Research Brief. Nearly six decades of multi-disciplinary social. How Non-Minority Students Also Benefit from Racially Diverse Schools. Brief No.

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1 Brief No. 8 October, 2012 How Non-Minority Students Also Benefit from Racially Diverse Schools By Genevieve Siegel-Hawley Nearly six decades of multi-disciplinary social science evidence points to important academic, social and civic benefits for low income students of color who attend high quality, diverse schools. Research briefs highlighting key studies that document these beneficial outcomes are summarized in prior s in this series (see Some of this research has also pointed to benefits accruing to students of all races and ethnicities attending integrated schools. Less direct attention has been paid to the ways in which white students 1 are advantaged by racially diverse school settings. As described below, diverse schools benefit white students by providing far better learning outcomes. Enrollment in racially integrated schools is also associated with important social and psychological advantages that improve productivity in an increasingly diverse workplace. Recognizing that sustained support for school diversity on the part of white families is central to the creation of stable, integrated schools, this research brief outlines the best evidence to date on the benefits of racially diverse K-12 experiences for white students. Context: The Demographic Transformation of Schools and a Changing Economy Last year, for the first time in history, white infants accounted for less than half of all births, according to the Census. 2 That momentous shift in the very youngest Americans is one of many concrete indicators of profound demographic transformation. School enrollments reflect these broader population trends. In 1970, white students made up roughly 80% of the national public school enrollment a figure that has fallen to less than 54% today. 3 Enrollments in the country s two largest regions, the South and the West, are majorityminority and multiracial. 4 Schools are public institutions consistently attended by 9 out of 10 school-aged children in the country 5 and, as such, should serve as training grounds for the world that rising generations of students will experience. Yet in spite of our growing diversity, high levels of school segregation persist. 6 The typical white student in the U.S., for example, goes to a school where roughly three-quarters of his or her peers are also white, even though whites now account for just more than half the national school enrollment. 7 As the research summarized below suggests, racially and ethnically homogeneous school settings do not adequately prepare either white students or their nonwhite peers for life and work in a multiracial society. 8 As the global economy continues to transition from the industrial age to an era based on knowledge production, flexibility, innovation and risk; 9 today s students should be educated in learning environments that foster such characteristics. Racially and ethnically diverse schools are optimal settings in which to do so, for a variety of reasons further explored in the following sections. Better Learning Outcomes for Non-Minority Students in Diverse Schools Diverse schools are linked to a host of positive learning outcomes for white students. These

2 No. 8 National Coalition on School Diversity include more robust classroom discussions, the promotion of critical thinking and problem-solving skills and higher academic achievement. The presence of different racial and ethnic backgrounds in a classroom is closely connected to heightened dialogue and debate. 10 As Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell wrote, the nation s future depends upon leaders trained through wide exposure to that robust exchange of ideas which discovers truth out of a multitude of tongues. 11 In other words, diverse perspectives provide multiple lenses through which to view and understand problems and events. The complex, more flexible thinking that white students develop from these exchanges is an essential academic benefit flowing from diverse classrooms. 12 Another related advantage is that the wide-ranging and probing discussions that occur in diverse classrooms help generate creative, high-quality solutions to problems. Rigorous research has shown that, when it comes to problem-solving, diverse groups consistently outperform groups made up of experts in a particular field. 13 As one researcher put it, Scholars from a variety of disciplines have studied how people and groups make breakthroughs. The common answer: diverse perspectives. 14 Such outcomes produce clear benefits for multiple arenas, including schools and universities, workplaces and democratic societies. Surveys of white high school students experiencing racially diverse classrooms shed light on how the students themselves view their settings. For example, more than three-fourths of white high school juniors in Jefferson County (Louisville), Kentucky reported that discussions in diverse classrooms had at least some impact on their understanding of different points of view. 15 Nearly two-thirds of white students in the district said they felt very prepared for a diverse workplace, with another one-third saying they felt at least somewhat prepared. 16 When classrooms are structured around cooperative group learning which helps to maximize the benefits of diversity 17 white students show improved academic achievement. 18 With regard to test scores, the narrowest measure of academic achievement, evidence related to white students in diverse schools is somewhat more mixed. 19 Some of the uncertainty is likely due to methodological issues; for instance, many earlier studies of achievement were cross-sectional (looking at student achievement at only one point in time) versus longitudinal (tracking student achievement over time). 