BALTICA13 ARCHAEOLOGIA AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS. Edited by Audronė Bliujienė

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1 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA13 AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS DEDICATED TO THE 60TH BIRTHDAy of Prof habil. dr AlgirdAs girininkas Edited by Audronė Bliujienė Klaipėda University Press

2 Pendant amulet from Kretuonas ic settlement.

3 KlAiPĖdA UniVErsiTY INSTITUTE OF BALTIC SEA REGION HISTORy AND ARCHAEOLOGy LITHUANIAN INSTITUTE OF HISTORy AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS DEDICATED TO THE 60TH BIRTHDAy of Prof habil. dr AlgirdAs girininkas Edited by Audronė Bliujienė ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Klaipėda, 2010

4 UdK 902/904 Ar 46 Editorial Board Editor in Chief Prof habil. dr Vladas Žulkus (Klaipėda University, lithuania) Deputy Editor in Chief Prof habil. dr Algirdas girininkas (Klaipėda University, institute of Baltic sea region history and Archaeology, lithuania) Members Prof dr Claus von Carnap-Bornheim (stiftung schleswig-holsteinische Archäologisches landesmuseen schloß gottorf, schleswig, germany) dr rasa Banytė-rowell (lithuanian institute of history, lithuania) dr Anna Bitner-Wróblewska (state Archaeological Museum in Warszaw, Poland) Associate Prof dr Audronė Bliujienė (Klaipėda University, institute of Baltic sea region history and Archaeology, lithuania) dr Agnė Čivilytė (lithuanian institute of history, lithuania) Prof dr Wladyslaw duczko (Pułtusk Academy of humanities, institute of Anthropology and Archaeology, Poland) Prof dr John hines (Cardiff University, United Kingdom) Prof dr (hp) rimantas Jankauskas (Vilnius University, lithuania) dr romas Jarockis (Klaipėda University, institute of Baltic sea region history and Archaeology, lithuania) Prof. dr Andrzej Kola (Torun nicolaus Copernicus University, Poland) Prof. dr (hp) Albinas Kuncevičius (Vilnius University, lithuania) Prof dr Marika Mägi (Tallinn University, Estonia) Prof dr Jörn staecker (Eberhard-Karls Universität, institut für Ur- und frühgeschichte und Archäologie des Mittelalter Abteilung Archäologie des Mittelalters, Tübingen, germany) Prof habil. dr Andrejs Vasks (University of latvia, riga, latvia) Editorial Assistant simona rauktytė Archaeologia Baltica is on EBsCo s Current Abstracts and TOC Premier database Coverage list since Articles appearing in this journal are peer-reviewed by either internal or external reviewers. Archaeologia Baltica volume 13 was prepared by Klaipėda University institute of Baltic sea region history and Archaeology. Volume editor: Audronė Bliujienė English language editor: Joseph Everatt Lithuanian language editor: roma nikžentaitienė Design: Algis Kliševičius Layout: lolita Zemlienė Cover illustration: A brooch from laiviai (Kretinga district) Klaipėda University institute of Baltic sea region history and Archaeology, 2010 lithuanian institute of history, 2010 Article authors, 2010 Klaipėda University Press, 2010 issn

5 CONTENTS Preface 6 I. AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS Egidijus Šatavičius. Searching for Traces of the Origins of our Ancestors 12 Gintautas Zabiela. Publications by Algirdas Girininkas. Monographs, Research Articles, Publications Edited by A. Girininkas, Reviews, Varia ( ) 20 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II. PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Rimantas Jankauskas. Ancient Mitochondrial DNA from Stone Age Lithuania and the Possible Origins of the First Inhabitants 32 Valdis Bērziņš. Fishing Seasonality and Techniques in Prehistory: Why Freshwater Fish are Special 37 Tadeusz Galiński and Zofia Sulgostowska. Younger Dryas Tanged Point Key Sites in Western Pomerania 43 Normunds Grasis. A Mesolithic Dwelling: Interpreting Evidence from the Užavas Celmi Site in Latvia 58 Katarzyna Januszek. Small Polished Flint Tools in Rzucewo Culture in Poland 69 Lars Larsson. A Double Grave with Amber and Bone Adornments at Zvejnieki in Northern Latvia 80 Plates (I IV) Ilze Loze. Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland 91 Gytis Piličiauskas and Grzegorz Osipowicz. The Processing and Use of Flint in the Metal Ages. A Few Cases from the Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites in Lithuania 110 Dariusz Manasterski. Exchanges between Syncretic Groups from the Mazury Lake District in Northeast Poland and Early Bronze Age Communities in Central Europe 126 Uwe Sperling and Heidi Luik. Arrowheads, Palisades and an Attack Scenario. Ridala Bronze Age Hill-Fort Revisited 140 Andrejs Vasks. Latvia as Part of a Sphere of Contacts in the Bronze Age 153 Heidi Luik and Valter Lang. Scapular Artefacts with Serrated Edges from Late Bronze Age Fortified Settlements in Estonia 162 Marius Iršėnas. Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Stone Age Art in Lithuania, and its Archaeological Cultural Context 175 Corrigenda to Archaeologia Baltica Guidelines for Authors 194 5

6 Preface AUDRONĖ BLIUJIENĖ Preface 6 The international conference at the Origins of the culture of the Balts, which was dedicated to the 60th birthday of Prof. Habil. Dr algirdas Girininkas, was held on 23 September In reading their papers and offering their congratulations, colleagues, students and friends honoured a researcher who has created the unique Kretuonas School, generated new ideas, and used the expertise of researchers in various fields in order to carry out new projects. Modern laboratories devoted to archaeology and with the latest equipment will be set up in the future Sea Valley, which is just one of the recent projects that will soon become a reality thanks to the energy and self-sacrificing work of algirdas Girininkas. It should be noted that Girininkas was the teacher who represented the origins of the culture of the Balts in every possible sense to many of those who were in attendance, and to some he still is. Girininkas is capable of seeing the research potential in a young person, leading some akmenologai (or stoneologists ) to choose the difficult vocation of an archaeologist thanks to him (fig. 1). These thoughts were reflected not just in the papers and opening remarks, but also in the documentary film made by Olijardas Lukoševičius and Algis Kuzmickas Looking for the Origins of the Balts. The conference heard papers read by Tomas Ostrauskas (The Kretuonas School and its Influence on Early Prehistoric Investigations in the east Baltic region), Ilga Zagorska (Burial Traditions in the east Baltic Stone Age), Ilze Loze (New Investigations at the Zvidze Settlement Site), Andrejs Vasks (Latvia as Part of a Sphere of Contacts in the Bronze Age), Egidijus Šatavičius (The Latest Archaeological Investigations Near Lake Kretuonas), Marius Iršėnas (The Figural Art of Narva and Pit-Comb Ware Cultures: Similarities and Differences), Linas Daugnora (Skeletal analysis and Butchering Techniques in the Lake Kretuonas Settlements) and Gytis Piličiauskas (Flint Processing and Use in the Metal ages. a few cases from Lithuania s Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites). One feature of the conference at the Origins of the culture of the Balts was the presentation of Girininkas monograph Akmens amžius (The Stone age). This is the first in a series of six volumes on Lithuanian archaeology prepared by Klaipėda University s Institute of Baltic region History and archaeology. 1 This volume on the Stone age, which appeared on the eve of his birthday, is the crowning achievement of the author s huge output (fig. 2). And, by happy coincidence, after 79 years, the Apuolė hill-fort site and cemetery finds from the excavations by Eduards Volters, Birger Nerman and Vladas Nagevičius were returned to Lithuania, through the dedicated efforts of the Swedish researcher Dr Jan Peder Lamm and Klaipėda University s Dr Romas Jarockis and Dr Gintautas Zabiela. The research material returned in the form of the monograph Apuolė Ausgrabungen un Funde (fig. 3). Meanwhile, the preserved finds from the Apuolė excavations, as was intended in 1931, were returned to the Vytautas the Great War Museum in Kaunas. Thus, volume 13 of Archaeologia Baltica (subtitled at the Origins of the culture of the Balts ) is dedicated to the 60th birthday of Prof Habil. Dr algirdas Girininkas. The volume is divided into two sections, in the first of which Edigijus Šatavičius describes the work of a. Girininkas and his contribution to the research into Lithuania s Stone age. This comprehensive article should be augmented by one fact, namely that Girininkas, together with his colleagues Audronė Bliujienė and Vladas Žulkus, are winners of the 2009 Lithuanian research award in the Humanities and Social Sciences, for their series of articles and monographs The Balts in the Space of the Baltic Sea ( ). As is fitting for Festschriften, it would have been inconceivable to omit a complete bibliography of the subject s work. Gintautas Zabiela has prepared a list of Girininkas monographs, research articles and publica- 1 algirdas Girininkas, Akmens amžius. Lietuvos archeologija, t. I. Vilnius: Versus aureus, p.

7 archaeologia BaLTIca 13 fig. 1. Participants in the conference at the Origins of the culture of the Balts marking the 60th birthday of Prof Habil. Dr Algirdas Girininkas (photograph by A. Žilinskaitė). tions, including those edited by him, and varia encompassing the period 1970 to 2009, which reflects fully his work since he completed his studies up to the year In the second section People at the crossroads of Space and Time, 16 researchers from estonia, Latvia, Sweden, Poland and Lithuania presented articles, and consequently the topic examined encompasses chronologically a huge period from the Stone age to the Late Bronze Age. The articles examine the latest research results of ancient MtDNA from Lithuanian sites, and discuss intercultural ties, aspects of Mesolithic and Neolithic fishing, exchanges and their nature, the investigation of individual sites, exceptional Stone age burial complexes, technical research into flint processing, artistic aspects of the expression of Neolithic communities, and much more. rimantas Jankauskas, in the article ancient Mitochondrial DNA from Stone Age Lithuania and the Possible Origins of the first Inhabitants, asserts that of four Lithuanian samples from which there was definite success in extracting mtdnr, one belonged to the U4 haplogroup and three to U5b2. The U5 and U4 haplogroups are rare among Lithuania s modern inhabitants. fig. 2. The presentation of Prof Dr Girininkas monograph Akmens amžius (The Stone age). Left to right: G. Zabiela, A. Girininkas and V. Žulkus (photograph by A. Žilinskaitė). 7

8 AUDRONĖ BLIUJIENĖ Preface fig. 3. The presentation of the monograph Apuolė Ausgrabungen un Funde at the conference at the Origins of the Culture of the Balts. Left to right: V. Žulkus, A. Girininkas, J.P. Lamm and G. Zabiela (photograph by A. Žilinskaitė). Valdis Bērziņš, in the article Fishing Seasonality and Techniques in Prehistory: Why Freshwater Fish are Special, shows that freshwater fish could have provided a stable resource base that made permanent settlements possible in lake basins during the Mesolithic and Neolithic of the east Baltic region, but the utilisation of this resource required the development of a body of cultural knowledge and techniques for fishing in the different seasons. Tadeusz Galiński and Zofia Sulgostowska, in the article Younger Dryas Tanged Point Key Sites in Western Pomerania, states that the Younger Dryas flint artefacts of Western Pomerania have features characteristic of ahrensburgian culture, and compares this material with data from other Polish, Lithuanian and Latvian sites. Normunds Grasis, in the article A Mesolithic Dwelling: Interpreting Evidence from the Užavas Celmi Site in Latvia, suggests that a temporary shelter was erected here during the Mesolithic. The author emphasises that this conclusion is largely hypothetical, however, and alternative interpretations are possible. Katarzyna Januszek, in the article Small Polished Flint Tools in Rzucewo Culture in Poland, gives an overview of the most diverse assemblage of small polished flint tools found in the settlements left by Rzucewo culture in the Żuławy region. Lars Larsson, in the article a Double Grave with amber and Bone Adornments at Zvejnieki in Northern Latvia, discusses double burial 316/317, of a male and a female, which proved to be the cemetery s most richly furnished burial in terms of amber pendants. Ilze Loze, in the article Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland, presents the site s topography, stratigraphy, traces of habitation and disturbed human burials, the bones of which were found throughout the excavated area. Gytis Piličiauskas and Grzegorz Osipowicz, in the article The Processing and Use of flint in the Metal ages. A Few Cases from the Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites in Lithuania, attempt to answer the questions how and why flint was used when metal production and processing techniques were already widespread. The flint artefacts were analysed with respect to their raw materials and typology-technique. Dariusz Manasterski, in the article Exchanges between Syncretic Groups in the Mazury Lake District of Northeast Poland and Early Bronze Age Communities in Central Europe, discusses how the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age communities that existed in the 8

9 Mazury Lake District interacted with the transcontinental trading system and, on the basis of recent finds from the analysed region, discusses alternative communications ties. Uwe Sperling and Heidi Luik, in the article arrowheads, Palisades and an attack Scenario. ridala Bronze Age Hill-Fort Revisited, discusses the fortification nature of the double-ring palisade structure at ridala. On the basis of a comprehensive analysis of the archaeological material, the authors present a new interpretation of the fortified settlement at Ridala, which sees the function and purpose of the palisades as being more of a symbolic nature (religious, political) than a response to military threats. andrejs Vasks, in the article Latvia as Part of a Sphere of Contacts in the Bronze Age, discusses Bronze Age exchange contacts in Latvia, focussing on the routes by which bronze arrived and the mechanisms by which the objects spread. Heidi Luik and Valter Lang, in the article Scapular Artefacts with Serrated Edges from Late Bronze Age Fortified Settlements in Estonia, focus on artefacts with serrated edges that were made from scapulae and occur in assemblages from Late Bronze Age fortified settlements in estonia. The authors give an overview of these finds, both in Estonia and elsewhere, and discuss possible areas of their use. Marius Iršėnas, in the article Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Stone age art in Lithuania, and its archaeological cultural context, shows that anthropomorphic and zoomorphic images found both in Lithuania and in the Baltic region do not show artefact forms and stylistic features that belong to any particular Mesolithic or Neolithic archaeological culture in the Baltic region. archaeologia BaLTIca 13 Audronė Bliujienė Translated by Jeffrey arthur Bakanauskas 9

10 AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS

11 I. AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 11

12 Searching for Traces of the Origins of our Ancestors SEARCHING FOR TRACES OF THE ORIGINS OF OUR ANCESTORS EGIDIJUS ŠATAVIČIUS EGIDIJUS ŠATAVIČIUS Not every Lithuanian archaeologist is ready to devote his or her life to Stone Age research. Investigating what existed prior to the appearance of civilisation would seem uninteresting and unimportant, unlike excavating a site like Troy, Kernavė or Voruta. It is difficult to boast to someone about finding several new Stone Age settlements or several flint artefacts that are not distinguished by their size or their ornateness, and it is all the more difficult to prove the importance and relevance of research in this era to scientific functionaries, the public, and often even to colleagues. Perhaps this is why there are so few Stone Age specialists in Lithuania and neighbouring countries, even though it should be exactly the opposite, according to the time scale the era encompasses (99.9% of the entire history of humanity). This is perhaps the reason why true Stone Age specialists are noted for their persistence, their strength of character, their firm opinions, their inclination towards the natural sciences, and so on. Algirdas Girininkas, who has already devoted almost four decades to researching this era, is one such Stone Age researcher (Fig. 1). Girininkas interest in archaeology and the region s ancient past was sparked by Vitas Valatka ( ), a famous researcher of the Samogitian region and a museum curator. Together, they visited impressive central Samogitian archaeological sites, and participated in archaeological expeditions. He has been able to pass on his passion for seeking out archaeological and other sites (a passion he acquired in his youth and still possesses) to many young people, some of whom have developed to become accomplished researchers themselves, or at least great enthusiasts for prehistory (Figs. 2 6). Girininkas became interested in the Stone Age while studying at Vilnius University (Figs. 7 9), and his career as a researcher and a Stone Age specialist began at Trakai History Museum, where he worked after graduating in Unfortunately, his work at the museum was not in line with his dream. He was obliged to investigate nearby Iron Age barrows (Musteniai-Baubonys), instead of Stone Age objects. His heart was perhaps somewhat assuaged after a brief reconnoitring trip 12 Fig. 1. Algirdas Girininkas in 2002.

