New Ukraine. A Journal of History and Politics 11/2011

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2 New Ukraine A Journal of History and Politics 11/2011 Kraków Przemyśl Rzeszów 2011

3 New Ukraine /Nowa Ukraina SCHOLARLY BOARD: Andrzej Banach (Kraków), Paul Best (New Haven, CT), Aleksander Bobko (Rzeszów Kraków), Zdzisław Budzyński (Rzeszów Przemyśl), Andrzej Chojnowski (Warszawa), Andrzej Chwalba (Kraków Przemyśl), Jan Draus (Rzeszów Przemyśl), Roman Drozd (Słupsk), Piotr Franaszek (Kraków Przemyśl), Mark von Hagen (Tempe, AZ), John-Paul Himka (Edmonton, AB), Aleksandra Hnatiuk (Warszawa Kijów), Illia Kononov (Luhansk), Anatolii Kruglashov (Chernivtsi Vilnius), Hiroaki Kuromiya (Bloomington, IN), Jacek Lubecki (Little Rock, AR), Andrzej Nowak (Kraków Warszawa), Roman Solchanyk (Los Angeles, CA), Andrzej Leon Sowa (Kraków), Stanisław Sroka (Kraków), Stanisław Stępień (Przemyśl), Frank Sysyn (Toronto, ON), Jerzy Tomaszewski (Warszawa), Vadym Vasiutynsky (Kyiv), Leonid Zashkilniak (Lviv). EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: Jarosław Moklak (Kraków Przemyśl) EDITORIAL BOARD: Tarik Cyril Amar (New York, NY), Piotr Andrusieczko (Poznań), Anna Babiak (Kraków), Piotr Bajor (Kraków), Jan Jacek Bruski (Kraków), Grzegorz Demel (Kraków), Marta Dyczok (London, ON), Dawid Gacek (Kraków), Ola Kich- Masłej (Kraków), Dmytro Kobrynsky (Kyiv), Agnieszka Korniejenko (Kraków Przemyśl), Paweł Krupa (Kraków Przemyśl), Evhen Ladna (Toronto, ON), Torsten Lorenz (Berlin Praha), Marian Mudry (Lviv), Jan Pisuliński (Rzeszów), Diana Reilly (New York, NY). Cover photograph by Pavlo Bublyk The views and opinions expressed in the articles in the Nowa Ukraina are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the Editorial Board. This publication was financed in part by funds designated for charter activities of the Faculty of History of Jagiellonian University, Kraków This publication was subsidized by the University of Rzeszów. This publication was subsidized by the East European State School of Higher Education in Przemyśl. PUBLISHER: The East European State Higher School in Przemyśl (Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Wschodnioeuropejska w Przemyślu) Copyright by New Ukraine. A Journal of History and Politics, Kraków Przemyśl Rzeszów 2011 ISSN Jagiellonian University East European State Higher School Institute of History Institute of International Relations 13, Gołębia Street 2, Tymon Terlecki Street Kraków, PL Przemyśl, PL mailto: nowaukraina@gmail.com skype: nowaukraina

4 New Ukraine. A Journal of History and Politics, 11/2011 Editor s Notes. New Ukraine or old?... 5 HISTORY Moklak, Jaroslaw. The legal basis of the educational system in Galicia: the issue of the Ukrainian language in the debates and laws of the Galician Diet ( )... 9 Bruski, Jacek. In Munich's shadow:the Ukrainian question in Polish foreign policy (October 1938 March 1939) Pisuliński, Jan. Ukrainian diaspora in Polish foreign policy in the interwar period POLITICAL SCIENCE Draus, Jan. Polish-Ukrainian relations after independence Adamovych, Serhii. The Halychyna Assembly. The issue of regional and state unity ( ) Onuch, Olga. Why did they join en masse? Understanding ordinary Ukrainians participation in mass-mobilisation in Kruglashov, Anatolii. Troublesome neighborhood: Romania and Ukraine relationship UKRAINE NATO Hickman, John. Ukraine in NATO? The case against Lubecki, Jacek. Ukraine in NATO? The case for Soskin, Oleh. Ukraine on the way to optimal participation in international models of collective security SOCIOLOGY Kononov, Illia. Cultural determinants of the interaction between Donbas and Halychyna in the regional system of Ukraine REVIEWS, EVENTS Central Slavic Conference. St. Louis, MO, November, 11 13, 2011 Jefferson, Kurt W. The Central Slavic Conference: Yesterday and Today Moklak, Jarosław. Education in the Lemko Region in the 19 th and 20 th Centuries

5 Nowa Ukraina. Zeszyty historyczno-politologiczne, 11/2011 Od redakcji. Nowa czy stara Ukraina... 5 HISTORIA Moklak, Jarosław. Podstawy prawne systemu oświatowego w Galicji: Kwestia języka ukraińskiego w debatach i ustawach sejmowych ( )... 9 Bruski, Jacek. W cieniu Monachium. Kwestia ukraińska w polskiej polityce zagranicznej w okresie październik 1938 marzec 1939 r Pisuliński, Jan. Diaspora ukraińska w polskiej polityce zagranicznej w okresie międzywojennym NAUKI POLITYCZNE Draus, Jan. Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie po ogłoszeniu niepodległości Ukrainy Adamowycz, Serhij. Zgromadzenie Halickie. Kwestia jedności regionu i państwa ( ) Onuch, Olga. Dlaczego przyłączyli się tak masowo? Jak rozumieć udział zwyczajnych Ukraińców w masowej mobilizacji 2004 r...89 Krugłaszow, Anatolii. Niespokojne sąsiedztwo: Stosunki rumuńskoukraińskie UKRAINA NATO Hickman, John. Ukraina w NATO? Głos przeciw Lubecki, Jacek. Ukraina w NATO? Głos za Soskin, Ołeh. Ukraina na drodze do uczestnictwa w międzynarodowym układzie bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego SOCIOLOGIA Kononow, Illja. Kulturowe uwarunkowania wzajemnego oddziaływania Donbasu i Hałyczyny w systemie regionalnym Ukrainy RECENZJE, WYDARZENIA Central Slavic Conference. St. Louis, MO, listopada 2011 Jefferson, Kurt W. Central Slavic Conference: wczoraj i dziś Moklak, Jarosław. Edukacja na Łemkowszczyźnie w XIX i XX w