20 What is clear, however, is that racially diverse schools are not linked to negative academic outcomes for white students. 21 And in a number of subjects, like math and science, diverse educational settings are consistently linked to higher test scores for whites. One analysis of 59 social science articles related to school composition effects on mathematics outcomes found, for instance, that math outcomes were higher at every grade level for students from all racial and SES backgrounds who attended racially and socioeconomically integrated schools. 22 Attending Diverse Schools is Linked to Social and Psychological Advantages for Non-Minority Students Compared to racially isolated educational settings, racially integrated schools are associated with reduced prejudice among students of different racial and ethnic backgrounds, a diminished likelihood of stereotyping, more friendships across racial lines and higher levels of cultural competence. Each of these outcomes are crucial components of white students indeed, all students preparation for an increasingly diverse society. U.S. employers spend roughly $200 to $300 million 23 dollars each year providing diversity training because too few of their employees are prepared to work with people who come from different racial, economic or cultural backgrounds. 2

3 National Coalition on School Diversity No. 8 A 2003 meta-analysis of 515 social science studies, spanning 6 decades and 36 countries, found overwhelming evidence to indicate that contact between different groups such as having classmates of different racial backgrounds lowers intergroup prejudice. 24 The research showed that exposure to students of other racial and ethnic backgrounds produces more knowledge and awareness of those backgrounds, which in turn lowers anxiety and heightens feelings of empathy. 25 Studies also show that the timing of the contact is important elementary school age children are both aware of race and most likely to display flexible thinking around what racial differences may or may not signify. 26 Importantly, research has found that students of all races experiencing high levels of intergroup contact were more likely to feel that positive steps should be taken to mitigate exclusion based on race. 27 One study of the Maryland and Virginia suburbs of D.C. that classified districts as either heterogeneous or homogeneous found that students in more diverse settings were much more likely to use moral reasoning to evaluate racial exclusion. So, for example, students in the heterogeneous district that had experienced high levels of contact with students of other races were much more likely to say that not dating someone on the basis of race was unfair and discriminatory than students with lower levels of contact in the more homogenous district. 28 These findings are particularly important because they suggests that contact with other racial groups not only reduces prejudice, but that it also can help spur white students towards proactive resistance to discrimination. One of the most effective ways to reduce prejudice is through friendships with members of other races. 29 Meaningful friendships across racial lines go beyond superficial contact with other group members and thus help counter deep-seated prejudices. Schools are, of course, ideal institutions for fostering interracial friendships at an early age. Research has shown that diverse schools are linked to more cross-racial friendships 30 and that white students who have experienced racially diverse classrooms are more likely to view students of other races as potential friends. 31 Diverse classrooms also foster stable friendships between white and black students, with white students experiencing the strongest effects. 32 Beyond the social-psychological benefits that white students can accrue in diverse schools, the development of cultural competency offers a critical advantage in the multiracial workplace and society of the future. Cross-cultural competency refers to the ability to effectively work with and relate to others across racial and ethnic lines. 33 This requires the low levels of prejudice and disinclination towards stereotyping discussed above, and too, an understanding and empathy that can be gained from cross-racial friendships and participation in discussions with diverse perspectives. Non-Minority Students Experience Long-Term Benefits From School Diversity White graduates of diverse elementary and secondary schools experience long-lasting benefits that can extend across multiple generations and contribute to healthy functioning of a democratic society. One of the most important benefits for white students attending diverse K-12 educational settings is that such experiences tend to have perpetuating effects later in life. 34 In other words, white graduates of diverse schools often seek out diverse colleges, work environments and neighborhoods. 35 This cycle can also span generations, since living in a diverse neighborhood often means that the children of these white graduates will attend a diverse school setting. 36 White graduates of integrated schools are more likely to report an increased sense of civic engagement. 37 This is in part related to the fact that students attending diverse schools feel they have 3