13 around the immediate vicinity of Trakai, where he found his first archaeological objects (Strakiškės). His true vocation to study the Stone Age emerged after he had begun working at the Lithuanian Institute of History ( , ), where it was possible to devote most of his time to research activities (Fig. 10). Together with Rimutė Rimantienė, he participated in the excavation of Šventoji (city of Palanga), Nida, Margiai 1, Barzdžio Miškas (Varėna district) and Šarnelė (Plungė district) Stone Age settlements (Fig. 11). He worked from 1980 to 1981 and 1985 to 1986 at the Leningrad (now St Petersburg) Division of the USSR Academy of Sciences Institute of Archaeology, and participated in expeditions organised by the Russian Academy of Sciences (Fig. 12). In addition to his main work, this was an excellent occasion for him to learn about old scientific publications, which were then difficult to access and had become a bibliographic rarity, as well as the work of contemporary foreign scientists. Due to the Iron Curtain, these rarely reached Lithuanian libraries during the Soviet era. An opportunity also existed at that time at the Russian Academy of Sciences to delve into a new method: traceology (the determination of the function of tools on the basis of the wear marks left on them), which offered many new possibilities and advantages. Girininkas was one of the first researchers in Lithuania to use traceology in Stone Age investigations. Fig. 2. A. Girininkas (left) and A. Butrimas during a fieldwalking survey at Lake Biržuliai in the Telšiai district, 1979 (photograph by V. Aleksiejūnas). Fig. 3. On the Drūkšiai (now Drysviaty in Belarus) Castle earthworks in From left to right: A. Girininkas (third), D. Brazaitis and E. Šatavičius. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 I AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS Between 1993 and 1998, he worked at the Lithuanian Cultural Heritage Scientific Research Centre. These were some of his most productive research years, when he published many scientific works, initiated the publication of the popular journal Baltų Archeologija (Archaeology of the Balts), and somewhat later worked in conducting various archaeological experiments (the reconstruction of a Stone Age building and an Iron Age barrow at Palūšė) and in creating new provincial museums or improving old ones (Fig. 13). Since 2005, he has continued his research activities at Klaipėda University Institute of Baltic Region History and Archaeology. Fig. 4. During a fieldwalking survey in eastern Lithuania in From left to right: M. Iršėnas (first), D. Butrimaitė (seventh), A. Girininkas, E. Šatavičius (tenth), G. Zabiela (12th). 13

14 Searching for Traces of the Origins of our Ancestors EGIDIJUS ŠATAVIČIUS 14 Fig. 5. On the Budeliai (Kaišiadorys district) hill-fort site in From left to right: O. Lukoševičius, A. Girininkas son Daumantas, A. Girininkas, L. Bukauskas. Fig. 6. With his colleagues G. Piličiauskas and D. Brazaitis on a fieldwalking survey near Lake Kretuonas in 2005 (photograph by J. Žukauskaitė). Fig. 7. His first research paper at a student conference in Kalinin (Russia) in For his scientific research, Girininkas selected an area that had yet to be investigated: northeast-east Lithuania. Because it had no known or precisely identified and located Stone Age objects, he had to find them himself. Between 1974 and 1976, and in 1985, he discovered and excavated the Jara 1 3 ancient settlements (in the Anykščiai district), and beginning in 1977 he conducted regular investigations in the Kretuonas micro-region (Švenčionys district). He has discovered and excavated many Stone Age objects: Kretuonas 1 2, Kretuonėlė 1, Pakretuonė 1 4, Žemaitiškė 1 3, Kretuonys 1, and other settlements. Some of them are unique not only in Lithuania but also in the world. For example, a well-preserved cemetery dating from the early to the middle Neolithic era, and mysterious burials, sacrifices of the crowns of human skulls that should be assigned to the early Bronze Age (Fig. 14), were discovered at the Kretuonas 1 settlement, which was occupied for several thousand years; while a group of peat bog settlements with perhaps pole buildings and one of the earliest fortified settlements in the east Baltic region were discovered in the fields around Žemaitiškė. The Kretuonas micro-region has gradually become a sort of mecca for specialists, not only from Lithuania but also from neighbouring countries. In addition, thanks to Girininkas and several other archaeologists, it is the largest accumulation of archaeologically valuable objects from various periods currently known in Lithuania, and consists of more than 45 ancient settlements (40 of which have Stone Age cultural horizons), two hill-fort sites, 22 barrows, several old cemeteries, manors and mythological sites, and ancient defensive fortifications. Besides the aforementioned objects, there are also about 30 archaeological findspots that have yet to be precisely identified. Girininkas probably also revealed his talent for finding new archaeological objects, dozens of which he has found to date, and not only ones from the Stone Age but also from later eras: barrow cemeteries, cemeteries, hill-fort sites, Iron Age settlements, and so on. He has found famous objects such as the cemetery in Bajorai (Elektrėnai dis-

15 trict), which dates back to the earliest historical times and contains Yotvingian cremations, the Reškutėnai hill-fort site from the brief chronological period of Late Brushed Pottery culture, and so on. In addition to these, he has identified some very valuable archaeological sites during fieldwalking survey in the vicinity of Vilnius, on the banks of the River Pyvesa (Pasvalys district), and in the Švenčionys, Kaišiadorys and Varėna districts. Together with his colleagues Vytautas Kazakevičius and Vygandas Juodagalvis, he surveyed the trans-nemunas region (Užnemunė in Lithuanian), and with Adomas Butrimas, the shores of lake Biržulis in Samogitia. Throughout his life, the main direction of his work has been the Neolithic era: the living conditions and economy of its people, the Neolithisation process, the ethnocultural situation, and reflections of the spiritual world. In 1982, he defended his doctoral dissertation Vėlyvasis Neolitas Rytų Lietuvoje (The Late Neolithic in Eastern Lithuania), and in 1998 his habilitation dissertation Baltų Kultūros Ištakos (At the Origins of the Culture of the Balts) by analysing these topics. The scientific questions and research results of these works have been presented to the wider public and to academic groups many times at various local and international conferences and seminars (Fig. 15). Girininkas is among the archaeologists in Lithuania who have published the most. He has published dozens of serious analytical research articles, but his scientific source publications, annual articles in the publication Archeologiniai Tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje (Archaeological Investigations in Lithuania), information in encyclopaedic publications, conference papers and summaries, articles in the periodical press, and so on, are no less important. Taken all together, the list is impressive (See the bibliography in this publication) Much energy was required and consumed by his work on the editorial boards or as editor-in-chief of various scientific publications. Girininkas was for a long time editor-in-chief of the journal Lietuvos Archeologija (Lithuanian Archaeology) (volumes 17 to 29). He is also assistant editor-inchief (since 2006) of the journal Archaeologia Baltica, which is published by Klaipėda University. His abundant research activities have been crowned by seven monographs (four written together with coauthors). The studies Kretuonas: Vidurinis ir Vėlyvasis Neolitas (Kretuonas: The Middle and Late Neolithic. Fig. 8. While studying at Vilnius University: a lecture by Pranas Kulikauskas ( ) at Medininkai Castle in Girininkas is fifth from the left. Fig. 9. As a student-soldier on a camp at the Pabradė training grounds in ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 I AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS 15

16 Searching for Traces of the Origins of our Ancestors EGIDIJUS ŠATAVIČIUS Fig. 10. With his colleague Vytautas Kazakevičius ( ), outside the old Lithuanian Institute of History building in 1979 (photograph by R.V. Sidrys). Fig. 11. R. Rimantienė and A. Girininkas during an expedition to the Žemaitiškė 1 settlement (Švenčionys district )in 1978 (photograph by V. Aleksiejūnas). Vilnius, 1990) and Baltų Kultūros Ištakos (At the Origins of the Culture of the Balts. Vilnius, 1994) published material from nearly 20 years of research in the Kretuonas micro-region, allowing for many new insights and hypotheses to be raised. They are mainly devoted to issues of the Indo-Europeans and the ethnogenesis of the Balts. Girininkas has introduced a new player, Narva culture, into this research question. He was the first of the east Baltic archaeologists to note that Narva culture did not vanish in the Late Neolithic, but continued to exist in the early Bronze Age. In this way, he challenged the role of the Corded Ware culture of immigrant Indo-Europeans in forming the Balts, which had been advocated by many archaeologists. Girininkas presented a completely new theory for the formation of the Baltic ethnos: since no signs of a broader influence by Corded Ware culture on the local Narva culture have been found, since the latter still existed in the early Bronze Age, and since some of the artefacts they left have a great deal in common with those from the slightly later Brushed Pottery culture, the Baltic nature of which leaves almost no doubt, it is possible to state that the old representatives of Narva culture were probably also Indo-Europeans, only northern members. Thus, it is necessary to search for the roots of the origins of the Balts in Neolithic-era Narva culture, and probably even earlier in the Late Mesolithic era. In addition, both monographs describe in detail the development of Narva culture over millennia, as well as the material culture of the people of this culture, together with its ordinary bone, antler, clay, flint and amber artefacts. Meanwhile, the unique amulets portraying a human face, various bone and amber pendants, points with decorated tangs, and the burial (or sacrifice) of the crowns of human skulls that have been found around Kretuonas, allow us to draw more comprehensive conclusions about the outlook, beliefs and afterlife of the people of those times. 16 Fig. 12. An excavation of the Stone Age settlement near Lake Vištytis, directed by V.I. Timoveyev, in 1981.

17 The publication Lietuvos Istorija. Tomas I. Akmens Amžius ir Ankstyvasis Metalų Laikotarpis (Lithuanian History. Vol. I. The Stone Age and Early Metal Period, Vilnius, 2005, written together with co-authors) is a recent research work acquainting the broader public with the country s early prehistory. In this work, Girininkas presents a somewhat newer, generalised image of the Neolithic era from the point of view of its historical development, and describes the lifestyle, economy, migrations and cultural processes of the ancient hunterfisher communities. His last and seventh monograph, Lietuvos Archeologija. Tomas I. Akmens Amžius, appeared on the eve of his 60th birthday. It is a synthesis combining ideas expressed by both the author and other researchers, and the discoveries made during difficult summer investigation seasons. In this book, he seeks to present the development of the communities that existed in Lithuania during the early prehistoric period (Stone Age), from the first hunter-fishers who arrived here after the withdrawal of the glaciers to the earliest metal artefacts that appeared in the early Bronze Age. The book likewise presents broadly the development of the local prehistoric cultures, as well as the specific and distinguishing characteristics of their material cultures. It does not ignore the various undiscussed immigrant cultures, such as the Finno-Ugric tribes representing Pit-Comb Ware culture, which considerably influenced the communities of north Lithuanian Narva culture during the middle to late Neolithic period. Its legacy can be heard to this day in the hydronyms-toponyms of lakes, rivers, and other objects. It takes a new look at issues of Funnel Beaker, Globular Amphora and Corded Ware cultures, which brought the first rudiments of production economies (agriculture and husbandry) to the eastern Baltic region. Neolithisation (the mastery and spread of the ideas of production economies) is one of the main fields in the work of researchers investigating the Stone Age, since the important economic, social and cultural changes that occurred in the course of this process radically altered the development of all of humanity, steering it on to the fast track to civilisation. Thus, in summary, it is possible to say that the monograph presents not only data collected bit by bit by archaeologists, but also valuable information accumulated by specialists in other fields: geologists, linguists, palaeozoologists, geneticists and anthropologists, which help us to portray and tell about early prehistoric times with significantly greater precision and detail. Fig. 13. Founding the Palūšė Museum in the Ignalina District in As a scientist and a person, Girininkas is distinguished by many exceptional characteristics: warmth, intelligence, fairness, helpfulness, and a readiness to express a different opinion, although he has suffered more than once due to this last characteristic. With his innate ability to attract people (Fig. 16), Girininkas has nurtured and prepared many specialists for research work in the Stone Age and in other fields and times, people who are today successfully continuing to research prehistoric periods in the country s various regions. I have to admit that he also drew me, the author of this article, into the ranks of the akmenologai ( stoneologists ), and taught me to distinguish flint artefacts. Some of us are still participating in defending various dissertations, on doctoral studies committees, and in various advisory roles. This role is not bestowed on or acceptable to everyone, while others have too much of their own work to do. Just look at the value of the decade of investigations at the Kretuonas 1C settlement, where a severely destroyed site was investigated. Responding to a call for help published in the press, dozens of helpers interested in the country s ancient past came every year. In order to manage such a crowd, train them, motivate them, feed them and provide accommodation required extraordinary organisational abilities. This is probably the reason why the expedition developed its own rhythm, folklore and even mythology. For example, we could mention the mythical figure Babaužis, which was reincarnated during the summer as a tent against the rain and which quickly scattered the sodden clouds as soon as the rain started; or the terrible beast Janiotas, which continually parted the bulrushes on the lake shore with its scaly tail and projected a rich booh, ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 I AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS 17

18 Searching for Traces of the Origins of our Ancestors Fig. 14. Burials uncovered at the Kretuonas 1B settlement in EGIDIJUS ŠATAVIČIUS Fig. 15. The conference to mark the 100th anniversary of the birth of Jonas Puzinas at the Vytautas the Great War Museum in Kaunas in booh, booh across the lakeside fields in a voice that made the ground tremble and sounded like someone blowing over the mouth of a bottle. Rare folk songs and never-heard-before tales, which lasted several days and involved characters who mystically transport to our time, could be heard around the camp fire late in the evening. Such uniqueness made the community definitely worthy of the attention of ethnologists. Unfortunately, everything has remained in the memories of people scattered around Lithuania, in faded photographs from that time, in isolated diary pages, in letters, and so on. I remember as if it were today the lectures about Stone Age cultures and peoples, about the tools, weapons and ornaments archaeologists found, and the images of ever-changing slides on the yellowed walls of the expedition s wagon late on quiet summer evenings. He worked with others to popularise archaeology with no less enthusiasm and energy. A great deal of willpower and time were required for the preparation and publication of Baltų Archeologija (Archaeology of the Balts), a journal intended for the wider public. Everything began from scratch: there was no editorial office, publishing experience, or experienced staff. The dry, heavy, mathematical work produced by archaeologists had to be turned into something understandable and interesting to everyone. This was truly difficult work. There are still only a few archaeologists who take up a pen more frequently. The daily requesting, and even begging, for articles, the coordination of topics, and the editing of the texts was all long and tiring work. In this way, 13 ever-thicker issues were published between 1994 and The most important fields, questions and news in Lithuanian archaeological research were illuminated and discussed in the journal s pages. By reading the journal, people interested in prehistoric research could learn about the archaeology of the Baltic tribes, research on early cities, the results of the research on Vilnius Lower Castle and Royal Palace, the history and activities of the regional museums, the latest research data, unique archaeological artefacts, and so on. The first critical reviews of work published by colleagues saw the light of day in it, which, due to deeply rooted remnants of Soviet culture, was clear-