6 New Ukraine or old? Jarosław Moklak The Orange Revolution opened a new phase in the history of Ukraine, which thereby entered on the path of democratic sociopolitical change. True, there is no shortage of assessments by sociologists and political scientists which question the worth of this transformation, since Ukraine has been very slow to modernize its state structures and its political crisis continues, but unarguable changes are coming to pass in its intellectual sphere, particularly in the humanities and social sciences. This can be seen in various research projects executed by historians, sociologists, political scientists, anthropologists, cultural historians and representatives of other scholarly disciplines. Research institutes and universities scattered throughout the whole of Ukraine are taking part in this process. Centers in Kyiv, Kharkov and Lviv dominate, but scholarly institutions in the Donets Basin (Donbas) and the south of the country are taking on an increasingly important role. There is active involvement on the part of smaller academic communities as well, such as those in Kamianets-Podilskyi, Ostroh and Drohobych. Most of these projects are being accomplished in cooperation with foreign institutions around the world, and the fruits of their research are therefore international by nature. Over the course of the last 20 years, Ukraine has seen MA and PhD recipients educated in a state of national independence. Poland has also played a part in this development (e.g. the Queen Jadwiga Fund and the Józef Mianowski Fund). As a result, Ukrainian learning has to a considerable degree been able to free itself of the paradigms of scholarship which obtained in Soviet times and now has at its disposal substantial assets acquired through using the newest scholarly methodology. These very changes in the Ukrainian education system formed the impetus for the founding in 2005 of New Ukraine, a historical-political magazine whose first two issues appeared in Krakow. The magazine now has two editorial offices, in Krakow and Przemyśl, and undertakes a number of different projects. New Ukraine widens the promise of the Krakow and Przemyśl research school, because it is released under the auspices of the Institute of History of Jagiellonian University and the Institute of International Relations of the East European State Higher School in Przemyśl. Cooperation between these institutions of higher learning is based on the scholarly traditions of Krakow and Przemyśl. Both schools' programs are made complete by their contribution to the development of contemporary Ukrainian Studies in Poland, which demands that they maintain direct contact with Ukraine. Krakow of course has many international relationships,

7 6 Editor s Notes while Przemyśl has a clear advantage thanks to its location in the Polish-Ukrainian borderland. Polish-language publications Up to now six collections have appeared in Polish, each divided into several thematic segments. The first (1/2006) deals with the complicated problem of social mobilization typical for the modern Ukrainian nation. It is concerned with the national consciousness of Ukrainians and the determining factors in the formation of civil society during the Orange Revolution it deals with the presidential elections and the events on the Maidan of Independence in November and December of The book opens with the transcript of a Polish-Ukrainian discussion in which historians, philosophers, sociologists, political scientists, and journalists took part, which our editorial staff organized in Kyiv on 26 February At that time we were still debating what to name our magazine. In view of the revival of European traditions in Ukrainian intellectual circles, proposals involving the inclusion of some form of the noun Europe in the title initially predominated. Finally, after prolonged debates, we reached the decision, in Kyiv philosopher Dmytro Kobrynsky's apartment, that the title would be New Ukraine, in recognition of the fact that the year 2004 set in motion a series of new processes in the sphere of intellectual life. The second issue (2/2006) is in large part devoted to Ukraine's inner borderland i.e., relations between the Donets Basin and the western districts in the region known as Halychyna. We examined this subject in order to make the specific nature of this internal division in Ukraine, which to this day fosters cultural dissimilarities, more accessible to the Polish reader. We did so in the belief that the materials we were publishing, the offspring of scholarly projects in which the partners were scholarly centers located at the geographical antipodes of Ukraine (Donetsk and Lviv, on the one hand, Luhansk and Drohobych on the other), would facilitate an asessment of contemporary Ukrainian elites. At present in Ukraine there is open discussion of the positive and negative features of the country's past and present (nationalist, Communist, patriotic, oligarchical), of linguistic and interdenominational conflicts, etc. Intellectuals perceive divisions in society which complicate the work of local governments and administrative organs, yet one can also see a process of homogenization in the attitudes of citizens to their own history, national traditions, lawmaking procedures, geopolitical position, and so on. The conclusions contained in the materials published in New Ukraine undoubtedly allow a better understanding of the choices Ukrainians are making the residents of the Donets Basin increasingly hold views typical for the western districts, while in the West of the country there is growing interest in the Donets Basin. The third issue (1 2/2007) tackles the challenging problem of the Polish cultural legacy in Ukraine, and the Ukrainian one in Poland. The editors deemed that the magazine's approach to the multicultural border region could not be limited to remembrance of exclusively good or bad things. It demands thorough research, an acceptance of the diversity of the cultural landscape and changes in the thinking about its legacy. The perspective of over sixty years which separates us from the displacements, deportations, and ethnic purges of Ukrainians and Poles became a pretext for publishing this collection, which is an attempt to take a wider look at the cultural and sociopolitical legacy of that era. This legacy was, we may further state, influential for the preservation and engendering of identity among contemporary Poles and Ukrainians, rooted in a sense of owned responsibility for the past, present and future. We focused particular attention in this issue on the pro-

8 Editor s Notes 7 blem of the disparities between Polish and Ukrainian national memory, which have a significant impact on mutual relations. In 2008 the 75 th anniversary of the Holodomor, or Great Famine, was observed, and the fourth issue (1 2/2008) in large part dealt with related problems and questions. We published a Polish translation of the US House of Representatives Resolution no. 399, submitted 28 May 1934 by Hamilton Fish, Jr. The resolution harkened to the American tradition of branding human rights violations and demanded that the Soviet Union allow the USA to give aid to those starving. Unfortunately the resolution was not passed due to lack of political will, though it was discussed in the Committee on Foreign Policy, was published, and presents a condemnation of Kremlin policy toward the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. An article by Raphael Lemkin ( ) 1, the main proponent of the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 9 December 1948 contains a substantive analysis of the Holodomor. In this thematic segment we also dealt with the issue of the controversy over the estimate of Holodomor casualties and its significance in the process of the formation of Ukrainian identity. The fifth issue of New Ukraine (7 8/2009) does not have a strongly unifying thematic basis but deals in equal measure with historical and political science topics. The historical section opens with articles on the confrontation between Ukraine and Russia. One of these articles examines the 300 th anniversary of the political speech by Ivan Mazepa during the Great Northern War and the attempt to endow Ukraine with agency in the international arena. Both sides in the conflict used the powerful weapon of proclamations to the Ukrainian population. This peculiar propaganda war was lost by Ukraine. Peter I managed to completely discredit the Hetman Mazepa, whom he transformed into an enemy of the Orthodox Church and a traitor. More examples of the enormous power of propaganda and the difficulty of fighting it can be observed in other articles we have printed, addressing the theme of the contemporary Ukrainian electorate. The sixth Polish-language collection (9 10, 2010), like the previous issues, in addition to historical articles also contains discussion of various aspects of contemporary Ukrainian political life. Each of the collections contains a table of contents in English and Polish and Ukrainian and English article summaries. The editors of New Ukraine also run the magazine's website, where the articles from archival collections are available in full. The website also features information on promotional events organized by the editors in Poland and abroad (see English-language publications The current issue was prepared with anglophone readers in mind. We are aware that a great many materials on Ukraine are available in English, but we are undeterred by that fact. Our aim is to present to the world of anglophone scholarship not only contemporary Ukrainian intellectual thought but also Poland's attainments in Ukrainian studies. We particularly wish to show the results of scholar- 1 The identification of 1900 as the year of Lemkin's birth is erroneous. See Catalogue of Law Faculty students in the complex of Jagiellonian (UJ) Senate files (Katalogi studentów Wydziału Prawa w zespole akt Senatu UJ (students completed the forms by hand), ref. # S II 290 b (1919/1920 winter semester) year of birth: 1895; ref. # S II 298 b (1920/1921 winter semester) year of birth: These data are confirmed in the Catalogues of Law Faculty students in the complex of UJ Law Faculty files: ref. #. WP II 294. See. J. Moklak, Editor's note (Od redakcji), in: Nowa Ukraina. Zeszyty historyczno-politologiczne, 2008, no. 1 2, p. 6.