4 No. 8 National Coalition on School Diversity more opportunities to learn about civic and political issues, in addition to thinking that their teachers used techniques that promoted citizenship. 38 White students who attend well-designed diverse high schools are also more likely to have a concrete understanding of racial and social injustices, which in turn can help contribute to constructive civic engagement. Organizing Schools to Promote the Benefits of Diversity Many of the benefits that diverse schools help produce for white students also flow to students of other races. Because we still live in a society in which racial discrimination is built into many of our educational, 39 economic 40 and judicial institutions, 41 preventing the replication of similar patterns within diverse schools is imperative. Otherwise, research suggests that the potential benefits of diversity could be diluted or undermined. 42 In the nearly six decades since Brown v. Board of Education was decided, researchers have produced a large body of evidence related to best practices for designing integrated schools so that they equally benefit for students of all races and ethnicities. Much of this social psychology research is based on a seminal 1954 study by Harvard social psychologist Gordon Allport, who theorized that four critical elements needed to be present in order to foster optimal contact across different groups. 43 Specifically, he suggested that all group members needed to be given equal status, that clear guidelines for cooperatively working towards common goals should be present, and that strong leadership visibly supportive of intergroup relationships was necessary. In diverse schools, those four fundamentals can play out in multiple ways. Efforts to de-track students (e.g., remove racialized barriers to honors and AP courses, monitor and disrupt the overidentification of black students as students with special needs, and guard against placing English Learners in separate, full-day English as a Second Language classes) and integrate them together at the classroom level are vital to the provision of equal status. 44 Cooperative, heterogonous grouping in classrooms, along with abundant interracial extra-curricular opportunities like sports teams, can help actualize the process of working towards common goals across racial lines. 45 And finally, highly visible, positive modeling from teachers and administrators around issues of fairness and diversity is critical to the development of strong, equitable leadership. 46 Concluding Thoughts Given the history of white resistance to school desegregation 47 and ongoing patterns of segregation and resegregation, 48 it is important to specifically highlight the ways in which white students gain from their experiences in diverse educational settings. Even as white public opinion on the issue of school integration has shifted markedly polling shows that 33% of whites thought that black and white children should attend the same schools in 1942, compared to 95% today support for specific voluntary desegregation policies remains tenuous. 49 This brief presents clear evidence that diverse schools do benefit white school children, that those advantages accrue along multiple important dimensions, and that the skills gained in diverse settings are becoming ever more important in a rapidly changing society. White families wishing to maximize the academic and social benefits of education for their children can actively seek out diverse schools, assured that their own children will be strongly advantaged by the experience. Genevieve Siegel-Hawley is Assistant Professor at the Virginia Commonwealth University School of Education, and a member of the National Coalition on School Diversity s Research Advisory Panel. 4

5 National Coalition on School Diversity No. 8 1 In this, we are using the term white to denote non-hispanic white students. We use the term non-minority in its traditional sense, interchangeably with white, even though whites do not have majority status in public schools in some parts of the country. 2 Tavernise, S. (17 May 2012). Whites account for under half of births in U.S. New York Times. Available at: wanted=all 3 Orfield, G., Kuscera, J. & Siegel-Hawley, G. (2012). E Pluribus...Separation: Deepening Double Segregation for More Students. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Civil Rights Project. 4 Siegel-Hawley, G. & Frankenberg, E. (2012). Southern slippage: Growing school segregation in the most desegregated region of the country. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Civil Rights Project. Kuscera, J. (2012). The western states: Profound diversity but severe segregation for Latino students. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Civil Rights Project. 5 Reardon, S.F., & Yun, J.T. (2003). Private school racial enrollments and segregation. In R. D. Kahlenberg (Ed.), Public School Choice vs. Private School Vouchers. New York, NY: Century Foundation Press. 6 Clotfelter, C. (2004). After Brown: The rise and retreat of school desegregation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. McArdle, N. Osypuk, T. & Acevedo- Garcia, D. (September 2010). Segregation and Exposure to High-Poverty Schools in Large Metropolitan Areas: DiversityData Briefs: A report from diversitydata.org. Publications/school_segregation_report.pdf. 7 Orfield et al., Jayakumar, U.M. (2008). Can Higher Education Meet the Needs of an Increasingly Diverse and Global Society? Campus Diversity and Cross-Cultural Workforce Competencies, Harvard Educational Review, 78, See also, Brief of American Social Scientists (6 August 2012). Fisher v. University of Texas. Available at: Documents/ACR%20American%20Social%20Science %20Researchers.pdf. 9 Carnoy, M., Castells, M., Cohen, S., Cardoso, F. (1993). The New Global Economy in the Information Age: Reflections on Our Changing World. State College, PA: PSU Press. 10 Chang, M. (2006). The Educational Benefits of Sustaining Cross-Racial Interaction among Undergraduates. Journal of Higher Education, 430. Gurin, P., Nagda, B.A., Zúñiga, X. (forthcoming). Engaging Race and Gender: Intergroup Dialogues in Higher Education. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation. In recent years, much of what we know about the benefits of classroom-level diversity comes from studies of higher education settings. This is part due to the legal challenges to affirmative action, which have spurred research in this area. 11 Regents of University of California v. Bakke, , p Marin, P. (2000). The Educational Possibility of Multi- Racial/Multi-Ethnic College Classrooms, in Does Diversity Make a Difference? Three Research Studies on Diversity in College Classrooms. Washington, DC: American Council on Education & American Association of University Professors, Duncan et al. (2003). Empathy or Antipathy? The Consequences of Racially and Socially Diverse Peers on Attitudes and Behaviors, Working paper, Joint Center for Policy Research, Northwestern University. Antonio et al. (2004). Effects of Racial Diversity on Complex Thinking in College Students. Psychological Science 15( 8), See also, Brief of 553 Social Scientists. Parents Involved in Community Schools v. School District No. 1, (2007). 13 Page, S. (2008). The Difference: How the Power of Diversity Creates Better Groups, Firms, Schools and Societies. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 14 Ibid, p Orfield, G. & Frankenberg, E. (2011). Experiencing integration in Louisville: How parents and students see the gains and challenges. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Civil Rights Project. 16 Ibid. See also Kurlaender, M. and Yun, J. (2005). Fifty Years after Brown: New Evidence of the Impact of School Racial Composition on Student Outcomes. 5

6 No. 8 National Coalition on School Diversity 6 International Journal of Educational Policy, Research and Practice, 6(1): Cohen, E. and R. Lotan, (1995) Producing equal status interaction in the heterogeneous classroom. American Educational Research Journal, 32, (1), Hawley, W. D. (2007). Designing schools that use student diversity to enhance learning of all students. In E. Frankenberg & G. Orfield (Eds.), Lessons in integration: Realizing the promise of racial diversity in American schools (pp ). Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press. 18 Slavin, R. (2001). Cooperative Learning and Intergroup Relations. In Banks, J. and McGee, C. (Eds). Handbook of Research on Multicultural Education. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. 19 Garda, R. (2011). White Interest in School Integration. Florida Law Review, 63, 605. Brief of 553, Clayton, J. (2011). Changing Diversity in Schools: The Impact on Elementary Student Performance and Achievement. Education and Urban Society. 43(6), Linn, R. & Welner, K. (2007). Race Conscious Policies for Assigning Students to Schools: Social Science Research and Supreme Court Cases. National ; Mickelson, R.A. (2008). Twenty-first Century Social Science Research on School Diversity and Educational Outcomes. Ohio State Law Journal 69: Kurlaender, M. (2006). The Benefits of Racial and Ethnic Diversity in Elementary and Secondary Education. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. 21 Ibid. See also Mickelson, R.A. & Nkomo, M. (2012) Integrated Schooling, Life Course Outcomes, and Social Cohesion in Multiethnic Democratic Societies. Review of Research in Education 36(1), Mickelson, R. & Bottia, M. (2010). Integrated education and mathematics outcomes: A synthesis of social science research. North Carolina Law Review, 88, Vendantam, S. (20 January 2008). Most diversity training ineffective, study finds. The Washington Post. Available at: content/story/2008/01/19/st html. See also Dobbin, F., Kalev, A. & Kelly, E. (2007). Diversity Management in Corporate America. Contexts, 6(4), Aboud, F. E., Mendelson, M. J., & Purdy, K. T. (2003). Cross-race peer relations and friendship quality. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 27, Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2011). When groups meet: The dynamics of intergroup contact. New York: Psychology Press. Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2006). A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90, Rosenthal, R. (1991). Metaanalytic procedures for social research. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. 25 Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2008). How does intergroup contact reduce prejudice? Meta-analytic tests of three mediators. European Journal of Social Psychology, Brief for the American Psychological Association and the Washington State Psychological Association as Amici Curiae Supporting Respondents, Parents Involved and Meredith, 127 S. Ct (2006). Killen, M., Crystal, D. & Ruck, M (2007). The social developmental benefits of intergroup contact among children and adolescents. In E. Frankenberg & G. Orfield (Eds.), Lessons in integration: Realizing the promise of racial diversity in American schools (pp ). Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press. 27 Killen et al., Ibid. 29 Ibid. See also Davies, K., Tropp, L. R., Aron, A., Pettigrew, T. F., & Wright, S. C. (2011). Cross-group friendships and intergroup attitudes: A meta-analytic review. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 15, Quillian, L., & Campbell, M. E. (2003). Beyond black and white: The present and future of multiracial friendship segregation. American Sociological Review, 68, Wright, S. C., Aron, A., McLaughlin-Volpe, T., & Ropp, S. A. (1997). The extended contact effect: Knowledge of cross-group friendships and prejudice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 73,