19 ly unusual for us and which many considered rather unexpected and even unacceptable. The fact that the publication of the journal was suspended and later discontinued, due to its frequently narrow scope and the indifference that overwhelmed Lithuania s archaeologists, must be deplored. It is a shame when one looks at other countries, where journals promoting archaeology are even published for schoolchildren. The textbook Lietuvos Priešistorė: Materialinės ir Dvasinės Kultūros Raida, Genčių Formavimasis (Lithuanian Prehistory: The Development of the Material and Spiritual Culture and the Formation of the Tribes, Vilnius, 1997, together with O. Lukoševičius), which discusses concisely and in plain language archaeological eras, occupations, tools, living conditions, lifestyles and beliefs of prehistoric peoples, was written for schoolchildren and was quite popular. Lietuva iki Mindaugo (Lithuania up until Mindaugas, coauthored), a book with a similar content, was another popular publication intended for the wider public that presents both the country s early and late prehistory. Girininkas research interests are fairly broad and not limited to pure archaeology. He is also interested in closely related interdisciplinary scientific fields, such as zooarchaeology. Over several years, together with Linas Daugnora, he has accumulated a large palaeoosteological database from the Neolithic-Bronze Age, and published two monographs: Osteoarcheologija Lietuvoje. Vidurinis ir Vėlyvasis Holocenas (Osteoarchaeology in Lithuania. The Middle and Late Holocene, Vilnius, 1996) and Rytų Pabaltijo Bendruomenių Gyvensena XI II tūkst. pr. Kr. (The Lifestyle of the Communities of the East Baltic Region during the 11th to the Second Centuries BC, Kaunas, 2004). Both of these studies allow us to look anew at the lifestyles of Stone Age and Bronze Age peoples, their economies and their subsistence. The monographs reveal the length and the complexity of the transition process from hunting and fishing to a production economy, i.e. to agriculture and animal husbandry, a process that lasted thousands of years. Another interdisciplinary research field that is closely connected with the ethnogenesis of the Balts, and only based on the latest scientific achievements, is archaeogenetics. Articles that have appeared over the last few years attempt to connect archaeological material with data gathered by geneticists, and to look anew, with the assistance of the latest genetic achievements, at the genesis of the ethnos and the tribes of Lithuania s inhabitants. Unfortunately, this is only a brief survey of the work of Algirdas Girininkas. Due to its diversity and multiple levels, it is impossible to survey all of it: many of his accomplishments, his ideas on prehistory and the hypotheses he has raised still remain unmentioned. We leave them for his students to survey. Algirdas Girininkas service to research and archaeology in Lithuania has not gone unnoticed by scientists or by the public. By Decree No. 491 of 10 January 2006 of the President of the Republic, he was awarded the Knight s Cross of the Order For Merit to Lithuania. The work we achieve testifies about each of us: the greater work by some, the lesser by others, we boast about our good things, and forget about the bad. Algirdas Girininkas has devoted himself entirely to Lithuanian archaeology, searching every day for traces of the origins of our ancestors who belong firmly to the past. And today, in celebrating his 60th birthday, there is nothing left for us to do but to boast of the work that the teacher has accomplished and to await his next accomplishments. Translated by Jeffrey Arthur Bakanauskas Fig. 16. At the Lithuanian-Latvian border with his counterpart A. Vasks in ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 I AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS 19

20 Publications by Algirdas Girininkas PUBLICATIONS BY ALGIRDAS GIRININKAS. Monographs, Research Articles and Publications Edited by A. Girininkas, Reviews, Varia ( ) GINTAUTAS ZABIELA GINTAUTAS ZABIELA 20 I. Monographs 1980 Naujausia akmens amžiaus medžiaga ( ): Ataskaitinės parodos katalogas, Vilnius: Istorijos-etnografijos muziejus, p. (co-author Adomas Butrimas) Поздний неолит Восточной Литвы (по данным материалов памятников оз. Крятуонас). Автореферат кандидатской диссертации, Вильнюс, c Крятуонас. Средний и поздний неолит, Lietuvos archeologija, t. VII, Vilnius: Mokslas, p Baltų kultūros ištakos, Vilnius: Savastis, 1994, p Baltų kultūros ištakos (Narvos kultūros duomenimis): Humanitarinių mokslų srities istorijos krypties habil. daktaro disertacijos tezės, Vilnius, p Osteoarcheologija Lietuvoje: Vidurinis ir vėlyvasis holocenas, Vilnius: Savastis, p. (co-author Linas Daugnora) Lietuvos priešistorija: Materialinės ir dvasinės kultūros raida, genčių formavimasis, Vilnius: Agora, p. (co-author Olijardas Lukoševičius) Baltų kultūros ištakos (Pagal Narvos kultūros tyrimų duomenis): Habilitacinis darbas. Humanitariniai mokslai, Istorija (05 H), Vilnius, p Rytų Pabaltijo bendruomenių gyvensena XI II tūkst. pr. Kr., Kaunas: Lietuvos veterinarijos akademija, p. (coauthor Linas Daugnora) Lietuvos istorija, Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 2005, t. I. Akmens amžius ir ankstyvųjų metalų laikotarpis, p. 9 10, , , Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius: Versus aureus, 2009, t. I. Akmens amžius. 328 p. II. Research articles 1970 Грунтовые могильники I IV вв. н. э. в Западной Литве и их этническая принадлежность, Тезисы докладов XVI всесоюзной археологической студенческой конференции, Москва, 1970, с. 34. Грунтовые могильники I VII вв. н. э. в Западной Литве и их этническая принадлежность, Тезисы II региональной археологической конференции вузов Северо-запада СССР, Калинин, 1970, с Формирование балтских племен в бронзовом веке, Тезисы III региональной студенческой археологоэтнографической конференции вузов Северо-запада СССР, Рига, 1971, с Раскопки неолитических стоянок Швянтойи 3 и 9, Археологические открытия 1972 года, Москва, 1973, с (соавторы О. Багушене, Р. Римантене) Baubonių-Mustenių (Trakų raj.) pilkapyno tyrinėjimai 1973 m., Archeologiniai ir etnografiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1972 ir 1973 metais, Vilnius, 1974, p Раскопки поселения каменного века у с. Нида, на Куршской косе, Археологические открытия 1974 года, Москва, 1975, с (соавтор Р. Римантене) Šarnelės vėlyvojo neolito (III tūkstantm. pr. m. e.) gyvenvietė, Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. A serija, Vilnius, 1977, t. I (58), p Šiaurės rytų Lietuvos akmens amžiaus paminklai (1. Jaros I neolito (III tūkstantmetis pr. m. e.) gyvenvietė), Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. A serija, Vilnius, 1977, t. IV (61), p

21 Strėvos (Trakų raj.) pilkapių tyrinėjimai 1974 metais, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1974 ir 1975 metais, Vilnius, 1977, p Раскопки неолитических стоянок Яра I и Яра II, Археологические открытия 1976 года, Москва, 1977, с Раскопки у с. Нида на Куршской косе, Археологические открытия 1976 года, Москва, 1977, с. 430 (соавторы Р. Римантене, О. Багушене) Šiaurės rytų Lietuvos akmens amžiaus paminklai (2. Jaros II vidurinio neolito (III tūkstantmetis prieš m. e.) gyvenvietė), Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. A serija, Vilnius, 1978, t. III (64), p Šiaurės rytų Lietuvos vidurinio neolito paminklų kultūrinės priklausomybės klausimu, Jaunųjų istorikų darbai, Vilnius, 1978, t. II, p Jaros pakrančių tyrinėjimai 1975 metais, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1974 ir 1975 metais, Vilnius, 1978, p Jaros I ir Jaros II (Anykščių raj.) neolito gyvenviečių tyrinėjimai 1975, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje metais, Vilnius, 1978, p Pakretuonės (Švenčionių r.) I gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai 1977 metais, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje metais, Vilnius, 1978, p Tyrinėjimai prie Žeimenio ežero ir Žeimenos upės, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje metais, Vilnius, 1978, p Раскопки у оз. Кретуонас, Археологические открытия 1977 года, Москва, 1978, с Šiaurės rytų Lietuvos akmens amžiaus paminklai (3. Bratoniškių paleolitinė stovykla ir žalvario amžiaus gyvenvietės), Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. A serija, Vilnius, 1979, t. IV (69), p Раскопки у оз. Кретуонас, Археологические открытия 1978 года, Москва, 1979, с Keramikos ornamentikos ypatumai Rytų Lietuvoje (pagal virvelinės ir Narvos kultūrų keramiką), Jaunųjų istorikų darbai, Vilnius, 1980, t. III, p Žemaitiškės (Švenčionių r.) I ir II gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai 1978 ir 1979 metais, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1978 ir 1979 metais, Vilnius, 1980, p Kretuono (Švenčionių r.) I gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai 1979 metais, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1978 ir 1979 metais, Vilnius, 1980, p Pakretuonės (Švenčionių r.) I gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai 1979 metais, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1978 ir 1979 metais, Vilnius, 1980, p Naujos akmens amžiaus gyvenvietės Rytų Lietuvoje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1978 ir 1979 metais, Vilnius, 1980, p Раскопки на оз. Кретуонас, Археологические открытия 1979 года, Москва, 1980, с Связи неолитических культур нарвской и неманской в Bосточной Литве, Проблемы этногенеза и этнической истории балтов. Тезисы докладов. Март, 1981, Вильнюс, 1981, с Раскопки на оз. Кретуонас, Археологические открытия 1980 года, Москва, 1981, с Neolito palikimas žalvario amžiuje, Jaunųjų istorikų darbai, Vilnius, 1982, t. IV, p Žemaitiškės II gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1980 ir 1981 metais, Vilnius, 1982, p Kretuono I gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1980 ir 1981 metais, Vilnius, 1982, p Различия керамики развитого неолита в Bосточной и Западной Литве, Древности Белоруссии и Литвы, Минск, 1982, с Pirmieji gintaro keliai į Rytų Europą, Archeologinės ir numizmatinės medžiagos komplektavimas ir konservavimas. Jaunųjų muziejininkų konferencijos pranešimų tezės, Vilnius, 1983, p Kretuono 1-oji gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1982 ir 1983 metais, Vilnius, 1984, p Žemaitiškės 2-oji gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1982 ir 1983 metais, Vilnius, 1984, p Исследование у оз. Крятуонас, Археологические открытия 1982 года, Москва, 1984, с Kretuono 1-os gyvenvietės vidurinio neolito kapai, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 1985, t. IV, p (co-authors Gintautas Česnys, Irena Balčiūnienė, Rimantas Jankauskas). Narvos kultūros raida, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 1985, t. IV, p Роль поздненарвской культуры в процессе образования восточных балтов, Проблемы этнической истории балтов, Рига, 1985, с Старые и новые погребальные обычаи в неолите Литвы, Конференция Балто-славянские древности, погребальный обряд, Москва, 1985, с (соавтор A. Бутримас). Раскопки на оз. Крятуонас, Археологические открытия 1983 года, Москва, 1985, с Žemaitiškės 3-ios gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai 1984 ir 1985 m., Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1984 ir 1985 metais, Vilnius, 1986, p Kretuono 1-os gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai m., Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1984 ir 1985 metais, Vilnius, 1986, p Исследования на оз. Крятуонас, Археологические открытия 1984 года, Москва, 1986, с Неолитические строительные сооружения в Литве, Задачи советской археологии в свете решений XX- VII с езда КПСС. Тезисы докладов (Суздаль, 1987 г.), Москва, 1987, с Brūkšniuotosios keramikos formavimasis Rytų Lietuvoje, Aktualūs kultūros paminklų tyrinėjimų uždaviniai, Vilnius, 1988, p Pakretuonės 3-ia gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1986 ir 1987 metais, Vilnius, 1988, p ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 I AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS 21