9 8 Editor s Notes ship from learning centers in Krakow, Przemyśl, and Rzeszów. For that exact reason, this issue took form as a consequence of an agreement between Jagiellonian University, the East European State Higher School, and the University of Rzeszów. We naturally invite scholars from outside Poland and Ukraine to engage in scholarly collaboration with us. We hope that further issues will appear in English in the future. For the moment, we present this first issue, in which as in the Polish issues we have assigned separate headings to the historical, political science, and sociological segments, as well as a review segment devoted to discussion of scholarly events. We also intend to maintain a section in which selected issues from the Ukraine-wide debate on contemporary Ukrainian affairs are explored. Any exchange of views on New Ukraine will as is true of the collections published in Polish give rise to the question whether the adjective new in the magazine's title is justified. It is, after all, well known that the course of Ukraine's political mechanisms, social behaviors, and local traditions and the mentality of Ukrainians did not fundamentally change after It is no secret that old habits are returning not only among the ranks of those in power, but also in the lower social strata. There are, nonetheless, visible changes, and our intention is to note new scholarly methodologies in the field of history and the social sciences. In the English edition we have adapted the principle of writing proper nouns and place names according to the rules used by the Journal of Ukrainian Studies. Places currently located within the territory of Poland are given their Polish names, and those within the territory of Ukraine Ukrainian. Names of persons who are known to have self-identified as Polish nationals are written using Polish diacritical marks. We shall be grateful for any and all critical comments.

10 Jarosław Moklak Jagiellonian University, East European State Higher School, Kraków, Przemyśl, PL The legal basis of the educational system in Galicia: the issue of the Ukrainian language in the debates and laws of the Galician Diet ( ) Prior to 1867, the education law of was binding with respect to elementary schools and pedagogical courses in Galicia, while in the gymnasia and Realschulen the 1849 organizational plan for gymnasia was in force. 2 In elementary schools, the national languages, Polish and Ruthenian (Ukrainian), were used, but in the upper classes of secondary schools German predominated. Polish politicians talked of breaking free from Germanization in schooling. Ruthenians (Ukrainians) also strove to eliminate German from schools, but above all they were anxious that in Eastern Galicia it not be replaced by Polish, which they considered to be a greater threat to Ukrainian culture. 3 1 The bill Politische Verfassung der deutschen Volksschulen für die k.k. österreihischen Provinzen mit Ausnahme von Ungarn, Lombardie, Venedig und Dalmatien was confirmed on 11 August 1805 by Emperor Franz I. See B. A. Baranowski, Szkolnictwo ludowe w Galicyi w swym rozwoju liczebnym od roku 1868 do roku 1909 z uwzględnieniem stosunków hygienicznych, Lwów 1910, p. 4; B. A. Baranowski, Zbiór ustaw krajowych obowiązujących w zakresie spraw szkolnictwa ludowego w Królestwie Galicyi i Lodomeryi wraz z Wielkiem Księstwem Krakowskim, Lwów 1895, p. 3; W. Seredyński, Rys dziejów wychowania w biografiach i szkicach ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem szkoły ludowej w Aystryi i Polsce, Tarnów 1891, p Entwurf der Organisation der Gymnasien und Realschulen in Öesterreich, Wien 1849, in: Normalien für die Gymnasien und Realschulen in Österreich. In zwei Theilen, red. E. Marenzeller, Wien 1884, vol. 1, pp. I LXXXVI. See S. Frankfurter, Graf Leo Thun-Hohenstein, Franz Exner und Hermann Bonitz. Beiträge zur Geschichte der österreichischen Unterrichtsreform, Wien 1893, p Lvivska naukova biblioteka im. V. Stefanyka NAN Ukrainy (hereinafter referred to as LNBS), f. 75, case # 4 n 1, Materialy pro vykladannia ukrainskoi movy v shkolakh m. Berezhan, , pp /2011 HISTORY / NEW UKRAINE 9

11 10 Jarosław Moklak In the early 1860s, the Poles offered the Ruthenians concessions in the field of education in exchange for an alliance in the State Council in Vienna. The Ruthenians accepted the proposal, but the agreement concluded on 25 April 1861 which guaranteed one of the Ukrainian leaders, Bishop Spyrydon Lytvynovych, a seat on the State Council from an electoral curia with large land holdings should be seen as a tactical move on the part of the Ukrainians. 4 Tactics were used by the Polish side as well. Jerzy Czartoryski wrote that there were too few proponents of Polish-Ukrainian rapprochement and too many Polish ultras. 5 The agreement was to be confirmed by the Diet resolution of 26 April 1861 on the replacement of the German language in schools and government offices by Polish and Ruthenian, but it was blocked in the Diet commission after the closing of the session. 6 The disappointed Ruthenians, not waiting for the resumption of the deliberations in the Diet, took a centrist political tack; expecting concessions from the government, they positioned themselves closer to the Viennese politicians. Meanwhile, the creation of a legal basis for Galician education depended less on the Ministry of Education and the State Council in Vienna than on the Diet in Lviv, where the Poles had a majority of the votes. It is difficult not to agree with the opinion of one of the top Ukrainian leaders at the time, Anatol Vakhnianyn, who wrote that the Ruthenians' pro-viennese orientation caused dissatisfaction on the Polish side, fundamentally influencing the course of the Diet debates of December 1866, which would decide the shape of educational legislation that would be mandatory during the era of autonomy. 7 The Dispute Over the Provincial School Bard (Rada Szkolna Krajowa RSK) The idea of establishing institutions aimed at restructuring the Galician educational system appeared in a proposal by Józef Dietl that was submitted on 31 January This proposal was not implemented at the time, and the deliberations of the Diet were halted by the declaration of emergency rule. Only subsequent to Adam Potocki's proposal of 16 December 1865 was a commission formed that proposed in its comprehensive report the creation of a provincial educational authority subordinate to the Ministry of Education (Article II of the proposal). The re- 4 M. Mudry, Sproby ukrainsko-polskoho porozuminnia v Halychyni (60 70-i roky XIX st.), in: Ukraina: kulturna spadshchyna, natsionalna svidomist, derzhavnist, Lviv, 1997, vyp. 3 4, pp J. Czartoryski, Uwagi o polityce polskiej w Austryi, Lwow 1871, p S. Starzyński, Uwagi o prawnej stronie równouprawnienia narodowości, Lwów 1883, pp N. Vakhnianyn, Prychynky do istorii rus koi spravy v Halychyni v litakh , Lviv 1901, pp Stenograficzne sprawozdania z posiedzeń Sejmu Krajowego Królestwa Galicyi i Lodomeryi z Wielkiem Księstwem Krakowskiem, Lwów (hereinafter Stenogr. spraw.), 9 th meeting, 2nd session, 1st term, 31 January 1863, pp. 4 5; J. Dietl, O reformie szkół krajowych, book 1, Stanowisko szkoły. Rada szkolna krajowa. Język wykładowy, Kraków 1865, pp ; W. Koziebrodzki, Repertorium czynności galicyjskiego Sejmu Krajowego od roku 1861 po rok 1883, Lwów 1885, vol. 1, pp ; Projekty reform szkolnictwa ludowego w Galicji u progu autonomii ( ), ed. C. Majorek, Wrocław 1980, pp. 1 4; R. Dutkowa, Polityka szkolna w Galicji. Między autonomią a centralizmem ( ), Kraków 1995, pp