7 National Coalition on School Diversity No Hallihan, M. & Smith, S. (1985). The effect of classroom racial composition on students interracial friendliness. Social Pyschology Quarterly, 48(1): Garda, 2011, p Mickelson, R. (2011). Exploring the school-housing nexus: A synthesis of social science evidence. In P. Tegeler (Ed.). Finding common ground: Coordinating housing and education policy to promote integration (pp. 5-8). Washington, DC: Poverty and Race Research Action Council; Wells, A.S., & Crain, R. L. (1994). Perpetuation theory and the long-term effects of school desegregation. Review of Educational Research, 6, Ibid. Perry, P. (2002). Shades of White: White Kids and Racial Identities in High School. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. More recent evidence also suggests that, when it comes to their own children, white graduates of diverse schools may be struggling to reconcile competitive, test-score driven education reform with their own values of diversity and democratic schooling. Wells, A.S., Duran, J. & White, T. (2011). Southern graduates of school desegregation: A double consciousness of resegregation yet hope. In E. Frankenberg & E. DeBray (Eds.). Integrating schools in a changing society: New policies and legal options for a multiracial generation (pp ). Chapel Hill, NC: UNC Press. 36 Mickelson, Kurlaender & Yun, Jacobsen, R., Frankenberg, E., & Lenhoff, S. (2011). Diverse schools in a democractic society: New ways of understanding how school demographics affect civic and political learning. American Education Research Journal. 39 Anyon, J. (2005). Radical possibilities: Public policy, urban education and a new social movement. New York, NY: Routledge. Lipman, P. (2004). High Stakes Education: Inequality, Globalization, and Urban School Reform. New York, NY: RoutledgFarmer. Oakes, J. (2010). Keeping Track: How Schools Structure Inequality. New Haven, NJ: Yale University Press. 40 Oliver, M. & Shapiro, T. (2006). Black Wealth/White Wealth: A New Perspective on Racial Inequality. New York, NY: Routledge. Kau, James B., Keenan, Donald C. and Munneke, Henry J., Racial Discrimination and Mortgage Lending (August 22, 2012). Journal of Real Estate Finance and Economics, Vol. 45, No. 2, Available at SSRN: 41 Alexander, M. (2010). The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness. New York, NY: The New Press. 42 Perry, Allport, G. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Cambridge: Addison-Wesley. 44 Oakes, 2005; Hawley, Perry, Ibid. See also Slavin, Hawley, W. (2006). The Keys to Effective Schools: Educational Reform as Continuous Improvement. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. 47 Lassiter, M. (2007). The Silent Majority. Princeton, NY: Princeton University Press. Orfield, G. (1969). Reconstruction of Southern Education. New York, NY: John Wiley. 48 Orfield et al., Frankenberg & Jacobsen,

8 This research augments an already extensive body of work in this area, which has reached similar conclusions. However, the work published this year in TCR is particularly rigorous. It draws from several strong data bases and employs cuttingedge statistical methods. This comprehensive collection of studies pays meticulous attention to separating the discrete contributions that schools, teachers, families and students themselves make to a variety of important educational outcomes, such as test scores and graduation rates. We urge courts, policymakers, education rights lawyers, educators and others to use this new work as a guide in decisions and advocacy related to diversity, schooling and equal opportunity. 1 The results of the literature survey presented here are archived in a searchable database at: rmickelson/ spivackframeset.html. This research is supported by grants from the National Science Foundation, the American Sociological Association, and the Poverty and Race Research Action Council. 2 The evidence of academic benefits is weakest for Asian and Latino immigrant students who appear to benefit from attending school with their coethnics, most likely because of language issues. No. 8 National Coalition on School Diversity Other research briefs from the National Coalition on School Diversity Brief No. 1 T School Racial and Economic Composition & Math and Science Achievement By Susan Eaton Why This Research is Important This research augments an already extensive body of work in this area, which has reached similar conclusions. However, the work published this year in TCR is particularly rigorous. It draws from several strong data bases and employs cuttingedge statistical methods. This comprehensive collection of studies pays meticulous attention to separating the discrete contributions that schools, teachers, families and students themselves make to a variety of important educational outcomes, such as test scores and graduation rates. We urge courts, policymakers, education rights lawyers, educators and others to use this new work as a guide in decisions and advocacy related to diversity, schooling and equal opportunity. Brief No. 2 his is the first in a series of three research briefs summarizing findings from the newest and most rigorous research related to racial and socioeconomic diversity in public schools. The studies on which this brief is based were published recently in three special issues of the peer-reviewed journal, Teachers College Record, edited by Professors Roslyn Arlin Mickelson of the University of North Carolina at Charlotte and Kathryn Borman of the University of South Florida. The weight of evidence from these studies demonstrates that racially isolated, high-poverty schools tend to negatively influence math and science course-taking patterns and achievement as measured by test scores. Meanwhile, under certain conditions, lower poverty schools and schools that do not enroll highly disproportionate shares of African American and/or Latino students tend to be positively associated with math and science achievement. What this research suggests about the relationship between racial and socioeconomic composition of schools/ classrooms and MATH achievement: A study of math test scores over more than 30 years finds that increases in school segregation correspond to significant increases in the blackwhite and Latino-white test score gaps. School segregation s negative influence on achievement outweigh[s] the positive influences that come from improvements in racial minority groups overall income and other family background characteristics. 