22 Publications by Algirdas Girininkas GINTAUTAS ZABIELA 22 Žeimenio ežero 1-a gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1986 ir 1987 metais, Vilnius, 1988, p Senojo žalvario amžiaus Kretuono 1C gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1986 ir 1987 metais, Vilnius, 1988, p Mintaučių ir Baltųjų Lakajų ežerų (Molėtų raj.) gyvenvietės, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1986 ir 1987 metais, Vilnius, 1988, p (co-authors Vytautas Straižys, Jonas Vaiškūnas). Поздненарвская культура в Восточной Литве, Древности Литвы и Белоруссии, Вильнюс, 1988, с Культ предков и появление анимизма на поселении Крятуонас IC, Археология и история Пскова и Псковской земли, Псков, 1988, с Работы у оз. Крятуонас, Археологические открытия 1986 года, Москва, 1988, с Narvos kultūra ir baltų kilmės klausimas, Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 1988, Vilnius, 1989, p Lietuvos geologinė sandara ir etnogenezė, Vakarų baltų archeologija ir istorija. Tarprespublikinės mokslinės konferencijos medžiaga, Klaipėda, 1989, p (co-author Gediminas Motuza). Строительные сооружения в неолите и ранней бронзе на территории Литвы, Археология и история Пскова и Псковской земли, Псков, 1989, с Rytų baltų gimimas arba tradicijos galia, Lituanistica, Vilnius, 1990, Nr. 1, p. 5 12; Nr. 2, p Dėkingumas Tadui Daugirdui, Žemaičių praeitis, Vilnius, 1990, t. I, p (co-author Audronė Škiudaitė). Tyrinėjimai prie Kretuono ežero, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1988 ir 1989 metais, Vilnius, 1990, p Girininkas A. Nauji archeologijos paminklai Rytų Lietuvoje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1988 ir 1989 metais, Vilnius, 1990, p (co-authors Romas Jarockis, Gintautas Zabiela). Старые местные и новые погребальные обряды в неолите Литвы, Исследования в области балто-славянской культуры: Погребальный обряд, Москва, 1990, с (соавтор A. Бутримас) Rytų baltų kultūros kilmės ypatybės, Rytų Lietuva: istorija, kultūra, kalba, Vilnius, 1992, p Rytų baltų kultūrų susidarymo ypatumai, Ikikrikščioniškos Lietuvos kultūra. Istoriniai ir teoriniai aspektai, Vilnius, 1992, p Tyrinėjimai prie Kretuono ežero, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1990 ir 1991 metais, Vilnius, 1992, t. I, p Rėkučių pylimo tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1990 ir 1991 metais, Vilnius, 1992, t. I, p (co-author Gintautas Zabiela). Pasvalio archeologijos paminklų žvalgymas, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1990 ir 1991 metais, Vilnius, 1992, t. II, p (co-authors Romas Jarockis, Giedrius Puodžiūnas, Gintautas Zabiela). Pakruojo rajono 1991 m. archeologinės žvalgybos rezultatai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1990 ir 1991 metais, Vilnius, 1992, t. II, p (co-authors Romas Jarockis, Gediminas Zabiela). Dėl Lietuvos archeologijos paminklų apsaugos, Lietuvos kultūros kongresas, Vilnius, 1991, p (co-authors Rimantienė Rimantienė, Mykolas Michelbertas, Bronius Dakanis). Konferencija Keramika kultūrinis etninis požymis, Lituanistica, Vilnius, 1991, Nr. 4, p К вопросу о формировании культуры штрихованной керамики, Археология и история Пскова и Псковской земли, Псков, 1992, с Строительные сооружения на поселении Крятуонас IC, Pabaltijo gyvenvietės nuo seniausių laikų iki XIV amžiaus. Konferencijos pranešimų santrauka, Vilnius, 1992, p Kretuono apyežerio gyvenviečių dirbinių paleosteologija, Gyvenviečių ir keramikos raida baltų žemėse, Vilnius, 1994, p (co-author Linas Daugnora). Gamtos įtaka žmonėms holocene Kretuono apyežeryje, Gyvenviečių ir keramikos raida baltų žemėse, Vilnius, 1994, p Chtoniškieji simboliai formuojantis rytų baltų kultūrai, Kultūros paminklai, Vilnius, 1994, t. I, p Apie Stajėtiškio aukų akmenį, Liaudies kultūra, Vilnius, 1994, Nr. 3, p. 8. Osteoarcheologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje, Lietuvos katalikų mokslų akademijos XVI suvažiavimo pranešimų tezės, Kaunas, 1994, p Ornamentas genties požymis, Ornamentikos raida Rytų Lietuvoje. Konferencijos pranešimų santrauka, Vilnius, 1994, p Baltų kultūros ištakos, Lietuvos katalikų mokslų akademijos XVI suvažiavimo pranešimų tezės, Kaunas, 1994, p Pakretuonio 3-ioji akmens amžiaus gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1992 ir 1993 metais, Vilnius, 1994, p Tyrinėjimai Kretuono apyežeryje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1992 ir 1993 metais, Vilnius, 1994, p Rėkučių Pakretuonės pilkapyno 1992 m. tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1992 ir 1993 metais, Vilnius, 1994, p Nauji archeologiniai paminklai Rytų Lietuvoje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1992 ir 1993 metais, Vilnius, 1994, p Baltai ir baltotyra, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1994, Nr. 1, p. 1. Malonūs skaitytojai ir gerbiami kolegos, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1994, Nr. 1, p. 2. Akmens amžius istorinėse baltų žemėse, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1994, Nr. 1, p Tyrėjas, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1994, Nr. 2, p. 6 7 (A. Girininkas talking with Adolfas Tautavičius). Europos link, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1994, Nr. 2, p Analysis of faunal remains from the Kretuonas lake settlement, International journal of osteoarchaeology, London, 1995, vol. 5, p (co-author Linas Daugnora). Neolithic and Bronze Age mixed farming and stock breeding in the traditional Baltic culture-area, Archaeologia Baltica, Vilnius, 1995, p (co-author Linas Daugnora). XIII a. Rėkučių gynybinis įrenginys, Kultūros paminklai, Vilnius, 1995, t. II, p (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Neolitinė Nemuno kultūra mezolitinių tradicijų ar neištirtumo išdava, Sūduvos priešistorija ir istorija. Konferencijos tezės, Marijampolė, 1995, p Marija Alseikaitė-Gimbutienė ( ), Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 1994, Vilnius, 1995, p

23 Žiemgalos metraštininkas Juozas Šliavas, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1995, Nr. 2 (5), p Mus jungia ne vien praeitis, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1995, Nr. 3 (6), p. 1. Joną Puziną prisimenant ( ), Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1995, Nr. 3 (6), p. 13. Sūduvių priešistorija ir istorija, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1995, Nr. 3 (6), p Archeologinių paminklų paieškos Kaišiadorių rajone, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1995, Nr. 3 (6), p (co-author O. Lukoševičius). Baltų priešistorės tyrinėtojo jubiliejus, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1995, Nr. 3 (6), p. 32. Kalba, simboliai ir ne tik šventės, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1995, Nr. 4 (7), p. 1. Mikelis, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1995, Nr. 4 (7), p. 7 8 (A. Girininkas talking with Mikas Balčius) The Narva culture and the origin of the Baltic culture, the Indo-Europeanization of Northern Europe, Journal of Indo- European studies. Monograph, No. 17, Washington, 1996, p Nationalism doubly oppressed: archaeology and nationalism in Lithuania, in Nationalism and archaeology in Europe. M. Diaz-Andreu, T. Champion, eds. London, (coauthor Giedrius Puodžiūnas). The Stone and Bronze Age settlements in the Kretuonas lake region, Lietuvos ir Vakarų Norvegijos archeologija. (Vilniaus Bergeno archeologų konferencija, 1996 m. balandžio d.). Programa ir tezės, Vilnius, 1996, p Tyrinėjimai Kretuono apyežeryje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1994 ir 1995 metais, Vilnius, 1996, p Reškutėnų piliakalnio tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1994 ir 1995 metais, Vilnius, 1996, p Nauji archeologijos paminklai Kaišiadorių rajone, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1994 ir 1995 metais, Vilnius, 1996, p Burkimės tirti baltų priešistorę, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1996, Nr. 2 (9), p Žeimenio ežero 1-oji gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklai, Vilnius, 1997, t. IV, p Pavasariniai reformų vėjai, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1997, Nr. 1 (10), p. 1. Kas naujo? Baltų etnogenezė, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1997, Nr. 1 (10), p Baltų etnogenezė. Kas nauja? Lietuvių Katalikų mokslo akademijos metraštis, Vilnius, 1998, t. XIII, p Stock breeding in the Baltic culture area, Archaeologia Baltica, Vilnius, 1998, t. III, p (co-author Linas Daugnora). The influence of the natural environment on the inhabitants of the shores around lake Kretuonas during the Holocen, PACT, Louvain, 1998, t. LIV, p Kapas urnoje, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 1998, t. XV, p Tadas Daugirdas ir Kaunas, Kauno istorijos metraštis, Kaunas, 1998, p Kietaviškių apylinkių priešistorija, Kietaviškės, Kaišiadorys, 1998, p Kretuono 1-osios gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1996 ir 1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998, p Žeimenio ežero 1-osios gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1996 ir 1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998, p Reškutėnų piliakalnio tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1996 ir 1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998, p Nauji archeologijos paminklai Kaišiadorių rajone, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1996 ir 1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998, p Priešistorė reformos fone, Paveldosaugos aktualijos, Vilnius, 1998, Nr. 2, p Baltai prie Suomijos įlankos, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2000, t. XIX, p Rytų Pabaltijo neolito senojo žalvario amžiaus ūkinio ir visuomeninio gyvenimo modelis, Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 1999, Vilnius, 2000, p Neolithic chronology and periodization in Lithuania, Хронология неолита Восточной Европы, Санкт- Петербург, 2000, p. 5 7 (co-author Indrė Antanaitis). Ežerėlio akmens amžiaus paminklai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais, Vilnius, 2000, p Katros 1-oji gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais, Vilnius, 2000, p Katros 5-oji gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais, Vilnius, 2000, p Kretuono 1-oji gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais, Vilnius, 2000, p Akmens amžiaus paminklai Varėnos rajone, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais, Vilnius, 2000, p Aluotos piliakalnio apylinkių žvalgymas 1998 m., Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais, Vilnius, 2000, p Kultūros ir mokslo židinys, Muziejininkystės biuletenis, Vilnius, 2000, Nr. 1, p Reškutėnų piliakalnis, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2001, t. XXI, p Periodization and chronology of the Neolithic in Lithuania, Archaeologia Baltica, Vilnius, 2002, t. V, p (coauthor Indrė Antanaitis-Jacobs). Įvadas, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2002, t. XXII, p Įvadas, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2002, t. XXIII, p Migraciniai procesai Rytų Pabaltijyje vėlyvajame neolite. Virvelinės keramikos kultūra, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2002, t. XXIII, p Pakretuonės 1-oji gyvenvietė, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2002, t. XXIII, p Kretuonių 1-oji gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2000 metais, Vilnius, 2002, p Žemaitiškės 2-oji gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2000 metais, Vilnius, 2002, p (co-author Džiugas Brazaitis). Archeologinės konferencijos bei pranešimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2000 metais, Vilnius, 2002, p (co-author Gintautas Zabiela). ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 I AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS 23

24 Publications by Algirdas Girininkas GINTAUTAS ZABIELA 24 Kretuono 1-oji gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais, Vilnius, 2002, p Nauji akmens amžiaus paminklai Varėnos rajone, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais, Vilnius, 2002, p Žemaitiškės 2-oji gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais, Vilnius, 2002, p (co-author Džiugas Brazaitis) Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Adutiškio krašte, Adutiškio kraštas, Vilnius, 2003, p (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Šiaurės elnių medžiotojai seniausieji Rytų Pabaltijo gyventojai; Senosios Europos kultūros Rytų Baltijos pakrantėje; Narvos kultūros žmonės senieji vietos medžiotojai ir žvejai; Senųjų Lietuvos gyventojų visuomenės struktūros bruožai; Senųjų Lietuvos gyventojų ūkis: titnagas ir gintaras; Senųjų Lietuvos gyventojų ūkis: būstai, pastatai ir įtvirtinimai; Senųjų Lietuvos gyventojų ūkis: medžioklė; Senųjų Lietuvos gyventojų ūkis: žvejyba; Senųjų Lietuvos gyventojų ūkis: gyvulininkystė ir žemdirbystė; Senųjų Lietuvos gyventojų ūkis: pirmieji metalai, Lietuva iki Mindaugo, Vilnius, 2003, p , 37 40, 41 46, , Vytautas Daugudis ( ), Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2002/1, Vilnius, 2003, p Kretuono 1C gyvenvietės bendruomenės gyvensena, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2004, t. XXV, p (coauthor Linas Daugnora). Įvadas, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2004, t. XXV, p Įvadas, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2004, t. XXVI, p Juodonys ir Jaros apyežeris: gamta ir gyventojai, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2004, t. XXVI, p (co-authors Linas Daugnora, Rimantė Guobytė, Dalia Kisielienė, Andra Simniškytė, Miglė Stančikaitė). Pamarių kultūros bendruomenių ūkininkavimo ypatumai, Lietuvos aukštųjų mokyklų mokslo darbai. Istorija, Vilnius, 2004, t. LXI, p Žemaitiškės 2-oji polinė gyvenvietė, Lietuvos aukštųjų mokyklų mokslo darbai. Istorija, Vilnius, 2004, t. LXII, p Neolitizacijos proceso ypatumai Lietuvoje, Lituanistica, Vilnius, 2004, Nr. 2 (58), p Upytės žemės priešistorė, Iš Panevėžio praeities: Upytės žemei 750 metų, Panevėžys, 2004, p Baltai Europos kultūrų erdvėje, Lituanistika šiuolaikiniame pasaulyje. Lietuva Europos istorijos ir kultūros kontekste. Pasaulio lituanistų bendrija, Vilnius, 2004, Nr. 7 8, p Įvadas, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2005, t. XXVII, p Archeologas-novatorius, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2005, t. XXVIII, p Lietuvos apgyvendinimas poledyninės imigracijos ar indoeuropietizacijos padarinys, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2005, t. XXVIII, p Profesionaliosios archeologijos pradininkas Lietuvoje. Prof. dr. Jonui Puzinui 100 metų, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2005, t. XXIX, p Jonas Puzinas akademinės Lietuvos archeologijos pradininkas, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2005, t. XXIX, p Šiaurės elnių keliai ir jų paplitimas Lietuvoje vėlyvajame paleolite, Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 2005, t. XXIX, p (co-author Linas Daugnora). Ar buvo polinių gyvenviečių akmens amžiuje Lietuvoje? Lituanistika, Vilnius, 2005, Nr. 2 (62), p Žvalgomieji tyrinėjimai Žemaičių Naumiesčio apylinkėse, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2002 metais, Vilnius, 2005, p (co-author Gintautas Zabiela). Vytautas Daugudis, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2002 metais, Vilnius, 2005, p Bronė Tautavičienė, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2002 metais, Vilnius, 2005, p Sūsios durpyno žvalgomieji archeologiniai tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2003 metais, Vilnius, 2005, p. 7 (co-authors Džiugas Brazaitis, Algimantas Merkevičius) Ar Pamarių kultūra priklausė virvelinės keramikos kultūros ratui? Lituanistica, Vilnius, 2006, Nr. 4 (68), p Environment and Stone Age man in the Lithuanian territory, Eurasian perspectives on enviromental archaeology. Poznań, 2007, t. III, p (co-author Linas Daugnora). Vytautas Kazakevičius the prominent Lithuanian archaeologist, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 2007, vol. 8, p A defence installation of the developing Lithuanian state, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 2007, vol. 8, p Kada prasidėjo bronzos amžius Lietuvos teritorijoje? Lietuvos aukštųjų mokyklų mokslo darbai. Istorija, Vilnius, 2007, t. LXVII, p CD Preface, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 2008, vol. 9, p The influence of the environment of the human population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 2008, vol. 9, p Tarptautinė konferencija Žirgas ir žmogus Europos priešistorėje (pasaulėžiūra, laidojimo apeigos, karinis ir kasdienis gyvenimas), Acta Historica Universitatis Klaipedensis, Klaipėda, 2008, t. XVII. Nauji požiūriai į Klaipėdos miesto ir krašto praeitį, p When did domesticated horses appear in Lithuania?, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 2009, vol. 11, p (coauthors Linas Daugnora, Indrė Antanaitis-Jacobs). Preface, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 2009, vol. 12, p Butchery in the early Bronze Age (by Kretuonas 1C settlement data), Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 2009, vol. 12, p (co-author Linas Daugnora).