12 The legal basis of the educational system in Galicia 11 port was a Polish-Ukrainian compromise fronted by Metropolitan Lytvynovych and Dietl, but it brought together a substantial group of opponents and the vote on the proposal in the Diet was delayed. 9 In early 1866, a proposal for creating an educational institution was submitted by Maurycy Kabat, who advocated the replacement of German in schools by the provincial language. The term provincial language i.e, used in the singular in the text of the proposal, merits our attention because Kabat here deviated from the content of the earlier commission report, which used the term provincial languages. 10 This seemingly unimportant distinction contained the seed of an important nationalities debate that was already visible on the eve of the legislative process that resulted in autonomy. For Kabat, the language criterion was linked to Galicia's status as an administrative-political unit that he felt lay within the sphere of influence of Polish culture. The unity of Galicia was meant to correspond to the unity of the projected educational institution, spanning across the entire province in its operations. The proposal that was submitted envisaged the construction of a new educational system that, above all, established Polish as the language of instruction. 11 An initiative to establish a nationwide educational institution was proposed several times; at the end of 1866 the idea was once again the subject of deliberations in the Diet in the form of the draft law crafted by the Department of Estates for a Provincial School Board (hereinafter RSK); on 27 November the Diet sent this plan to the school commission. 12 Before the commission had submitted its own report, the Ruthenians protested several times against the lack of equal status for the Ukrainian language in the provincial administration and the schools, and expressed their dissatisfaction at not being included in Diet commissions e.g., on education. 13 In early December 1866, the local Ukrainian newspapers and certain periodicals in Russia wrote about the escalation of the problem of officials of Ruthenian nationality being removed from posts in the Galician administration. This issue was reflected in the interpellation of 7 December in the Diet. The interpellators requested that the Galician government explain the reasons for the removal of Yakiv Kulchytsky, a member of the Board and inspector of elementary schools, from his post and his replacement by Stanisław Olszewski, who, as noted in the interpellation, barely [had] beginner-level knowledge of the Ruthenian language and [spoke] no Ruthenian. Kulchytsky s removal was seen as an attack on Ukrainian primary education. 14 The conflict between nationalities became directly linked to the 9 Sprawozdanie komisyi dla załatwienia spraw szkolnych wyznaczonej, in: Czas, 1866, 2 March, no. 49, pp. 2 3; S. Gruiński, Dzieje szkolnictwa ludowego w Galicji, in: Szkoła, 1917, pp In the report we find the following sentence: The languages of instruction shall be the provincial languages; each of them may be a language of instruction, see Czas, 1866, 2 March, no. 49, p Stenogr. spraw., 19 th meeting 3 rd session 1 st term, 11 January 1866, pp Ibid., 7th meeting 4th session 1 st term, 27 November 1866, pp. 61, See Projekty reform szkolnictwa ludowego w Galicji, pp ; S. Gruiński, Dzieje szkolnictwa ludowego w Galicji,, pp Stenogr. spraw., 8 th meeting 4 th session 1 st term, 28 November 1866, p Interpeliatsiia russkikh poslov soimovykh do g. pravitelstvennogo Komisaria po povodu usunenia g. Sov. Kulchitskogo ot posady inspektorskoi,, in: Slovo, no. 96, 3 (15) December 1866, pp. 2 3; Stenogr. spraw., 13 th meeting 4 th session 1 st term, 10 December 1866, p. 168.

13 12 Jarosław Moklak continuing attempts to reform education. Thus, when discussions of the planned RSK statute began, the growing tension in the background between different perceptions of Galician education was already very high. Kraków conservatives were inclined towards making concessions to the Ruthenians on the condition that the Polish-Ruthenian civilizational community be maintained. Most Polish politicians did not as a rule recognize Ruthenian national distinctiveness. 15 This culminated in a confrontation at the meeting of the Diet on 27 December 1866, when the RSK motion was voted down. The Polish deputies' arguments were characterized by substantive criteria: they referred to the need to implement radical reforms of the educational system with the intention of modernizing the didactic process. The task of the RSK was to consist of providing the Diet with material for laws, supervising schools and public education, selecting and appointing teachers, etc. 16 The national question was linked with administrative criteria, equating the nation and the province. The plan was to establish educational authority on national foundations, but Ruthenian culture was treated as a component of Polish culture. 17 Not only M. Kabat's proposal in early 1866, but also the report of the education commission from autumn of that year did not distinguish between different nationalities residing in Galicia. 18 Among the Ukrainian deputies, the first to speak was Hryhorii Hynylevych, who was involved in developing schools on the territory of the Greek Catholic diocese of Przemyśl. 19 In looking for arguments against the scope of the Board's activities as defined by the commission, he referred to article XVIII of the provincial statute and argued convincingly that education laws fell within the (Austrian) state's legislative jurisdiction, 20 whereas the proposal for the establishment of the RSK sought a loosening of ties with the monarchy's educational system and even a break with Western European education. 21 His statement masked a fear of the weakening of the Viennese authorities' influence on Galician education and the increasing significance of local authorities dominated by Polish politicians. For him, the commission's proposal made possible the clearing of a path toward Polish hegemony over the Ruthenian people. 22 Yosyf Lozynsky spoke in a similar spirit. 23 The reason 15 Kraków intellectuals (J. Szujski, S. Tarnowski) supported the Ruthenian language as a language of instruction in lower-level gymnasia classes. Lviv democrats e.g., H. Schmitt and F. Ziemiałkowski, as well as Eastern Galician conservatives (Podolacy), accepted Ruthenian as a language of instruction in elementary schools. See Z. Fras, Polskie ugrupowania polityczne wobec kwestii ruskiej w Galicji w latach , in: Studia Wschodnie. Prace Historyczne, Wrocław 1993, ed. K. Matwijowski, R. Żerelik, pp ; Mudry, Sproby ukrainsko-polskoho porozuminnia v Halychyni, p Stenogr. spraw., 21st meeting 4 th session 1st term, 27 December 1866, p Ibid., p Gazeta Lwowska, 1866, 28 December, no. 297, pp O. Ogonovskii, Istoriia literatury ruskoi, pt. 2, Lvov 1889, p Stenogr. spraw., 21 st meeting 4t session 1 st term, 27 December 1866, p A February patent granted the State Council powers over educational legislation in the Austrian lands. The local statute granted the Diet close control within the bounds of the common laws with respect to [ ] eccelesiastical and educational matters. See Dutkowa, Polityka szkolna w Galicji, p. 19. For the text of the local statute, see S. Grodziski, Sejm Krajowy galicyjski , vol. 2, Warszawa 1993, pp Stenogr. spraw., 21 st meeting 4 th session 1 st term, 27 December 1866, p. 368; S. Gruiński, Dzieje szkolnictwa ludowego w Galicji, in: Szkoła, 1917, p Quoted by Dutkowa, Polityka szkolna w Galicji , in: Galicja i jej dziedzictwo, vol. 3, Nauka i oświata, ed. A. Meissner, J. Wyrozumski, Rzeszów 1995, p Stenogr. spraw., 21 st meeting, 4 th session, 1 st term, 27 December 1866, p. 372.