1 Racially diverse schools vary in the extent to which their African American and Latino students have opportunities to take advanced placement courses in math. In a study of math course-taking patterns and grade point averages, researchers find that in schools where whites and Asians are overrepresented in high-level sophomore math classes, both the senior-year grade point averages of African American and Latino students and their 4-year college-going rates tend to be lower. 2 How the Racial and Socioeconomic Composition of Schools and Classrooms Contributes to Literacy, Behavioral Climate, Instructional Organization and High School Graduation Rates By Susan Eaton his is the second in a series of three briefs sum- findings from the newest and most rig- Tmarizing orous research related to racial and socioeconomic diversity in public schools. The studies on which this brief is based were published recently in three special issues of the peer-reviewed journal, Teachers College Record, edited by Professors Roslyn Arlin Mickelson of the University of North Carolina at Charlotte and Kathryn Borman of the University of South Florida. This brief considers the relationship between the racial and socioeconomic composition of a school and/or classroom and a variety of important educational measures. T Why This Research is Important Brief No. 3 What Does the Research Tell Us About the Relationship Between Racial and Socioeconomic Composition and... READING AND VERBAL ACHIEVEMENT? A study by Geoffrey Borman of the University of Wisconsin-Madison and Maritza Dowling of the Wisconsin Center for Educational Research reanalyzes James Coleman s 1966 report, The Equality of Educational Opportunity. The Coleman Report is widely considered to be one of the most influential studies ever conducted on education. Its fundamental finding is that a student s own family background has far more influence upon student achievement than do school characteristics. However, Borman and Dowling s reanalysis shows something quite different. Borman and Dowling find that attending a high-poverty or highly segregated African American school has a profound negative effect on a student s verbal achievement, above and beyond the effects of a student s own poverty level or racial group. 1 More specifically, the racial/ethnic composition and social class composition of a student s school are 1¾ times more important than a student s social class or race in explaining verbal achievement in the 9th grade. School racial and The Impact of Racially Diverse Schools in a Democratic Society By Susan Eaton and Gina Chirichigno his is the third in a series of three briefs summarizing findings from the newest and most rigorous research related to racial and socioeconomic diversity in public schools. The studies on which this brief is based were published recently in three special issues of the peer-reviewed journal, Teachers College Record, edited by Professors Roslyn Arlin Mickelson of the University of North Carolina at Charlotte and Kathryn Borman of the University of South Florida. For more than two decades, the success of school desegregation has been judged mainly by the degree to which it benefits individuals, either through academic achievement or social mobility. Why This Research is Important This research augments an already extensive body of work in this area, which has reached similar conclusions. However, the work published this year in TCR is particularly rigorous. It draws from several strong data bases and employs cuttingedge statistical methods. This comprehensive collection of studies pays meticulous attention to separating the discrete contributions that schools, teachers, families and students themselves make to a variety of important educational outcomes, such as test scores and graduation rates. We urge courts, policymakers, education rights lawyers, educators and others to use this new work as a guide in decisions and advocacy related to diversity, schooling and equal opportunity. It goes without saying that these are important measures. However, civil rights leaders and educators have always pursued desegregation and diversity in large part because of its potential benefits to society at large. Their hope was, and still is, that diverse schooling experiences would contribute to development of a more cohesive, more equal society and build a stronger foundation for democracy. Similarly, desegregation s advocates hoped diversity would reduce racial and cultural prejudice by bringing young people from different racial or cultural backgrounds together. Generally, the research examined here confirms findings from earlier studies finding that racial diversity in schools does carry long-term social benefits. These include reduced neighborhood, college and workplace segregation, higher levels of social cohesion and a reduced likelihood for racial prejudice. It appears, too, that the particular nature of a school environment for example, whether the school is a model of inclusion and equal participation helps determine whether or not its graduates develop the skills to navigate and find comfort in racially diverse settings later in life. What is the Relationship Between Racial Composition of Schools or Childhood Neighborhoods and Adult Attitudes About Other Racial & Ethnic Groups? Jomills Braddock and his colleague, Amaryllis Del Carmen Gonzalez of the University of Miami, consider the effects of neighborhood and schoollevel segregation levels on people s preferences for No.1 School Racial and Economic Composition & Math and Science Achievement