25 III. Publications edited by A. Girininkas 1994 Baltų archeologija. Vilnius: Lietuvos kultūros paveldo mokslinio centro žurnalas, vol p.; vol p. Gyvenviečių ir keramikos raida baltų žemėse. Vilnius: Savastis. 162p Baltų archeologija. Vilnius: Kultūros paveldo centro žurnalas, vol p.; vol p.; vol p.; vol p.; vol p Baltų archeologija. Vilnius: Kultūros paveldo centro žurnalas, vol p.; vol p Baltų archeologija. Vilnius: Kultūros paveldo centro žurnalas, vol p Baltų archeologija. Vilnius: Kultūros paveldo centro žurnalas, vol , 60 p Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla, vol p Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla. 664 p. Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla, vol p.; vol p Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2000 metais. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla. 296 p. Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla. 312 p. Baltų archeologija. Vilnius: Kultūros paveldo centro ir Lietuvos istorijos instituto žurnalas, vol p. Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla, vol p.; vol p Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla, vol p Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla, vol p.; vol p. Vitas Valatka. Žemaičių žemės tyrinėjimai. Knyga I. Archeologija. Vilnius: regioninių kultūrinių iniciatyvų centras. 416 p. (co-editors Laimutė Valatkienė, Danutė Mukienė) Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2002 metais. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla. 370 p. Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2003 metais. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla. 340 p. Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla, vol p.; vol p.; vol p Archaeologia Baltica. Klaipėda: Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla, vol p. (co-editors Vladas Žulkus, Vytautas Kazakevičius). Archaeologia Baltica. Klaipėda: Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla, vol p. (co-editor Vladas Žulkus) Archaeologia Baltica. Klaipėda: Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla, vol. 9, 102 p. + įklijos 8 p Archaeologia Baltica. Klaipėda: Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla, vol p. + įklijos 4 p. IV. Reviews 1978 В.Ф. Исаенко, Неолит Припятского Полесья, Минск, c., Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 1977, Vilnius, 1978, p R. Rimantienė, Šventoji, Vilnius, 1979, [Kn.] 1: Narvos kultūros gyvenvietės. 189 p., Tarybų Lietuvos visuomenės mokslai. Istorija, Vilnius, 1980, Nr. 8, p (same title Литуанистика в СССР. История, Вильнюс, 1980, вып. 4, c ) М.М. Черняускi, Неалит Беларускага Панямо ния, Мiнск, c., Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 1980, Vilnius, 1981, p I. Loze, Akmens laikmeta māksla Austrumbaltijā, Rīga, p., Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 1985, Vilnius, 1986, p Archeologijos šiupinys, arba ieškant profesionalumo, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1994, Nr. 1, p Vidurio Lietuvos archeologija. Etnokultūriniai ryšiai, Kauno istorijos metraštis, Kaunas, 2000, t. II, p Senosios Žiemgalos istorinis ir kultūrinis paveldas, Žiemgala, Kaunas, 2004, Nr. 2, p Žemgaliai V XII amžiuje, I. Vaškevičiūtė. Vilnius: Vilniaus pedagoginio universiteto leidykla, 2004, Žiemgala, Vilnius, 2005, Nr. 1, p A survey of new archaeology books from Lithuania, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 2006, vol. 7, p ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 I AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS 25

26 Publications by Algirdas Girininkas GINTAUTAS ZABIELA V. Varia 1972 Archeologų konferencija, Tarybinis studentas (Vilnius), , Nr. 8 (790), p Baubonių Musteikių pilkapyno tyrinėjimas, Spartuolis (Trakai), , Nr. 123 (3462), p Pilkapyno tyrinėjimai, Spartuolis (Trakai), , Nr. 111 (3601), p Archeologiniai kasinėjimai prie Jaros, Kolektyvinis darbas (Anykščiai), , Nr. 15 (3445), p Tyrinėjimai prie Kretuono ežero, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 139 (3477), p Tyrinėjimai prie Kretuono, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 139 (3631), p Archeologiniai datavimo metodai, Mokslas ir gyvenimas, Vilnius, 1979, Nr. 2, p Neolitinis kaimas prie Kretuono ežero, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 113 (3911), p Senieji žmonių gyvenimo pėdsakai, Lietuvos TSR nacionalinis parkas, Vilnius, 1981, p Neolito gyventojai prie Kretuono, Mokslas ir gyvenimas, Vilnius, 1982, Nr. 6, p Per dailę istorijon, Komjaunimo tiesa, Vilnius, , Nr. 54 (9459), p. 4 (co-author Audronė Škiudaitė). Archeologinė kultūra. Kas tai?, Komjaunimo tiesa, Vilnius, , Nr. 208 (9613), p Ir Plungėje yra muziejus, Kultūros barai, Vilnius, 1983, Nr. 9, p (co-author Adomas Butrimas) Senieji Kretuono medžiotojai ir žvejai, Mūsų gamta, Vilnius, 1984, Nr. 12, p Reškutėnų piliakalnis, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 148 (4988), p Kretuono gyvenvietė, Tarybų Lietuvos enciklopedija, Vilnius, 1986, t. II, p Pakretuonės gyvenvietė, Tarybų Lietuvos enciklopedija, Vilnius, 1987, t. III, p Gelbėkime archeologinę Kretuono gyvenvietę, Literatūra ir menas, Vilnius, , Nr. 28 (2115), p. 13. Talkininkai prie Kretuono, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 112 (5420), p. 3. Žalvario amžiaus gyvenvietė prie Kretuono ežero, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 145 (5453), p Žemaitiškės neolito gyvenvietės, Tarybų Lietuvos enciklopedija, Vilnius, 1988, t. IV, p Rytinių ir vakarinių baltų kilmė, Mokslas ir gyvenimas, Vilnius, 1988, Nr. 7, p Prie Kretuono visa Lietuva, Literatūra ir menas, Vilnius, , Nr. 30, p Kai piliakalnių dar nebuvo, Mokslas ir gyvenimas, Vilnius, 1989, Nr. 3, p Mūsų titnagėliai deimantėliai, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 111 (5731), p Dar kartą apie baltų kilmę, Aušrinė (Vilnius), 1990, Nr. 1, p Reškutėnų piliakalnis, Rytas (Švenčionys), , Nr. 5 (12), p. 4. Baltai Europos aborigenai, Dienovidis (Vilnius), , Nr. 5, p. 5, 12 14; Nr. 7, p. 5 (same title, Dirva (Cleveland), , vol. LXXVI, Nr. 5, p. 11) Po mūsų nebebus mūsų istorijos, Auksinė varpa (Pakruojis), , Nr. 43 (5778), p. 3 (co-authors Romas Jarockis, Gintautas Zabiela). Archeologinė komisija, arba kas ir kaip saugos, tirs Lietuvos archeologijos paminklus, Dienovidis (Vilnius), , Nr. 48, p. 3 (co-author Giedrius Puodžiūnas). Paminklų naikinimas paspartėjo, Dienovidis (Vilnius), 1992, Nr. 52/53, p. 16. Seniausi laidojimo papročiai Rytų Lietuvoje, Ledakalnis (Aukštaitijos nacionalinio parko leidinys), 1992, Nr. 1, p. 26. Žmogus yra žmogus, Liaudies kultūra, Vilnius, 1991, Nr. 6, p. 2 4 (interviu L. Giedraičiui) Nauji piliakalniai, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 57 (6176), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Rėkučių gynybinė užtvara, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 59 (6178), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas) Naujos gyvenvietės, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 60 (6179), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Laidojimo papročiai, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 63 (6182), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Alkvietės, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 66 (6185), p. 2 (co-author V. Semėnas). Kretuonų ekspedicija 1993 metais, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 68 (6187), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). 26

27 Archeologinių tyrinėjimų istorija, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 83 (6202), p. 4; , Nr. 84 (6203), p. 4 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Eksperimentinės archeologijos pradininkas iš Švenčionių, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 91 (6210), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas) Ar šaukšte tikrai degutas? Lietuvos aidas, Vilnius, , Nr. 162 (6627), p. 11. Užmirštas tyrinėtojas, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 2 (6221), p. 3 4 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Nevieriškės - seniausias piliakalnis Lietuvoje, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 7 (6226), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Žeimenos prekybinis kelias akmens amžiuje, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 9 (6228), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Kretuonų nekropolis, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 10 (6229), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Etnografinių tyrinėjimų istorija Nalšioje, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 12 (6231), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Profesorė iš Pilypų kaimo, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 14 (6233), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Naujos senovės gyvenvietės, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 29 (6248), p. 3 (co-author Vidas Semėnas). Netektis, Apžvalga (Vilnius), , Nr. 6 (158), p Ištirti nauji paminklai, Žvaigždė (Švenčionys), , Nr. 7 (6328), p. 2 3 (co-authors Vidas Semėnas, Egidijus Šatavičius) Archeologijos paminklai, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Jaros antroji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p. 47. Jaros ketvirtoji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p. 47. Jaros pirmoji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p. 47. Jaros trečioji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Jotkonių senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p. 48. Visėtiškių senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Dvarykščiaus senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Mintaučių senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Akmeniškių antroji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Akmeniškių pirmoji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Akvieriškės piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Aučynų piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Bogutiškės piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Cirkliškio piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Juodeliškės pilkapynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Kačėniškės piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Žeimenų ežero antroji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Žeimenų ežero pirmoji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Kuklių antroji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Kuklių pirmoji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Kulbokiškės pilkapynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Pakretuonės antroji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Pakretuonės pirmoji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Pakretuonės stovyklavietė ir gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Žemaitiškės antroji senovės gyvenvietė ir kapinynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Žemaitiškės ketvirtoji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Žemaitiškės pirmoji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Žemaitiškės trečioji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Prienų piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Rakštelių piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Rėkučių senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Rėkučių stovyklavietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Vajuonio ežero senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Kretuono antroji senovės gyvenvietė ir kapinynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, Reškutėnų piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Eglyno senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Kretuono pirmoji senovės gyvenvietė ir kapinynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. 1, p Žemaitiškės penktoji senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Senos Pašaminės senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Šilinės pilkapynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Paduobės Šaltaliūnės pirmasis pilkapynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Paduobės Šaltaliūnės antrasis pilkapynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 I AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS 27

28 Publications by Algirdas Girininkas GINTAUTAS ZABIELA Paduobės Šaltaliūnės senovės gyvenvietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Paduobės Šaltaliūnės trečiasis pilkapynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Šventos pilkapynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Trakų pilkapynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1996, t. I, p Kada ir kaip baltų gentys susipažino su krikščionybe? Kur galėjo stovėti pirmoji krikščioniška bažnyčia? Apžvalga (Vilnius), 1996, Nr. 51/52, p Kultūros paveldą sunaikinti ar sutvarkyti? Apžvalga (Vilnius), , Nr. 44, p Barčių piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Karalienės Bonos pilis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Gudžių pilkapynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Jurgiškių pilkapynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Norkūno pilis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Liškiavos piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Merkinės piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Mikniūnų pilaitė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Radyščiaus piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Subartonių piliakalnis Balynas, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Girežerio piliakalnis, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p Pasienių stovyklavietė, Kultūros paminklų enciklopedija. Rytų Lietuva, Vilnius, 1998, t. II, p. 326 (co-author Egidijus Šatavičius). Įvertinkime jau sukauptą medžiagą, Baltų archeologija, Vilnius, 1998, Nr. 1/2 (11/12), p. 1. Reškutėnų paslaptys, Mūsų gamta, Vilnius, 1998, Nr. 2, p Eneolito žmogus iš Pietų Tirolio, Apžvalga, 1998, Nr. 4 (361), , p. 10. Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2000 m., Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily Senovę galėsime ne tik pamatyti, bet ir joje pagyventi, Draugas (Chicago), , vol. LXXXVIII, Nr. 98, p. 4. Tikrasis archeologų vadovas, Draugas (Chicago), , vol. LXXXVIII, Nr. 113, p. 4. Mokslas, kuris įrodymų ieško po žeme, Draugas (Chicago), , vol. LXXXVIII. Priedas Literatūra. Menas. Mokslas, Nr. 124 (25), p. 2. Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2001 m., Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily Senovę galėsime ne tik pamatyti, bet ir joje pagyventi, Draugas (Chicago), , vol. LXXXIX, Nr. 98, p. 4. Velnias nešė ir pametė Grūto pelkėje, Draugas (Chicago), , vol. LXXXIX, Nr. 127, p. 4. Šventė Palūšėje, priešistoriniame kaimelyje, Draugas (Chicago), vol. LXXXIX, Nr. 133, p. 5. Acheulio kultūra, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2001, t. I, p. 59. Ahrensburgo kultūra, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2001, t. I, p Archeologinis datavimas, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2001, t. I, p Ariuşd, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2001, t. I, p Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2002 m., Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily Pabaltijo priešistorės tyrinėtojų simpoziumas Rygoje, Draugas (Chicago), , vol. LXXXX. Priedas Literatūra. Menas. Mokslas, Nr. 106 (22), p. 2. Po Žiemgalos kraštą pasidairius, Draugas (Chicago), , vol. LXXXX, Nr. 137, p. 5. Parodoje Mokslas 2002, Draugas (Chicago), , vol. LXXXX. Priedas Literatūra. Menas. Mokslas, Nr. 140 (29), p. 4. Nalšios žemės muziejus, Draugas (Chicago), , vol. LXXXX, Nr. 158, p m. Draugo kalendorius, Chicago, 2002, p. 28. M. Artamonov, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2002, t. II, p. 47. Asvos piliakalnis, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2002, t. II, p. 108 (co-author Aleksiejus Luchtanas). Atiro kultūra, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2002, t. II, p Azilio kultūra, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2002, t. II, p Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2003 m., Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily Bratoniškių stovyklavietė ir gyvenvietė, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2003, t. III, p Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2004 m., Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2005 m., Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily Jaros gyvenvietės, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2005, t. VIII, p Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2006 m., Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2007 m., Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily. 28

29 2007 Archeologo prof. Jono Puzino 100-mečio minėjimas Lietuvoje, Draugas (Chicago), , vol. XCVII, Nr. 44, p Šiluvos Marijos metai. Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2008 m. Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily. Chicago, 2007, p. 28 (co-author Audronė Škiudaitė) Maglemosės kultūra, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2008, t. XIV, p. 13. Mariupolio pilkapynas, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2008, t. XIV, p Megalitinių kapų kultūra, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2008, t. XIV, p Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2009 m., Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily (co-author Audronė Škiudaitė) Pratarmė Lietuvos skaitytojui, Kalevi Wiik. Europiečių šaknys, Vilnius, 2009, p. I VIII. Mezolitas, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2009, t. XV, p. 14. Modlona, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2009, t. XV, p Moustier kultūra, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2009, t. XV, p Mustenių pilkapynas, Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2009, t. XV, p Narvos kultūra, Visuotinė Lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2009, t. XVI, p Nemuno kultūra, Visuotinė Lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2009, t. XVI, p Neolitas, Visuotinė Lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2009, t. XVI, p Neolito revoliucija, Visuotinė Lietuvių enciklopedija, Vilnius, 2009, t. XVI, p Dienraščio Draugas kalendorius 2010 m., Draugas. The Lithuanian World-Wide Daily (co-author Audronė Škiudaitė). ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 I AT THE ORIGINS OF THE CULTURE OF THE BALTS 29