14 The legal basis of the educational system in Galicia 13 for the Ukrainian deputies' opposition to the commission report was the absence of a national criterion in the proposal calling for a new educational institution. 24 Not aversion to education reform as such, but aversion to a law that did not articulate the need for Ukrainian education was the basis for their objection. First Hynylevych submitted a proposal on behalf of his deputies club to proceed with the agenda on the commission project and then, in the event that the proposal failed, Lozynsky declared that Ruthenians would not take part in the vote. 25 The Polish deputies' speeches were also emotional. A particularly sore point was the Ruthenian accusation of oppression, which Florian Ziemiałkowski called monstrous and the most inaccurate. 26 Defending Polish-Ruthenian unity, he protested against the criterion of dividing the Diet along ethnically divergent representational lines. Ziemiałkowski said: there are no Polish deputies here, there are no Ruthenian deputies [...] there are only provincial deputies and each has the right and the duty to represent all the interests of the province [...], hence I do not grasp just why certain gentlemen consider themselves representatives of the Ruthenian people [...] since I, as a deputy from Stanisław, am a Ruthenian deputy [...] and have the right to speak on behalf of the Ruthenian people. 27 Ziemiałkowski denied that the proposed composition of the RSK limited the rights of Ruthenians: each of us will have the freedom to aspire to become a member of the school council, regardless of whether he is Ruthenian or Polish. 28 Later, as mayor of Lviv and minister for Galician affairs in the Viennese government, his position on the Ruthenian question remained unchanged. 29 The majority of the Polish deputies looked at the Ruthenians through the prism of the existing policy of Galician Governor Agenor Gołuchowski, who opposed developing the Ukrainian language using the Cyrillic alphabet; he considered Cyrillic an instrument of Russian political influence on Ruthenians. In the Diet, Ziemiałkowski repeated the arguments from Euzebiusz Czerkawski's reports in which he wrote that the language used by certain so-called representatives of Ruthenia was not the Ruthenian language, but the language of the ukazy, the language of the greatest enemy of Ruthenia, the language of Moscow. 30 The accusation of sympathizing with Russia played a major role in the broadening of opposition to the Ruthenians, who were distancing themselves from Polish culture. Although, with reference to the first half of the nineteenth century, this accusation was termed fantasy without basis in fact [...] residing in Poles' consciousness rather than 24 Ibid.; I. Chornovol, Ukrainska fraktsiia Halytskoho kraiovoho seimu rr. (narys z istorii ukrainskoho parlamentaryzmu), Lviv 2002, p Stenogr. spraw., 21 st meeting, 4 th session, 1 st term, 27 December 1866, pp ; K. Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky halytskykh ukraintsiv , Lviv 1926, vol. 1, p. 94; Memorjał galicyjskiego Wydziału krajowego o c. k. Radzie szkolnej galicyjskiej, in: Dodatek do Gazety Narodowej, no. 41, 20 February 1875, p Tsentralnyi Derzhavnyi Istorychnyi Arkhiv u Lvovi (hereinafter CDIAL), f. 93, op. 1, case # 31, Speech by Ziemałkowski F. in the Galician Provincial Diet on the question of representation of Ukrainians in the proposed Provincial school council, pp. 7, Stenogr. spraw., 21 st meeting, 4 th session, 1s term, 27 December 1866, p Ibid. 29 National Library in Warsaw, manuscript, ref. # 2811, Letters to his wife (handwritten by Ziemiałkowski, untitled and undated), p. 121; Z. Fras, Florian Ziemiałkowski ( ). Biografia polityczna, Wrocław 1991, pp ; S. Pijaj, Florian Ziemiałkowski a kwestia ruska in: Przez dwa stulecia, XIX i XX w. Studia historyczne ofiarowane prof. Wacławowi Felczakowi, Kraków 1993, pp Stenogr. spraw., 21 st meeting, 4 th session, 1 st term, 27 December 1866, p. 375; CDIAL, f. 93, op. 1, case # 31, p. 10.

