 1996, 2002, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c, 2003d, 2004, 2006). The use of autobiography, that can be defined as a retrospective narrative written by a person concerning his/her existence, with a particular attention to his/her life and the story of his/her identity (Lejeune, 1973; Poggio, 2004, p. 62). Hence, writing or narrating his/her own autobiography, that fosters the reflection about the Self, has a long history. It goes back to the Roman empire with the philosopher Augustine ( A.C) and his Confessions, that represent a first written autobiography in the strict sense i.e. a confession of the Self, an in-depth analyses of his/her own consciousness and of his/her life experiences, a journey 19

20 that the subject is doing in order to understand, judge and guide him/herself thanks to this enlighting journey (Cambi, 2002, p. 4). Then in the 19 th century, autobiography which can assume a written form such that of a diary, letters, biographical novel (in the sense of Goethe s Bildungsroman) or an oral form (oral autobiographical narratives or tale), becomes much more central in all social sciences for at least three reasons. First of all, because as acutely pointed out Smorti (1994) there has been a change in epistemological paradigm in scientific science from the positivistic to an interpretative paradigm, that has highlighthened how scientific science could not come up anymore with an objective knowledge about reality but only grasp the subjective meaning of the single action. Secondly, departing from a post-modern debate there has been less emphasis on the objective logical thinking and hence, a stronger emphasis towards constructivist theories for whom the reality is a social construction, according to the power of the mind but also to all the beliefs that has historically been transmitted (Bruner, 2003, p. 13, cfr. Giusti, 2009). Third, with the ongoing process of globalization and the developing of ICT on one side and the process of individualization (institutionalized individualism) (Beck, Beck-Gernsheim 2001) on the other side, the construction of one s own identity is an ongoing and dynamic process (Beck 2008). The normal biography becomes more and more a do-it-your-self biography with the words of the German sociologist Ulrich Beck, an elective and reflexive biography. If the do-it-your self biography produces much more opportunities for the single actor in different ambit of his/her life on one side, on the other side, it represents also a risk biography. The single subject is often in a state of permanent endangerment. The façade of prosperity, consumption, glitter can often mark the nearby precipice (Beck 2001, p.3). As states Ulrich Beck the wrong choice of a career or just the wrong field, compounded by the downward spiral about the private misfortune, divorce, illness, and the repossessed home. Hence, a do-it-yourself biography can easily become a breakdown biography in particular since the ties and bonds coming from the principle institutions such as the family and the work are nowadays considered not lifelong but just until further notice (Bauman 1993). As Bauman (1993) puts it: Nowadays everything seems to conspire against lifelong projects, permanent bonds, eternal alliances, immutable identities. I cannot build for the long term on my job, my profession or even my abilities. I can bet on my job being cut, my profession changing out of all recognition, my skills being no longer in demand. Nor can a partnership or family provide a basis in the future. [ ] ties are from the outset until further notice. Hence, in late modernity or liquid modernity to say it with Beck and Bauman, not only the biography is a do-it-tor self biography but also the identity is perceived being a permanent one. An identity that the individual has continuously to construct and reconstruct on his/her own. The individual is becoming restless, reflexive about his/her own identity and its development in the future because he/she cannot rely anymore on lifelong bonds and institutions. This restlessness is even stronger and dramatic for those individuals forced to move from their country to find a better life as most of the migrants are. Individuals whose identities are always between two different places, two different cultures. Individuals who live on their own skin the experience to be continuously a double presence both having a life in the country of origin than in country of destination but also a double absence (Sayad 2004). Abdelmalek Sayad highlights it very well in his enlightening book The Suffering of the Immigrants. He reveals the reality of the displaced existence of immigrants and the harrowing contradictions that characterize it. Among these contradictions is the deep collective dishonesty through which immigration perpetuates itself, where immigrants are compelled, out of respect for themselves and the group that allowed them to leave their country of origin, to play down the suffering of emigration and to encourage more of their compatriots to join them. Separated from their families, towns, and homelands, and weighed down by the unshakeable guilt of this absence, immigrants are also 'absent' in their country of arrival, 20

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