30 Pendants-amulets from Kretuonas IC settlement and the Schwarzort (Juodkrantė) collection.

31 II. PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 31

32 Ancient Mitochondrial Dna from Stone age Lithuania and the Possible Origins of the First Inhabitants ANCIENT MITOCHONDRIAL DNA FROM STONE AGE LITHUANIA AND THE POSSIBLE ORIGINS OF THE FIRST INHABITANTS RIMANTAS JANKAUSKAS RIMANTAS JANKAUSKAS Abstract This paper discusses recently published data on mitochondrial DNA (mtdna) extracted from Stone Age burials in Lithuania in a broader European context, and data from modern Lithuanians on the basis of recent literature. Several major processes (initial Palaeolithic colonisation, recolonisation after the LGM and Younger Dryas cold relapse, the spread of the Neolithic, and possible small-scale migrations in the Eneolithic age) could have left traces on the modern gene pool. From four Lithuanian samples where data on mtdna were available, one (Spiginas 4) belonged to haplogroup U4, and three (Donkalnis 1, and Kretuonas 1 and 3) to U5b2. In total, out of 17 individuals from Central and East European non-farming cultures (Mesolithic and Neolithic Ceramic, spanning a period from circa 7800 BC to 2300 BC), a majority of them had mtdna type U. An exceptionally high incidence of U5-types (more than 45%) occurs among the modern Saami (Lapps) of northern Scandinavia, perhaps the closest modern European equivalent of Mesolithic hunter-gatherers. Genetic time estimates based on modern mtdna have suggested that the U5-type arose by mutation about 50,000 to 40,000 years BP. This age implies that around the glacial maximum 20,000 years BP, U5 types were already present and could have repopulated Central and northern Europe as soon as northern areas were deglaciated. Both western (Franco-Cantabrian) and eastern (Pontic) refugia could be sources of this repopulation. In the recent Lithuanian population, U5 and U4 haplogroups are infrequent. The mtdna homogeneity observed across modern Europe is a more recent phenomenon, less than 7,000 years old, according to these ancient mtdna results. We can refer to the third millennium BC, internal European migrations from the Eneolithic that significantly modified the genetic landscape, as a time window little explored by archaeogeneticists. The imprecise chronology of mtdna mutations should in the first instance be based on audited archaeological sources. Key words: mtdna, U5 haplogroup, Stone Age, Lithuania. Introduction Europe as a subcontinent has witnessed several dramatic changes in archaeological cultures and population since since anatomically modern humans displaced the Neanderthal population around 30,000 to 40,000 years ago. Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers survived the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) about 25,000 years ago in southern and eastern refugia (Richards et al. 1996; Torroni et al. 2001), and resettled Central and Eastern Europe following the retreat of the ice sheets. With the end of the Ice Age ~9600 BC, their Late Palaeolithic and Mesolithic descendants or successors recolonised large parts of the deglaciated northern latitudes. Starting in 7000 BC, the Mesolithic way of life of hunting, gathering and fishing was rapidly or gradually replaced by the Stone Age farming cultures. Several major processes (initial Palaeolithic colonisation, recolonisation after the LGM and Younger Dryas cold relapse, the spread of the Neolithic, and possible small-scale migrations in the Eneolithic age) could have left traces on the modern European gene pool (Barbujani, Bertorelle 2001; Soares et al. 2010). The potential impact of such transitions on the genetic ancestry of modern Europeans has been extensively debated (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994; Richards et al. 1996; Sampietro et al. 2007). The application of ancient DNA studies added new stimulus to these discussions, as archaeogenetic research can help in reconstructing details of demographic history (Renfrew 2010), and mitochondrial DNA (mtdna) at present is considered to be the most informative genetic marker system for studying European prehistory (Soares et al. 2010). Some investigations have shown that early Central European farmers had a very limited genetic impact on the present European mtdna pool (Haak et al. 2005; Burger et al. 2006). However, it appears that there cannot be a universal pan-european model of cultural and population-biologic processes, as each climato-geographic region could have its own specificity (Zvelebil 1998), and populations are likely to differ in their history and genetic composition. During the last few years, advances in ancient DNA studies have provided a rapidly growing amount of data that serves as a basis for the verification or creation of new hypotheses, and also on a regional level, in our case, the eastern Baltic area (Bramanti et al. 2009). In this paper, we will attempt to summarise available relevant mtdna data, and to discuss their impact on possible trends for future research. 32

33 Data from ancient Lithuanian DNA: analysis and discussion A recent study (Bramanti et al. 2009) provides the following clades of mitochondrial DNA of Lithuanian Mesolithic and Neolithic samples: Spiginas 4 (GIN-5571: 7470 ± 60 BP) U4 Donkalnis 1 (Cultural context - Mesolithic) U5b2 Kretuonas 3 (OxA-5926: 5580 ± 65 BP) U5b2 Kretuonas 1 (OxA-5935: 5350 ± 130 BP) U5b2 In total, out of 17 individuals from Central and Eastern European non-farming cultures (Mesolithic and Neolithic Ceramic, spanning a period from circa 7800 BC to 2300 BC), a majority of them had mtdna type U : 11 belonged to the mitochondrial lineage U5, and two further individuals were U4-types. The presence of U-types, and in particular U5-types, in Stone Age Europeans has been predicted by some authors (Richards et al. 2000), based on the relative high frequency (about 10%) in the modern European population and on a founder analysis. It should be noted that an exceptionally high incidence of U5-types (more than 45%) occurs among the Saami (Lapps) of northern Scandinavia (Tambets et al. 2004), traditional reindeer herders, and therefore perhaps the closest modern European equivalent of Mesolithic hunter-gatherers. Interestingly, U5b2 subclade was not noted among contemporary Lithuanians (Kasperavičiūtė et al. 2004). Genetic time estimates based on modern mtdna have suggested that the U5-type arose by mutation about 50,000 to 40,000 years BP (Richards et al. 1996) or 55,000 to 30,000 years ago (Soares et al. 2010). This age implies that around the glacial maximum 20,000 years BP, U5 types were already present and could have repopulated Central and northern Europe as soon as northern areas were deglaciated. A number of authors have suggested that repopulation started out from the Franco-Cantabrian (Torroni et al. 2001; Achilli et al. 2004; Tambets et al. 2004; Zvelebil and Pettit 2006) and Pontic (the western Caucasus and southern European peninsulas) (Malyarchuk et al. 2008) glacial refuges around 15,000 years BP. On the basis of these data, it can be confirmed that the repopulation of northern and eastern Europe with U5 types had indeed occurred by the Late Palaeolithic-Mesolithic period, in agreement with the extrapolation from modern genetic data. Furthermore, the high variability of U5 types observed in the sample (eight different U5 types out of 11 individuals carrying U5) confirms that the mitochondrial U5 lineage had a long time to develop prior to the Mesolithic. The high frequency and diversity of U5 in this sample is mitochondrial evidence for an ancient, shared Mesolithic population stratum that underlies modern Europe and adjacent areas. The interaction between ancient farmers and huntergatherers is also of interest. A qualitative comparison between the northeast European ancient mtdna and the roughly contemporaneous Central European ancient mtdna presented in another study (Haak et al. 2005) shows that, while the mtdna in Central Europe consisted of up to 25% N1a-types and 0% U5 or U4- types, the north and east European sample examined contains no N1a-types and is dominated by U5-types. East European ancient DNA thus demonstrates that the early farmers and the hunter-gatherers exchanged female genetic lineages between the two areas only to a very limited extent, if at all. Indeed, in the recent Lithuanian population (Kasperavičiūtė et al. 2004), U5 and U4 haplogroups are infrequent. The most frequent from a total sample of 180 individuals representing all the regions of Lithuania are listed below. Haplogroup H 33.3%. Its distribution reflects a second intra-european expansion from the Franco-Cantabrian region circa 13,000 years BP (Achilli et al. 2004; Pereira et al. 2005). Haplogroup T 7.2%. It is generally considered as one of the main genetic signatures of the Neolithic expansions (time of origin circa 10,000 to 12,000 years BP in Fertile crescent) (Genographic project, 2010). Haplogroup V 5%. It originated around the western Mediterranean region, circa 13,600 years BP, possibly in Iberia (Soares et al. 2009). Haplogroup U frequency is only 2.8%. Subclade U4 frequency among modern Lithuanians is 5% (time of origin circa 20,000 years BP), U5 is 0.6%, U5a is 2.8% (time of origin circa 20,000 years BP) (Soares et al. 2010), U5a1 is 1.1% (time of origin circa 17,000 years BP) (Soares et al. 2010); U5b is 3.3% (time of origin circa 30,000 years BP) (Soares et al. 2010), and U5b1 is 1.1% (time of origin circa 25,000 years BP (Soares et al. 2010). The time of origin of U5b2, not found among contemporary Lithuanians, is estimated at circa 23,000 years BP. In general, the founder analysis of haplogroups H (and its subgroups H1, H3, H5), V and U5b1 (pooled frequency among contemporary Lithuanians 46.6%) indicates that they originated in southwest Europe and expanded after the Ice Age and at the end of the Younger Dryas cold event with several dispersal routes (Soares et al. 2010). However, the western (Franco- Cantabrian) Ice Age and Younger Dryas refuge, which is more analysed from a population demographic and genetic point of view (Gamble et al. 2005), seems not to be the single source of subsequent repopulation: the ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 33

34 Ancient Mitochondrial Dna from Stone age Lithuania and the Possible Origins of the First Inhabitants RIMANTAS JANKAUSKAS 34 presence of U4 may be the result of expansions from the eastern (Pontic) refuge (Malyarchuk et al. 2008). Concerning the area of the eastern Baltic, both ancient and modern mtdna data could be indicative of post- LGM repopulation from both refugia. Conclusions and trends for future research It may be concluded that the genetic continuity in Europe exemplified by the ancient and European-specific U5 type is recognisable in ancient mtdna samples spanning over 50,000 years. Both western and eastern refugia remain as plausible candidates of postglacial repopulation of the area. Although exchanges of goods are archaeologically evident during the Stone Age, there were no detectable genetic contacts between the early farmers of Central Europe (Linienbandkeramik) and the residual hunter-gatherer groups inhabiting areas to the north and east, at least concerning the female lines. Europeans today seem to have inherited Mesolithic lineages (U4 and U5-types) coming from a common European Mesolithic substrate, whereas the female lines from the early Central European Neolithic farmers (N1a types) have not left a significant impact today. Overall, a pattern is emerging where the genetic lineages of modern Europeans have evidently been resident in Europe since the last Ice Age, and for a time at least, in genetically distinct regional pockets. One possible explanation is that many Neolithic pioneers were replaced by autochthonous groups who successfully adopted Neolithic technologies. The mtdna homogeneity observed across Europe is a more recent phenomenon, less than 7,000 years old, according to these ancient mtdna results. We can refer to the third millennium BC, internal European migrations occurring in the Eneolithic that significantly modified the genetic landscape, as a time window little explored by archaeogeneticists (Renfrew 2010). This requires further examination, as it has a bearing on a general issue of archaeogenetics. Moreover, as Gamble et al. (2005) pointed out, the simple mapping of genetic lineages on to traditional archaeological cultures often yields unsatisfactory results, as some archaeological cultures might not have genetic signatures. In any case, the imprecise chronology of genetic clock should in the first instance be based on audited archaeological sources. Perhaps the most important general point that can be drawn from this review might be that we have not yet learnt how to interpret the data very effectively (Renfrew 2010). 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36 Ancient Mitochondrial Dna from Stone age Lithuania and the Possible Origins of the First Inhabitants RIMANTAS JANKAUSKAS mo metu (prieš metų) U5 tipai jau buvo paplitę ir vėl apgyvendino Vidurio ir Rytų Europą ledynui nuslinkus. Šio antrinio apgyvendinimo šaltiniai galėjo būtų tiek vakarinė (Franko-Kantabrijos), tiek ir rytinė (šiaurinės Juodosios jūros pakrantės) slėptuvės. Tarp šiuolaikinių Lietuvos gyventojų U5 ir U4 haplogrupės yra retos. Remiantis šiais senovinės mtdnr duomenimis, dabartinės Europos mtdnr homogeniškumas yra vėlesnis fenomenas, gali būti mažiau kaip 7000 metų senumo. Galima būtų įtarti trečiąjį tūkstantmetį pr. Kr. vario bronzos amžiaus migracijas Europos viduje, kurios padarė ženklią įtaką Europos genetinei struktūrai. Deja, netikslus mtdnr mutacijų datavimas neleidžia daryti kategoriškų išvadų, ir hipotezės pirmiausia turi būti patikrintos remiantis patikimais archeologiniais duomenimis. 36

37 FISHING SEASONALITY AND TECHNIQUES IN PREHISTORY: WHY FRESHWATER FISH ARE SPECIAL VALDIS BĒRZIŅŠ Abstract Freshwater fish could provide the stable resource base that made possible permanent settlement in lake basins during the Mesolithic and Neolithic in the eastern Baltic region, but the utilisation of this resource required the development of a body of cultural knowledge and techniques for fishing in different seasons, corresponding to the changes in environmental conditions and the behaviour of fish. This paper examines Stone Age fishing techniques from a seasonal aspect, in the light of ethnographic accounts of traditional fishing. Key words: Mesolithic, Neolithic, fishing, seasonality, settlement, lakes. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 A well-known characteristic of the Mesolithic and Neolithic in the eastern Baltic region is the concentration of settlements in major lake basins. For these areas, the high degree of settlement permanence (inferred from archaeological data) has been explained in terms of the relatively secure subsistence base provided by lacustrine resources. First and foremost, this means freshwater fish. Thus, Algirdas Girininkas, in his monograph on the Neolithic settlements around Lake Kretuonas in eastern Lithuania, emphasises that fishing provided a stable food source, less dependent on seasonal variations and other circumstances than hunting and gathering. In his view, the transition to a settled way of life was connected with the development of fishing, which made the population less vulnerable to food shortages (Girininkas 1990, p.37; Daugnora, Girininkas 2004, p.190). This idea has been applied to the Mesolithic as well. Loze (1995, p.19) regards the Mesolithic occupations at Sūļagals and Zvidze in the Lake Lubāns area in eastern Latvia as permanently occupied sites, stressing the importance of the food resources provided by the adjacent rivers and lakes. In fact, she suggests that fishing may have provided the basis for permanent settlement at Lake Lubāns from the Final Palaeolithic (Loze 2001, p.45). Zagorska (2000) interprets some Middle Mesolithic sites in the eastern Baltic (Zvejnieki II, Kunda- Lammasmägi) as permanent, year-round settlements. Emphasising that fishing could be practised almost throughout the year, she argues that, in the eastern Baltic region, fishing was important for keeping people at one particular settlement location. From a theoretical standpoint, we may indeed regard freshwater fish as a resource that could have been utilised practically all the year round. From this point of view, freshwater fish can be contrasted with many other kinds of subsistence resources, whose seasonality of use by prehistoric communities was to a high degree biologically constrained. Thus, fish and birds migrating over long distances were simply out of reach during much of the annual cycle. The same applies to marine fish that migrate coastwards to feed or reproduce, but spend much of the year in deep waters, where they are beyond the reach of communities without advanced seafaring capabilities. Other resources obtain the characteristics making them attractive for human consumption at certain times of the year: fruit and nuts ripen at the end of the vegetation season; herbivores accrue maximum fat reserves and grow new winter coats in the autumn. Freshwater fish stand apart from the above-mentioned resources: they constitute a major food source that is potentially accessible and in good condition throughout the year. On the other hand, and this is equally important, fishing for freshwater fish requires different methods, skills and techniques, and different levels of energy and time input, depending on the season. Fish will only be caught in a particular season if the catching methods are appropriate to the environmental conditions and to fish behaviour in that season. Hence, the seasonality of fish as a food source depended in large measure on the fisherman s knowledge of the behaviour of the various fish species, and on the application of diverse gear and techniques to match the changing conditions at the fishing grounds. Vilkuna (1984) describes elegantly how, in the recent past, an anadramous fish resource, salmon, was exploited during the different stages of the migration season by employing a succession of fishing tech- II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 37