15 14 Jarosław Moklak in reality by Jan Kozik, an expert on the period, 31 it is nonetheless true that in 1866 some of the most politically engaged Ruthenians, in an atmosphere of rising hostility toward Polishness, showed sympathy for Tsarism. Furthermore, the Ruthenian intelligentsia in Galicia was influenced by Russian emissaries, but it should be emphasized that the primary factor encouraging Muscophile tendencies was the defeats that Ruthenians suffered in the Galician Diet in their conflicts with the Polish majority. They expected support from the monarchy in dealing in this situation, but in measure with their increasing disappointment in Viennese policy they became ever more bold in taking advantage of support from Russian Slavophile societies who were conducting energetic propagandistic activities on the territory of the Habsburg monarchy. 32 Pro-Russian sympathies did not, however, constitute a dominant trend. A dozen odd years later, the unkown author of a letter to Florian Ziemiałkowski (written on 22 May 1887), then minister for Galician affairs, informed him of the increasing ideological stratification among Ruthenians. Designating the boundary between national populists [narodovtsi] sincerely working for the Ruthenian idea and Muscophiles, he sought to convince Ziemiałkowski of the existence among Ruthenians of a party that opposed the orientation toward Russia. Ziemiałkowski became well-informed about the activities of such national populist actors as Stepan Kachala, Mykola Sichynsky, and Yulian Romanchuk, and the letter made the following particularly important comment: Strange! Moscow puts out its propaganda across all of Slavdom and the whole of Austria, and Austria fears the halfbrotherhood of Galician Ruthenians and Ukrainians [in Russia], whose joining together could be harmful only to Muscovite Pan-Slavism, which threatens Austria as well. 33 The letter was a kind of expert's report, analyzing as it did the complicated relationships within the Ukrainian milieu. It was written with the aim of convincing the minister for Galician affairs of the growing tendency of Ruthenians to identify with Russian Ukraine rather than with Russia. In fact, in the late 1880s the Ukrainian movement was perceived with increasing frequency as different from the Polish one, but in the 1860s the dominant view still focused on the pro-russian orientation of the Ruthenians, who had rejected an ethnic union with the Poles. This notion impeded acceptance of Ukraine as a separate nationality and had a considerable influence on legislative work in the Diet on the eve of the era of autonomy. Teofil Pavlykiv spoke against the RSK bill drafted by the Diet commission, defending the existing Austrian educational system with the support of statistical data. Prior to 1863, 2,547 schools had been established in Galicia, as compared to just over a hundred in the period before For the Ruthenians, he maintained, it was a good system. 34 He polemicized with Ziemiałkowski, who questioned the division of deputies into Poles and Ruthenians: of course neither we Ruthenians nor you Poles can produce a majority, it is true that we are provincial deputies, but our national feeling cannot be denied [ ] I will not renounce my Ruthenian natio- 31 J. Kozik, Między reakcją a rewolucją: studia z dziejów ukraińskiego ruchu narodowego w latach , Kraków 1975, p See also Moskalofilstwo w Galicji w latach , na tle odrodzenia narodowego Rusinów, typescript of MA thesis, Jagiellonian University, Kraków 1958, passim. 33 CDIAL, f. 93, op. 1, case # 23, Letters to Ziemiałkowski F. from political supporters, acquaintances, and petitioners, , pp. 44, Stenogr. spraw., 21 st meeting, 4 th session, 1 st term, 27 December 1866, p

16 The legal basis of the educational system in Galicia 15 nality, as you gentlemen will not renounce your Polish nationality. 35 He protested against the statement that Ukrainian deputies were using the Russian language. 36 This accusation was one of the most frequent in the growing debate, but was grounded much more on a political than on a linguistic basis. Many members of the Ukrainian elite using the vernacular as a literary language peppered their writings with Old Church Slavonicisms, a tribute to the high culture and language of the salons. 37 Ukrainian, it was believed, should maintain its medieval literary tradition, preserved mainly in the Eastern liturgy, regardless of the fact that its outward appearance brought it closer to Russian. The conservatism of these circles in fact led to a deceleration of the development of a Ukrainian language based on the vocabulary of the vernacular, but this does not provide any grounds for the statement that in the 1860s the Ruthenians intended to introduce the Russian language in schools. 38 The relationship between the Church Slavonic, Russian and Ukrainian languages was the subject of a speech in the Diet by Ivan Naumovych. He underscored the existing similarities between the language of the Galician Ruthenians and that used in Moscow, but stated that we are not at fault in this [ ]. The convergence of our language with Russian is an obvious fact, since they are based on the same sources [ ]. We had education in Rus first, in Kyiv, and later [ ] the monuments of our old book literature [were taken JM] from Kyiv to the north [...]. Well, what is so wrong, gentlemen, with taking what was and is our tradition from there. 39 In his interpretation, he followed in the footsetps of Ukrainian intellectuals of the first half of the 19 th century, who had stressed the qualities that differentiated the language spoken by Ruthenians from other Slavic languages. 40 Naumovych s statement shows that he made a distinction between Ruthenian (Little Ruthenian) culture and Russian culture and indicates his identification with Kyiv. In his commentary on the statement, the Old Ruthenian teacher and journalist (later a Muscophile) Pylyp Svystun wrote: we did not know the language [nor] the people of Moscow. 41 More often, however, Polish politicians did not delve into the historical development of languages written in Cyrillic, but unambiguously categorized any similarity to Russian culture as a threat to Galicia. Stepan Kachala wrote ironically of the Poles' tendency to call everything Ruthenian [that is, not pro-polish JM] Muscovite. 42 Hynylevych s proposal was voted down, and before its details were discussed Pavlykiv declared that the Ruthenians had resolved to abstain from the vote on individual sections of the commission proposal Ibid., p Ibid. 37 D. Wieczorek, Ukrainskii iazyk. Slavia Romana Slavia Byzantia. Ocherki po glagolnosti, Wrocław 1997, p. 31; N. I. Tolstoi, Istoriia i struktura slavianskikh literaturnykh iazykov, Moscow 1988, p LNBS, f. 103, case # 779/IV c, Letter of Leon Sapieha to Maurycy Kraiński, Pest, 14 February 1870, p Stenogr. spraw., 21 st meeting, 4 th session, 2 nd term, 27 December 1866, p Cited in B. Kalicki, Kwestia ruska, Lwów 1871, p. 77, and I. Chornovol, Ukrainska fraktsiia, p Rozprawa o języku ruskim przez Jana Mogilnickiego, Kanonika Kustosza Kated. Przemyśl ob. gr. radcy Kons. I.T.D., Lwów 1848, pp F. I. S., Prikarpatskaia Rus pod vladeniem Avstrii. Chast vtoraia ( ), Lvov 1897, p S. Kaczała, Polityka Polaków względem Rusi, Lwów 1879, pp. 298, A. Sirka, The Nationality Question in Austrian Education. The Case of Ukrainians in Galicia , Frankfurt/Main 1980, p. 56. Deputy M. Landesberger submitted