By Susan Eaton No. 2 How the Racial and Socioeconomic Composition of Schools and Classrooms Contributes to Literacy, Behavioral Climate, Instructional Organization and High School Graduation Rates By Susan Eaton No. 3 The Impact of Racially Diverse Schools in a Democratic Society By Susan Eaton and Gina Chirichigno No. 4 What we know about school integration, college attendance, and the reduction of poverty By Philip Tegeler, Roslyn Arlin Mickelson and Martha Bottia No. 5 School Integration and K-12 Educational Outcomes: A Quick Synthesis of Social Science Evidence By Roslyn Arlin Mickelson No. 6 Magnet School Student Outcomes: What the Research Says By Genevieve Siegel-Hawley and Erica Frankenberg No. 7 The Reciprocal Relationship Between Housing and School Integration By Roslyn Arlin Mickelson T Brief No. 4 he goals of promoting integration and avoiding racial isolation in K-12 education were recently reaffirmed as compelling government interests by five Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District #1 (2007). That decision did strike down specific elements of voluntary plans in Seattle and Louisville; however, a majority of the Court indicated support for a wide range of race-conscious measures to promote school integration that do not assign individual students based on their race. The importance of avoiding racial and economic segregation in schools is important not just for its own sake, but because of the documented benefits to students that flow from more racially integrated 1, lower poverty schools 2. The social science evidence on the benefits of integration continues to grow especially in the more comprehensive recent research (1990s to the present) that include data from nationally representative samples or state-wide populations, valid and reliable measures of key concepts, advanced statistical modeling used to analyze the data, and often, studies employing longitudinal data 3. These studies over the past twenty years have demonstrated that integrated education leads not only to achievement gains in math and reading for African American and Latino children 4, but also to increased occupational attainment 5, less involvement with the criminal justice system 6, and a greater tendency for graduates of integrated schools later in life to live in integrated neighborhoods, have friends from many races and ethnic groups, and to be employed in diverse workplaces 7. Brief No. 5 What we know about school integration, college attendance, and the reduction of poverty By Philip Tegeler, Roslyn Arlin Mickelson, & Martha Bottia What does this research tell us specifically about the effects of K-12 school integration on college attendance rates, college graduation, and intergenerational perpetuation of poverty? We recognize that additional research is still needed on these specific questions, but here are some things that we know: Attending integrated K-12 schools increases the likelihood of attending college 8, particularly for youth from underrepresented minority communities. Integrated education works to foster college attendance in several clear ways. The educational expectations and performance of students who attend integrated schools surpasses those of students from segregated settings 9. Students who attend integrated schools perform better on tests in math, science, language, social studies; they take higher-level math and science courses, and they hold higher educational aspirations than their otherwise comparable peers who attend racially isolated minority schools 10. Racially integrated schools have lower levels of violence and social disorder than segregated settings 11. They are more likely to have stable staffs composed of highly qualified teachers 12 the single most important resource for academic achievement, and to have better school climates 13 (academically oriented peers, lower drop out rates, more parents with higher expectations) than racially isolated schools 14. Attending desegregated K-12 schools increases the likelihood of graduating from college for many of the same reasons that integrated education better prepares students for entering college. Minority youth who attend integrated K-12 schools are less likely to be involved in the criminal justice system School Integration and K-12 Educational Outcomes: A Quick Synthesis of Social Science Evidence By Roslyn Arlin Mickelson, Ph.D., University of North Carolina-Charlotte How do K-12 school diversity Achievement benefits accrue to students in all initiatives support school reform grades, but most markedly those in middle and and contribute to increasing high schools. student academic achievement? Students from all racial and SES backgrounds can benefit from diverse schools including Teachers, curricula, and pedagogy are essential components of opportunities to learn, but they are middle-class whites although low-income not the only important ones. The social organization of schools and classrooms also contributes to attending diverse schools. 2 disadvantaged youth benefit the most from the quality of educational experiences. Whether a Importantly, there is no evidence that integrated schooling harms any student group. school is racially and socioeconomically (SES) diverse or segregated makes a critical difference for K-12 achievement across the curriculum: Students Moreover, diverse K-12 schools foster other who attend racially and socioeconomically diverse positive outcomes that are integral links in the schools are more likely to achieve higher test scores adult life-course trajectory. In addition to and better grades, to graduate from high school, achievement, the positive short-term outcomes and to attend and graduate from college compared of K-12 schooling include: with their otherwise comparable counterparts who attend schools with high concentrations of lowincome and/or disadvantaged minority youth. increases in cross-racial trust and friendships. A reduction in prejudice and fears. The preponderance of high quality social science research published since the late 1980s is clear and enhanced capacity for multicultural navigation. consistent regarding Brief these effects No. of 6school racial These benefits foster highly desirable long-term and SES composition on K-12 educational outcomes. 