38 Fishing Seasonality and Techniques in Prehistory: why Freshwater Fish are Special VALDIS BĒRZIŅŠ 38 niques to match the changes in water conditions and fish behaviour. The same is apparent from Wanatebe s (1973) description of Pacific salmon fishing by the Ainu. No studies of this kind on traditional fishing for freshwater species are known to the author, but in fact the principle of matching techniques to seasonal situations applies in even greater measure: since they are potentially available all year round, freshwater fish constitute a resource whose seasonality of extraction is technologically determined to an even higher degree. The author has considered ethnographic descriptions of fishing techniques and equipment (mainly from the eastern Baltic region): although these accounts seldom focus explicitly on the seasonality of the use of fishing methods, it is nevertheless quite apparent that one of the main factors behind the diversity of equipment represented in the ethnographic record is the seasonal rotation of techniques and equipment to match changing requirements, thus providing a sequence of different fishing opportunities over the course of the year. Because of this, predictive models that simply take into account the likely or confirmed presence of freshwater fish in an area of prehistoric settlement are of limited value in themselves for assessing the seasonality of fishing activities. For example, if we want to factor salmon fishing into a model of the annual subsistence cycle of a past riverine community, then basically all we need do is to estimate the season of the salmon run, since this must have been the period of utilisation of this resource. For freshwater fish, the seasonality of utilisation is much more difficult to assess. This means that direct evidence from the study of annual growth increments on fish otoliths and vertebrae is very important, and also that we must consider the seasonality of fishing techniques. The ethnographic material affirms what archaeologists generally tend to assume, namely that fish spawning times were traditionally very important for fishing. During the spawning, fish tend to be very active in shallow waters, and moreover become less wary of danger, permitting the application of fishing methods that would be less effective or quite useless at other times of the year. However, there is no such thing as the fish spawning season. Different freshwater species breed in different seasons, together providing an annual cycle of fishing opportunities connected with the spawn (depending, of course, on the range of species actually present in the area). By far the most commonly represented species in archaeofaunal collections of the eastern Baltic is pike (Esox lucius). Pike spawn in the early spring in very shallow water, where they are particularly vulnerable. The common assumption that pike fishing was connected with the spawning period is supported by some direct evidence: studies of annuli on pike vertebrae from a mixed Mesolithic-Neolithic layer at Kunda Lammasmägi and the Early Neolithic site of Kõpu I in Estonia indicate that these fish really were caught in the spring (Moora, Lõugas 1995, p.479; Lõugas 1996a, p.288). Many other species spawn in the spring and early summer, when the water reaches the right temperature. These include ecologically tolerant species inhabiting a wide range of environments, such as perch (Perca fluviatilis), roach (Rutilus rutilus), bream (Abramis brama) and white bream (Blicca bjoerkna), as well as characteristic river species, such as grayling (Thymallus thymallus), chub (Leuciscus cephalus) and dace (Leuciscus leuciscus). Tench (Tinca tinca) and crucian carp (Carassius carassius) spawn at higher water temperatures, mainly in the summer months; pike-perch (Stizostedion lucioperca) and wels (Silurus glanis) likewise need warm conditions. Autumn is the spawning season, and also the season of the most intensive fishing, for the lake fish vendace (Coregonus albula), whereas the upstream spawning migration of burbot (Lota lota) occurs in mid-winter (Priedītis 1951, p.22ff; Plikšs, Aleksejevs 1998). In other words, the fishing cycle for spawning fish, at least in the eastern Baltic region, covers practically the whole year, although the greatest opportunities were in the spring and early summer. Autumn provided another window of opportunity for the fisherman, because in that season many freshwater fish (bream, white bream, roach, rudd [Scardinius erythropthalmus], chub and other species) tend to congregate before migrating to the deepwater locations where they spend the winter. Although most species retreat to deep waters and remain inactive during the winter, traditional fishing included a variety of special winter techniques that could provide plentiful catches. Finds of bone tools interpreted as ice-picks suggest that winter fishing was also practised in the Stone Age (Lõugas 1996b, p.107). Palaeopathological evidence has also been obtained indicating that people may have been active in winter on the ice: three cases of fractured lumbar vertebrae were recorded on male skeletons from the Mesolithic/ Neolithic cemetery of Zvejnieki in northern Latvia. These rather unusual fractures are thought to have resulted from falls on the ice during fishing (Jankauskas, Palubeckaitė 2006, p.156). Finds of actual fishing equipment are likewise very important for interpreting the seasonality of fishing activities. Researchers in the eastern Baltic are most

39 fortunate in that fishing gear made of organic materials has been preserved at a number of Stone Age sites. Compared with many other regions, we have a rich picture of the repertoire of Mesolithic and Neolithic fishing gear. Just as with the ethnographic material, so too for the Stone Age, the fisherman s need to apply methods appropriate to the behaviour of the fish species and to the conditions at the fishing location in that particular season goes a long way towards explaining the diversity of fishing equipment represented. The challenge is to interpret this valuable body of material in terms of its technical significance as a toolkit for a range of fishing methods applied in particular seasons and situations. Some of the Stone Age fishing gear is difficult to interpret in functional terms, because of the lack of analogies in recent material, and because of the fragmentary condition of the finds. Nevertheless, it is possible to form at least an approximate idea of the kinds of gear used in particular seasons and particular fishing conditions. A brief overview is given in the remainder of this paper. Bone fish spears have been found in fairly large numbers at Mesolithic and Neolithic sites, and as stray finds (sometimes in truly vast numbers, for example at Lake Lubāns: Vankina 1999). This attests to the importance of spearing as a fishing method. However, ethnographic accounts demonstrate that fish spearing was only possible under very specific conditions. In fact, several quite distinct techniques can be identified, applied to catching particular species in particular seasons and conditions. Moreover, there is ethnographic evidence that certain forms of iron fish spears and leisters were adapted for particular techniques (for example, very broad, lightweight leisters attached to a very long, but light shaft used specifically for pike-spearing during the spawn: Sabaneev 1911, p.318). Presumably, the diversity of Stone Age fish spears made of bone and antler likewise has a great deal of functional significance. One of these techniques is daytime spearing during the spawning, most famously for catching pike in flooded meadows (Sabaneev 1911, p.318; Sirelius 1934, p.97; Ligers 1942, p.24; Cimermanis 1962, p.168ff), but also for bream and tench (Sirelius 1934, p.97; Cimermanis 1963, p.90). In the past, the technique could also conceivably have been used against other species, such as pike-perch and wels (Sloka 1986, p.130). There is also plenty of ethnographic data on night-time spearing with a light source, which not only served to illuminate the water, but also attracted the fish and temporarily dazzled them. This method requires good visibility, so it could have been used later in the spring, once the floodwaters had subsided and the water was clear again, but only before the new growth of aquatic plants obscured the view. However, it is most commonly identified as an autumn activity, practised after the aquatic vegetation had died back, and was usually carried out from a boat. Various species of large fish were speared by this method, including tench, pike, bream, burbot and wels (Sabaneev 1911, pp.102, 477, ; Sirelius 1934, Fig. 174; Ligers 1942, p.25ff; Cimermanis 1962, p.169). Winter spearing through holes in the ice is also recorded, particularly for burbot, attracted by means of lures (Manninen 1931, p.119ff; Benecke 1881, p.90). Shooting fish with a bow may be regarded as an alternative to spearing, and would probably have been practised in similar conditions. It seems that needleshaped bone arrowheads would have been particularly well suited for this purpose (Zagorska 1991, p.47). At the Mesolithic sites of Ivanovsko 3 and 7, in central Russia, needle-shaped bone arrowheads and an unserially barbed arrowhead have been found sticking into the former lake bed at a steep angle. Presumably, these were lost in the course of shooting fish (Zhilin 2004, p.56). Stunning fish through the first, thin autumn ice was a special technique for this season, when conditions were unfavourable for other fishing methods (Manninen 1931, p.107; Ligers 1942, p.9ff). A heavy, longhandled wooden club, which would have been suitable for the purpose, has been found at Šventoji site 2B in western Lithuania (Rimantienė 1979, p.24, Fig. 47.2). Angling would have been primarily a method for catching large carnivorous fish, such as pike, perch, wels and burbot (Cimermanis 1973, p.121; Lõugas 1996b, p.105; Sloka 1979, p.69). Large numbers of singlepiece bone fish-hooks, as well as bone points and bone or slate shanks of composite fish-hooks, and some bone gorges and sinkers, have been recovered at archaeological sites, and particularly as stray finds. Several kinds of fish-hooks can be dated to the Neolithic. They show a range of forms and sizes, and would have been suitable for catching particular species of fish (Zagorska 1977; 1994). Angling is effective at times when the fish are actively feeding. As the wealth of angling literature explains, the seasonal feeding periods differ for each species (Āķītis 2002). So far in the eastern Baltic, remains of weirs, traps and components of other semi-permanent barriers have only been found at some Neolithic sites with outstanding preservation conditions (Loze 2001, p.33ff; Rimantienė 2005, p.72ff, pp and pp ; Bērziņš 2006, p.51ff). However, the presence of remains from small fish in screened samples from the Mesolithic site of Vendzavas in western Latvia indicates that nets or traps were already used at this time (Lõugas 2002, p.50). In any case, net techniques were already in use in the Baltic Sea region at the begin- ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 39

40 Fishing Seasonality and Techniques in Prehistory: why Freshwater Fish are Special VALDIS BĒRZIŅŠ ning of the Mesolithic, as we know from the Antrea Korpilahti find in Karelia (Pälsi 1920; Sirelius 1934, p.127; Miettinen et al. 2008). In many cases, fragmentary remains are very difficult to categorise functionally, as deriving from gill nets (stationary nets designed to catch fish behind their gills), seine nets (nets used to surround fish) or other kinds of nets, since floats, sinkers and remains of the mesh are in many cases not diagnostic (Bērziņš 2008, Chapter 6). One group of finds indicating the use of gill nets in the Stone Age in northern and eastern Europe are wooden or bark discs with a central perforation (Bērziņš 2008, p.227ff): at least some of these objects may be regarded as having fitted on to the ends of poles used to drive fish into gill nets by beating the water, as described, for example, by Ligers (1942, pp.75, 77). Ethnographic accounts describe how weirs or separate fish-traps were used to catch pike, perch and roach in the spring in spawning grounds, or along the routes taken by fish to reach these locations (Benecke 1881, pp ; Ligers 1942, pp.45-46; Cimermanis 1962, p.175; 1963, pp.104, 106). The Early Neolithic weir at Zvidze in the Lake Lubāns area has been interpreted in this manner: it is thought to have been used at the time of the pike spawning, when the water level in the lake rose. The pike, swimming to the shallows to spawn, would be caught in the traps of the weir (Loze 2001, p.33ff). This is the principle of operation for the weirs erected in the seasonally flooded meadows around the lake in the recent past (Cimermanis 1973, p.122). Passive fishing gear, such as traps, fences and gill nets, is also important for fishing species that spawn in the summer in waters thick with aquatic vegetation (such as tench and crucian carp), since the vegetation greatly impedes the use of active gear (Benecke 1881, p.112; Anonymous 1892, pp.10-11; Sabaneev 1911, pp.471, ; Manninen 1931, p.193). In the winter, when the construction of permanent barriers was problematic because of the ice cover, gill nets could be inserted through holes in the ice and extended between the holes by means of long poles, after which the fish were driven into the nets (Ligers 1942, p.80ff, Figs ). A characteristic location for placing winter nets is across river inlets or outlets from lakes, since these are routes by which fish migrate in order to escape the stagnant, oxygen-deficient conditions under the ice (Anonymous 1892, pp.4, 6-7). There is some evidence, at least, of Stone Age seine nets. One artefact form commonly linked to seines is a wooden pole with knobs at both ends: such finds are regarded as end-sticks for seines. It has to be said that examples of such poles found at sites in the coastal belt, namely Sārnate and Šventoji (Vankina 1970, p.95, Fig. XXI. 8, 9; Rimantienė 2005, pp.70, 312, 453, Fig , 9, Fig ), cannot be regarded unequivocally as seine components, since we know from ethnographic examples that similar poles were attached to set nets used in coastal fisheries in order to prevent the net from twisting under the influence of the wind and the motion of the sea (Heinemann 1905, Fig. 1; Šulcs 1961, p.161, Fig. 16). More securely identifiable as end-sticks for seines are those examples found far inland, such as the pieces from Gorbunovo Bog in Russia (Eding 1940, Fig. 1. 3; Raushenbakh 1956, Fig ) and a fragment from the Early Neolithic stratum at Zvidze, near Lake Lubāns (Loze 1988, p.41, Fig. XXXVII.7). Seining is greatly hampered by aquatic vegetation, so it tends to be a distinctly seasonal activity: the best conditions are in the spring, before the vegetation has grown, and again in the autumn, after it has died back (Seligo 1926, pp.92, 93). Thus, the people of the Mesolithic and Neolithic were familiar with many of the elements constituting the arsenal of seasonally and locationally adapted fishing gear used by freshwater fishermen of the recent past. Such a versatile repertoire of fishing methods really was necessary for the comprehensive utilisation of the year-round resource potential of freshwater fish. The development of this body of cultural knowledge was without doubt particularly important for the emergence of settlement centres by major lake basins during the Mesolithic and Neolithic. Written in English by Valdis Bērziņš Abbreviation AE Arheoloģija un etnogrāfija (Rīga from 1957). References ANONYMOUS Die Fischerei im Babbitsee. Separatabdruck der Düna-Zeitung vom 17., 18. und 19. December Riga: n.p. ĀĶĪTIS, R., Makšķernieka rokasgrāmata. Rīga: Rasa. BENECKE, B., Fische, Fischerei und Fischzucht in Ost- und Westpreussen. Königsberg: Hartungsche Verlagsdruckerei. BĒRZIŅŠ, V., Zušu žebērkļi un zvejas aizsprostu detaļas no Sārnates neolīta apmetnes. Arheoloģija un etnogrāfija, 23, BĒRZIŅŠ, V., Sārnate: Living by a Coastal Lake During the East Baltic Neolithic. [online] Oulu: Oulu University Press (Acta Universitatis Ouluensis B Humaniora 86). Available from: isbn / [Accessed 31 March 2010]. 40