17 16 Jarosław Moklak Ukrainian commentaries stress repeatedly that the RSK statute minimalized the participation of Ruthenians in the development of Galician education because article IV not only failed to grant equal Ruthenian representation, but in fact cemented its minority status. 44 The government and the Department of Estates secured considerable influence over the election of Council members. The Ruthenians were counting on a permanent place reserved for two members of the clergy appointed by the emperor; prevous experience indicated that one place might be occupied by a representative of the Greek Catholic Church, although the relevant article did not stipulate this. 45 The Council included: Agenor Gołuchowski as Chairman, Edward Gniewosz, Vasyl Ilnytsky, Antoni Małecki, Łukasz Solecki, Oktaw Pietruski, Zygmunt Sawczyński, Hipolit Seredyński, Juliusz Starkel and two inspectors: Amvrosii Yanovsky and Stanisław Olszewski, invited to take part by the Governor. 46 Only Ilnytsky and Yanovsky, who had ties with Ukrainian institutions, could represent the national interests of the Ruthenians in the Council. 47 After the petition to the emperor was approved in the lower house of the State Council, the bill received the emperor's approval on 25 June The premier of the Viennese government, Ferdinand Beust, wanted a unanimous vote on the petition. 48 In one of the behind the scenes discussions, he is believed to have declared that this exa proposal to add an eighth point to Article IV on the composition of the RSK concerning a Jewish member: 8. an expert from the nation of Israel selected as an alternate from Lviv and Kraków Israelite society for three years. This amendment was supported by deputy M. Koczyński, but his support was outweighed by the speeches of A. Potocki, L. Wężyk and particularly Dietl, who argued that the bill did not rule out the participation of Jewish members in the RSK. Landesberger's amendment was rejected. See Stenogr. spraw., 21 st meeting, 4 th session, 1 st term, 27 December 1866, pp. 389, 391, The text of article IV: The Provincial School Board is consists of: 1. the Governor or a Subsititute appointed on his behalf; 2. each referendary for the Government concerning educational affairs; 3. two inspectors, for meetings of the Board called by the governor; 4. two representatives of the clergy appointed by His Imperial Majesty. 5. a member of the Department of Estates, delegated by the Department; 6. two delegates elected by the city councils of the main cities, Lviv and Kraków; 7. two respected scholars, nominated by the Department of Estates and appointed by His Imperial Majesty.// The member of the Department of Estates will hold office for the duration of his mandate from the Department; the city delegates and scholars will hold office for a period of three years, after which they may be appointed to another term. Quoted from Dziennik ustaw i rozporządzeń krajowych dla Królestwa Galicyi i Lodomeryi wraz w Wielkiem Księstwem Krakowskiem, 22 July 1867, part IV, no. 12, p. 19. See Teksty źródłowe do dziejów wychowania, part 6, Wiek XIX i pocz. XX, selected and prepared by S. Możdżeń, Kielce 1994, pp Polonizatsiia Rusinov a pravitelstvo, in: Dilo, no. 117, 16 (28) October 1886, p. 1. Gazeta Narodowa wrote that three Ruthenians were on the Board: A. Yanovsky, Z. Sawczyński and V. Ilnytsky. See S. Piiai, Polityka Agenora Golukhovs koho shchodo halytskykh ukraintsiv u rokakh ta ii naslidky, in: Visnyk Lvivskoho universytetu. Seriia istorychna, vyp. 37, chastyna 1, Lviv 2002, p Galizische Provinzial-Handbuch für das Jahr 1868, Lemberg (Szematyzm), p. 7, A. Artymiak, Lwowianin Henryk Schmitt. (Spiskowiec, powstaniec, bibliotekarz, publicysta, historyk, organizator szkolnictwa), Jędrzejów 1939, p Schmitt joined the RSK after two years, see Henryka Schmitta listy do żony ( ), ed. S. Kieniewicz, Wrocław Warszawa Kraków 1961, p The Ruthenians' secular representative on the Board beginning in 1893 was O. Barvinsky, see Dutkowa, Polityka szkolna w Galicji, , in: Galicja i jej dziedzictwo, p Dutkowa, Polityka szkolna w Galicji, pp ; Polonizatsiia Rusinov a pravitelstvo, in: Dilo, no. 117, 16 (28) October 1886, p. 1.

18 The legal basis of the educational system in Galicia 17 ceptional law received approval at the highest level only for the purpose of rewarding the Poles for having sent deputies to the State Council. 49 The RSK began its work on 24 January 1868, with administrative control over about 2,500 schools and about 100,000 school-aged children (aged 6 12). 50 It was given wide powers in administration and oversight of elementary and secondary schools. It prepared didactic materials, teaching programs, approved and certified school textbooks, drew up annual school budget plans, submitted candidates for inspector posts to be appointed by the emperor, itself appointed and transferred school directors and teachers. The Galician RSK had broader authorization than school authorities in other crown lands and became a de facto Polish educational institution. 51 After the opening ceremonies in the Lviv cathedral, the Council passed its Proclamation to the Land [Kraj] which included the words people, fatherland, and mother tongue in the singular. 52 The biographer of a long-standing Council member, Henryk Schitt, proudly wrote that he staked out a fitting place for the Polish element in Galician education. The position he achieved was effectively defended by the Polish majority in the RSK. 53 The initiatives of Ukrainian education activists, if they led to the strengthening of Ukrainian language in education, were sometimes viewed negatively e.g., the Council withdrew support for the Ruthenian educational newspaper Szkolna Czasopys (School Journal), which was one factor in the paper's increased burden of financial debt. 54 In 1875, the RSK statute was amended consequent to the imperial decree of 23 October and the Minister of Education s decree of 25 October. 55 The appointment of directors of government secondary schools had hitherto fallen within the emperor's purview, while teachers had been appointed by the Minister of Church Denominations and Education. 56 Because of persistent criticism of the RSK over the years by the Ruthenians, the limitations put on its prerogatives was viewed po- 49 Dziennik ustaw i rozporządzeń krajowych, 22 July 1867, part IV, no 12, pp ; A. Dziadzio, Austria wobec Galicji i Czech w dobie przemian ustrojowych monarchii habsburskiej ( ), in: Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne, vol. 1, issue 1, Poznań 1998, p B. A. Baranowski, Zbiór ustaw krajowych, p. 7; C. Majorek, Haupttendenzen in der Entwicklung des Bildungswesens in Galizien zur Zeit der Autonomie, in: Galizien um die Jahrhundertwende. Politische, soziale und kulturelle Verbindungen mit Österreich, ed. K. Mack, E. Rusek, R. G. Plaschka, Wien 1990, p S. Hryniuk, Polish Lord and Ukrainian Peasants: Conflict, Deference, and Accommodation in Eastern Galicia in the Late Nineteenth Century, in: Austrian History Yearbook, vol. 24, 1993, p Odezwa Rady Szkolnej, in: Szkoła, 1868, pp A. Artymiak, Lwowianin Henryk Schmitt, p Ibid. 55 Rozporządzenie c.k. Ministra Wyznań i Oświecenia z dnia 25. października 1875 L (M.W. i O.) w sprawie mianowania i załatwiania służbowych spraw dyrektorów i nauczycieli przy państwowych szkołach średnich w Galicyi, in: Dziennik ustaw i rozporządzeń krajowych, 20 November 1875, part XXX, no 81, p See Polonizatsiia Rusinov a pravitelstvo, in: Dilo, no. 117, 16 (28) October 1886, p. 1; RSK jurisdiction was again regulated in 1905 and 1907, see Dziennik ustaw i rozporządzeń krajowych, 1905, part VI, pp i 1907, part VIII, pp Rozporządzenie c.k. Ministra Wyznań i Oświecenia z dnia 25. października 1875 w sprawie mianowania i załatwiania służbowych spraw dyrektorów i nauczycieli przy państwowych szkołach średnich w Galicyi, in: Dziennik ustaw i rozporządzeń krajowych, 20 November 1875, part XXX, no 81, p. 241.