1 outcomes for adults such as: Other specific findings include: greater educational and occupational Attending a diverse school promotes achievement in mathematics, science, language and Research attainment. Brief reading. workplace readiness for the global economy. Magnet School Student Outcomes: What the Research Says G his research brief outlines six major studies of Tmagnet school student outcomes. Magnet schools are programs with special themes or emphases designed to attract families from a variety of different backgrounds. They were originally established to promote voluntary racial integration in urban districts. The following studies are located within a much broader body of research that documents the benefits of attending racially and socioeconomically diverse schools. Some of what we know from the literature on the benefits of racial diversity indicates that students of all races who attend diverse schools have higher levels of critical thinking, an ability to adopt multiple perspectives; diminished likelihood for acceptance of stereotypes, higher academic achievement, more cross-racial friendships, willingness to attend diverse colleges and live in diverse neighborhoods, access to more privileged social networks, higher feelings of civic and communal responsibility, higher college-going rates, more prestigious jobs. 1 The research discussed here is relatively recent, but older studies suggest that magnet schools are associated with increased student achievement, higher levels of student motivation and satisfaction with school, higher levels of teacher motivation and morale, and higher levels of parent satisfaction with the school. 2 Brief No. 7 By Genevieve Siegel-Hawley and Erica Frankenberg A note about magnet school enrollment and segregation trends 3 Before delving into the research, however, we quickly review the current demographic breakdown of magnet schools. Enrollment data collected by the National Center for Education Statistics, a reliable and wide-ranging federal dataset, show that, in , more than 2.5 million students enrolled in magnet schools across the nation, up from just over two million students five years earlier. Magnet programs enrolled more than twice the number of students served by charter schools, making magnets the largest sector of choice schools. Compared to regular public schools, both charter and magnet programs enrolled a larger share of black and Latino students (mainly due to the concentration of magnet and charter schools in more urban locales). Magnet students were slightly less likely than charter school students to attend intensely segregated minority schools, where % of students were nonwhite, and also slightly less likely to enroll in intensely segregated white schools (0-10% nonwhite students). Beyond these two extreme ends of the spectrum of white student enrollment, large differences emerged in the shares of magnet and charter students attending majority nonwhite (more racially diverse) and majority white (less diverse) schools. Forty percent of magnet students attend majority nonwhite school settings, compared to just 23 percent of charter students. Conversely, almost 35 percent of charter students attended majority white settings, compared to 20 percent of magnet students. In terms of school The Reciprocal Relationship Between Housing and School Integration By Roslyn Arlin Mickelson iven the common practice of assigning students to neighborhood schools, any serious hope of integrating America s public education system requires us to consider not only educational policies and practices, but also the demography of neighborhoods and the housing policies that contribute to residential integration or segregation. Most American students live in communities that are dominated by families from one race and socioeconomic status. Public schools typically reflect their neighborhood demographics because most students are assigned to schools based on their residence. 1 These straightforward dynamics underlie the relationship between the integration or segregation of schools and their feeder neighborhoods. The links between integration or segregation of schools and neighborhoods are also reciprocal. This essay summarizes the social science evidence on the reciprocal relationship between integrated schooling and integrated housing. The synergistic nature of this relationship unfolds across the life course. The model in Figure 1 illustrates the connections between housing and school integration and the intergenerational and reciprocal nature of their relationship. Model of Dynamics of Integrated Housing, Integrated Education, and Short- and Long-term Outcomes in Multiethnic Democratic Societies Integrated Housing Greater achievement across the curriculum cross-racial fears and acceptance Reduction in prejudice and Increase in mutual trust, respect, Increase in cross-racial friendships Greater capacity for multicultural navigation Integrated Education Short-term Outcomes for K-12 Students Greater educational and occupational attainment for the global economy mutual trust, respect, and acceptance Workplace readiness Cross-racial friendships, Living in integrated neighborhoods and attitudes participation justice system Democratic values Greater civic Long-term Outcomes for Adults Avoidance of criminal Available at For more information on the National Coalition on School Diversity, go to