19 18 Jarosław Moklak sitively by the Ukrainians. In Polish circles, however, there was talk of rights being violated. 57 The Law on the Language of Instruction in Elementary and Secondary Shools of 22 June 1867 Poles and Ruthenians both considered the presence of the German language in secondary schools in Eastern Galicia a temporary situation. The imperial resolution of 20 July 1859 and the ministerial decree of 8 August stated that in schools located on the territories inhabited by populations speaking languages other than German one must proceed from the principle of instruction in both local languages. Higher-level regulations opened the door for both Polish and Ukrainian to be taught in secondary schools. Józef Dietl touched broadly on the problem of the language of instruction in his study On Provincial School Reform: in all schools in Galicia, without exception, beginning with elementary schools, up to the highest institutions of learning, the mother tongue i.e., Polish and Ruthenian, should be the language of instruction. 59 Dietl took part in the work on drafting the language law of 17 April 1866 prepared by the Diet commission that was proposed by Adam Potocki. Articles I and II of that draft referred to both languages as languages of instruction. 60 In this, they corresponded to the decision of the Viennese government, which decided that classes be taught in Ukrainian in the four lower classes of the academic gymnasium. The remaining articles established the creation of new classes and even schools. 61 The draft did, it is true, give priority to the Polish language, but expressed a general rule of equal rights, opening the way for Ukrainian to be used in lectures at secondary schools. Impeding the passage of this draft evoked negative commentaries not only in the Ukrainian but also in the Polish press, where, however, the context of the nationality question was often lacking. 62 In the meantime, other propositions became part of the draft law of 18 November 1866 on languages of instruction, prepared by the Department of Estates 57 S. Tarnowski, Michał Bobrzyński w Radzie szkolnej krajowej, Kraków 1901, p Verordnung des Ministers für Cultus und Unterricht vom 8. August 1859, in: Reichs- Gesetz-Blatt für das Kaiserthum Österreich, 1859, part XLIV, no. 150, Wien 1859, pp J. Dietl, O reformie szkół krajowych, book 1, p. 83; Projekty reform szkolnictwa ludowego w Galicji, pp ; C. Majorek, Ustrój galicyjskiego szkolnictwa ludowego w czasie walki o autonomię i w okresie kampanii rezolucyjnej ( ) in: Rocznik Naukowo-Dydaktyczny WSP w Krakowie. Prace Historyczne, IV, book 32, 1968, p Article II of the draft law: The Polish and Ruthenian languages are equal. Each can be a language of instruction. Quoted in Sprawozdanie komisyi dla załatwienia spraw szkolnych wyznaczonej, in: Czas, 1866, 2 March, no. 49, p. 3; S. Gruiński, Dzieje szkolnictwa ludowego w Galicji, in: Szkoła, 1917, pp. 185, Article IV of the draft law: With the development of Ruthenian literature, lectures in individual subjects in the Ruthenian language will continue to be introduced and to this purpose separate schools or departments shall be established [ ]. Quoted in Czas, 1866, 2 March, no. 49, p See Article III of the draft law: German language used in lectures shall be replaced by Polish, or, to the extent that didactic purposes allow for it, the Ruthenian language. Quoted in Czas, no. 49, 2 March 1866, p. 3; S. Gruiński, Dzieje szkolnictwa ludowego w Galicji, in: Szkoła, 1916, p. 429 and Szkoła, 1917, p. 361.

20 The legal basis of the educational system in Galicia 19 and signed by Leon Sapieha and Oktaw Pietruski. 63 The Department referred to the position of the Ruthenians as gravitating toward Polish culture, indicating the doubtful utility of the Ukrainian language for meeting teaching needs: As for the Ruthenian language, there are divergent opinions. While some hold that this language is appropriate for lectures in all branches of learning, others, including Ruthenians of different political stripes, have rather the opposite view. 64 The Department critically evaluated the Diet resolution of 26 April 1861 and the draft language law of spring 1866, the latter of which spoke of equality between the two languages. It seems that the Department of Estates's position manifested the need for dissemination throughout Galician circles of the belief that the Ukrainian language was at too low a level of development for it to be capable of becoming a language of instruction in public schools. The idea of equality between languages was looked on by the Department with some aloofness, suggesting a division between fully-developed and developing languages: the first, useful for school lectures, would be Polish, and the second, underdeveloped language, Ukrainian, would fulfill the function of a language of instruction above all in elementary schools. The Department's decision was heavily influenced by a discussion which was taking place in the sociopolitical journals. Antoni Z. Helcel wrote about the low level of the Little Ruthenian language's development, but allowed for it to be used in teaching at elementary schools and lower-level gymnasium classes in Eastern Galicia; in higher-level classes he recommended the use of Polish. 65 He justified this position in terms of the distinctiveness of the Ruthenian culture. A similar view was taken by Józef Szujski, who in the spring 1866 published his remarks in the form of his letters from Lviv. He began with the assertion that Ruthenians possessed a rich historical and theological literature and that in the entire Polish Commonwealth no one would dream of denying the existence of the Ruthenian language. 66 With this statement he came out against the arguments of Ukrainian deputies, who in the past had sought support for their national demands. Not denying the historical greatness of the Ruthenian language, Szujski noted its considerable backwardness in relation to the development of the Polish language. He understood the determination of the Ruthenians aiming to introduce it in schools, but at the same time demonstrated the artificiality of attempts to infuse it with scientific terminology. He put in question the validity of improvising a language using a mixture of foreign borrowings. He accused Ukrainian education activists of patching up gaps [ ] with church language. 67 Szujski did not support Polonization of the Ruthenians, but clearly indicated his anxiety about their potential Russification. He favored the continuing deve- 63 Alegata do sprawozdań stenograficznych Sejmu Krajowego Królestwa Galicyi i Lodomeryi, (hereinafter Aleg.), 4, Sprawozdanie Wydziału krajowego w przedmiocie wychowania publicznego, s. 6. Projekt do ustawy o języku wykładowym w szkołach ludowych i średnich Królestwa Galicyi i Lodomeryi z Wielkiem Księstwem Krakowskiem, Quoted in Projekty reform szkolnictwa ludowego w Galicji, p. 77; Aleg. 4, 1866, p A. Z. Helcel, Uwagi nad kwestyą językową w szkołach i uniwersytetach Galicyi i Krakowa osnowane na liście odręcznym Jego c.k. Apostolskiej Mości z d. 29 Października 1860, Kraków 1860, pp ; S. Możdżeń, Ustrój szkoły średniej w Galicji i próby jego modernizacji w latach , Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis. Prace pedagogiczne, 1974, no. 230, p J. Szujski, Z wycieczki do Lwowa. Pięć listów, in: Dzieła, seria III, vol. 1, Pisma polityczne, Kraków 1885, p Ibid., p. 260.