41 CIMERMANIS, S., Saldūdeņu zveja Lejasciemā un Beļavā 19. gs. otrajā pusē un 20. gs. sākumā. AE, 4, CIMERMANIS, S., Saldūdeņu zveja Vidzemē 19. un 20. gs. AE, 5, CIMERMANIS, S., Zvejas raksturs un svarīgākie rīki Latgalē 19. gs. otrajā pusē un 20. gs. AE, 10, DAUGNORA, L., GIRININKAS, A., Rytų Pabaltijo bendruomeniu gyvensena XI II tūkst. pr. Kr. Kaunas: Lietuvos veterinarijos akademija. GIRININKAS, A., Kretuonas vidurinis ir velyvasis neolitas. Lietuvos archeologija, 7. EDING, D.N., Novye nakhodki na Gorbunovskom torfianike. Materialy i issledovaniia po arkheologii SSSR, 1, HEINEMANN, B., Der Fischfang an der russischen Ostseeküste. Sonderdruck aus der Land und forstw. Zeitung No Riga: Ruez Buchdruckerei. JANKAUSKAS, R., PALUBECKAITĖ, Ž., Palaeopathological review of the Zvejnieki sample. Analysis of cases and considerations of subsistence. In: L. LARSSON, I. ZAGORSKA, eds. Back to the Origin. New Research in the Mesolithic-Neolithic Zvejnieki Cemetery and Environment, Northern Latvia. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia. Series in 8 o, 52), LIGERS, Z., Die Volkskultur der Letten. Ethnographische Forschungen, 1, Riga: Z. Ligers. LOZE, I.A., Poseleniia kamennogo veka Lubanskoi niziny. Mezolit, rannii i srednii neolit. Riga: Zinatne. LOZE, I., Lubāna ezera ieplakas akmens laikmeta apmetnes un to apdzīvotāju iztikas ekonomika. Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls, 1995 (2), LOZE, I., Akmens laikmeta zveja Latvijas lielāko ezeru baseinā. Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls, 2001 (4), LÕUGAS, L., 1996a. Analyses of animal remains from the excavations at the Lammasmägi site, Kunda, northeastern Estonia. PACT, 51, LÕUGAS, L., 1996b. Stone Age fishing strategies in Estonia. What did they depend on? Archaeofauna, 5, LÕUGAS, L., Analysis of animal bones from the Vendzavas (2000) excavation material. Ventspils muzeja raksti, 2, MANNINEN, I., Die Sachkultur Estlands, 1. Tartu: Opetatud Eesti Selts. MIETTINEN, A., SARMAJA-KORJONEN, K., SONNIN- EN, E., JUNGNER, H., LEMPIÄINEN, T., YLIKOSKI, K., MÄKIAHO, J-P., CARPELAN, C., The palaeoenvironment of the Antrea Net Find. Iskos, 16, MOORA, H., LÕUGAS, L., Natural conditions at the time of primary habitation of Hiiumaa Island. Proceedings of the Estonian Academy of Sciences. Humanities and Social Sciences, 44 (4), PÄLSI, S., Ein steinzeitlicher Moorfund bei Korpilahti im Kirchspiel Antrea, Län Viborg. Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja, 28 (2), PLIKŠS, M., ALEKSEJEVS, Ē., Zivis. Rīga: Gandrs. PRIEDĪTIS, A., Zivju migrācija un nozveja Padomju Latvijas ezeros un upēs. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība. RAUSHENBAKH, V.M., Srednee Zaural e v epokhu neolita i bronzy. Moskva: Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel stvo Kul turno-prosvetitel noi Literatury. RIMANTIENĖ, R., Šventoji. Narvos kulturos gyvenvietės. Vilnius: Mokslas. RIMANTIENĖ, R., Die Steinzeitfischer an der Ostseelagune in Litauen. Forschungen in Šventoji und Būtingė. Vilnius: Litauisches Nationalmuseum. SABANEEV, L., Ryby Rossii: zhizn i lovlia nashikh presnovodnikh ryb. Moskva: A.A. Kartsev. SELIGO, A., Die Fischerei in den Fliessen, Seen und Strandgewässern Mitteleuropas. Handbuch der Binnenfischerei Mitteleuropas, 5. Stuttgart: Schweizerbart sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. SIRELIUS, U.T., Die Volkskultur Finnlands, 1. Berlin & Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter & Co. SLOKA, J., Zivis senajās X XIV gs. apmetnēs Daugavas krastos. Latvijas PSR Zinātņu Akadēmijas Vēstis 1979 (9), SLOKA, J., Zivis Zvidzes mezolīta un neolīta apmetnē (VI III g.t. p.m.ē). Latvijas PSR Zinātņu akadēmijas vēstis, 1986 (9), ŠULCS, A., Jūras zvejniecības darba rīki Ziemeļkurzemē 19. gs. otrajā pusē. Arheoloģija un etnogrāfija, 3, VANKINA, L.V., Torfianikovaia stoianka Sarnate. Riga: Zinatne. VANKINA, L., The Collection of Stone Age Bone and Antler Artefacts from Lake Lubāna (Latvijas Vēstures Muzeja Raksti, 4). VILKUNA, K., Die Fischfangeräte und das Verhalten des Fisches. In: B. Gunda, ed. The Fishing Culture of the World, 1. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, WANATEBE, H., The Ainu Ecosystem. Environment and Group structure. Seattle, London: University of Washington Press (American Ethnological Society Monograph 54). ZAGORSKA, I., Viengabala kaula makšķeres āķi Latvijā. Latvijas PSR Zinātņu Akadēmijas Vēstis, 1977 (8), ZAGORSKA, I.A., Rybolovstvo i morskoi promysel v kamennom veke na territorii Latvii. In: N.N. GURINA, ed. Rybolovstvo i morskoi promysel v epokhu mezolita rannego metalla v lesnoi i lesostepnoi zone Vostochnoi Evropy. Leningrad: Nauka, ZAGORSKA, I., Saliktie makšķerāķi Latvijas arheoloģiskajā materiālā. Arheoloģija un etnogrāfija, 17, ZAGORSKA, I., Daži savācējsaimniecības aspekti Austrumbaltijā. Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls, 2000 (2), ZHILIN, M., Prirodnaia sreda i khoziaistvo mezoliticheskogo naseleniia centra i severo-zapada lesnoi zony vostochnoi Evropy. Moskva: Academia. Received: 6 April 2010; Revised: 3 May 2010; Accepted: 22 June Valdis Bērziņš Institute of Latvian History at the University of Latvia Akadēmijas laukums street 1 Rīga LV-1050 Latvia ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 41

42 Fishing Seasonality and Techniques in Prehistory: why Freshwater Fish are Special VALDIS BĒRZIŅŠ PRIEŠISTORINĖS ŽVEJYBOS SEZONIŠKUMAS IR ŽVEJYBOS TECHNOLOGIJOS: KODĖL GĖLAVANDENĖS ŽUVYS YRA YPAČ SVARBIOS VALDIS BĒRZIŅŠ Santrauka Stabilus pragyvenimo pagrindas, kurį suteikė ežerų ištekliai visų pirma gėlavandenės žuvys sudarė Rytų Baltijos ežerų regionų mezolito ir neolito gyvenviečių koncentracijos galimybę. Gėlavandenių žuvų ištekliai galbūt buvo naudojami ištisus metus ir skyrėsi nuo daugelio kitų pragyvenimo išteklių, kurių naudojimo sezoniškumas labai varžė priešistorinių bendruomenių biologines galimybes. Tačiau gėlavandenių žuvų žvejybai būdingi skirtingi įgūdžiai ir būdai, atitinkantys aplinkos ir žuvų elgesio pokyčius. Etnografinių duomenų studijos patvirtina, kad žuvų nerštas tradiciškai buvo labai svarbus žvejybai. Skirtingos gėlavandenių žuvų rūšys neršia skirtingu laiku, tuo užtikrindamos metinį neršto laikotarpio žvejybos galimybių ciklą, nors didžiausios galimybės buvo pavasarį ir vasaros pradžioje. Žuvų susibūrimo vietos prieš keliones į žiemojimo vietas sudarė kitą galimybę, be to, žiemos žvejybos technika galėjo būti žinoma ir akmens amžiuje. Etnografinės žinios liudija kelis žuvų badymo sezoninius būdus. Šaudymas iš lanko gali būti vertinamas kaip alternatyvus žeberklavimui būdas. Žuvies apsvaiginimas smūgiu per ledą yra ypatingas vėlyvo rudens žvejybos metodas. Meškeriojimas efektyvus tuo metu, kai žuvys aktyviai maitinasi. Stacionarūs žvejybos įrenginiai (spąstai, užtvankos, žiauniniai tinklai) galėjo būti naudojami pavasarį neršto ir migracijų į nerštavietes vietose, bet ypač aktyviai naudoti vasarą neršiančių žuvų rūšių žūklei, kai vandens augmenija trukdė žvejoti aktyvios žūklės būdais. Žiauniniai tinklai galėjo būti naudojami žiemą po ledu. Gaubiamieji tinklai daugiausia buvo naudojami pavasarį ir rudenį, kadangi vasarą tokiam žvejybos būdui trukdydavo gausi vandens augmenija. Mezolito ir neolito žmonės buvo gerai įvaldę sezoninių ir migracinių žvejybų technikas, kurias dar visai neseniai naudojo gėlavandenių žuvų žvejai. Tokia būdų įvairovė buvo būtina ištisus metus naudojant gėlavandenių žuvų išteklius ir buvo labai svarbi ežerų baseinų centrų susidarymui. Vertė Audronė Bliujienė 42

43 YOUNGER DRYAS TANGED POINT KEY SITES IN WESTERN POMERANIA TADEUSZ GALIŃSKI AND ZOFIA SULGOSTOWSKA Abstract Extensive excavations of Stone Age sites in Western Pomerania have been conducted since Three of them, the Rotnowo site 18, Tanowo site 3 and Bolków site 1, were selected as Tanged Point Younger Dryas key sites. These open sandy sites revealed well-preserved flint concentrations and a dwelling structure (Tanowo). Their flint inventories, with elements of Ahrensburgian culture, are made up of local flints. Younger Dryas chronology is supported by geology and C 14 from Rotnowo: 10820±80 BP [Poz-8309] (cal BC). The results of the investigations were compared with settlements from other regions of Poland and with sites from Lithuania and Latvia. Key words: Final Palaeolithic, Tanged Point key sites, Western Pomerania. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 The Younger Dryas settlement of Western Pomerania and the Central European Plain is represented by hunter societies adapted to the tundra environment: reindeer were the basic economic item and a main object of the symbolic culture. In terms of archaeological classification, reindeer hunters represent two main, closely related groups, Ahrensburgian and Sviderian cultures, also called the Masovian cycle (Krukowski 1939; Rust 1958; Taute 1968; Tromnau 1975; Schild 1975; Chmielewska 1978; Sulgostowska 1989). Ahrensburgian has been recorded in Holland, northern Germany and western areas of Poland, while Sviderian is characteristic of the basins of the Warta and Vistula rivers, Lithuania, Belarus and western Ukraine. The groups mentioned used specific flint points, tanged points, and for this reason are referred to as Younger Dryas Tanged Point cultures or the Tanged Point technocomplex. Ahrensburgian and Swiderian sites differ generally in some of the morphological and stylistic features of their artefacts, among which the most important is the presence of a flat retouch on the dorsal side of the tang on a Swiderian point. Though this and other differences are reflections of diverse processing traditions connected with their origin, they function within the framework of a quite similar socioeconomic and cultural system, which was based on the specialised exploitation of tundra reindeer herds. While the eastern part of Vistulian Pomerania is influenced by Masovian culture, in the western part, especially in the Lower Oder basin, the tanged point assemblage s present attributes are typical of Ahrensburgian culture of the North German Plain. The oldest in Western Pomerania, and one of the oldest in Poland, is a rich tanged point assemblage from site 18 at Rotnowo. The chronology, beginning with Younger Dryas, was established by C 14 measurement. The other key sites are Tanowo (site 3) and Bolków (site 1). These three sites will be presented as examples illustrating the development of the Younger Dryas Tanged Point cultures of Western Pomerania (Fig. 1). Rotnowo Rotnowo site 18 is located in the eastern part of the Szczecin Plain, about 100 kilometres northeast of Szczecin and ten kilometres southeast of Gryfice (Fig. 1). The settlement is situated on the flat, sandy platform of the first terrace above the floodplain of the now small River Lubieszowa, a right tributary of the Rega. The river runs through a Pleistocene gully in morainic hills, over one kilometre wide and marshy, with high and steep slopes (Fig. 2). During the 1997 and 1998 seasons, in two main cuts (an area of approximately 260 m 2 ), traces of rich Palaeolithic and Mesolithic settlements were excavated (Galiński 2007). In cut I/1997, a flint concentration of approximately six metres in diameter was recorded. The inventory (more than 13,000 flint artefacts) from the upper horizon is connected with the oldest phase of reindeer hunter settlement. A C 14 analysis made of bones from flint concentration 10820±80 BP [Poz- 8309] (cal BC) indicates the beginning of the Younger Dryas. The flint assemblage from the concentration consists of cores, blanks and tools, mainly end-scrapers, burins, truncations and tanged points. Local Lower Oder Jurassic flint was used for tool production. This is quite a good-quality flint, generally light-brown and olive in colour, and was extracted locally from the steep slopes of morainic hills and gullies. The numerous and rich inventories show a clear II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 43

44 TADEUSZ GALIŃSKI AND ZOFIA SULGOSTOWSKA Younger Dryas Tanged Point Key Sites in Western Pomerania Fig. 1. The location of the sites at Rotnowo (1), Tanowo (2) and Bolków (3). 44 relationship between the quality, size and shape of nodules and the method of processing. Depending on the above-mentioned attributes of the available nodules, the following Late Palaeolithic techniques were used: cores with parallel exploitation of two-platform Masovian type or with separate flaking surfaces, one platform or with changed orientation cores. Because no pre-cores were present, the core preparation was reconstructed by analysis of cores, especially initial cores and those abandoned in the early stages of exploitation, blank and waste products characteristic of core preparation and rejuvenation. For cores with one and two platforms, eight to 12-centimetre nodules were used. Their shape determined the early stages of preparation: full, pre-flaking surface, sides and back or limited platform preparation and pre-flaking surface correction. The most frequent were nodules that were triangular, flat or lenticular in section. The preparation of the pre-flaking surface encircled the sides or only the edge of the pre-core. The presence of one flat trimming blade proves that cores with wide and flat pre-flaking surfaces were prepared. Platforms were formed by one or a series of negatives from pre-flaking surfaces and from one side of the core. In exceptional cases, flat and properly oblique natural surfaces were used as platforms. In the case of some single-platform cores (conical and sub-conical) obtained from fragments of broken nodules, the preparation was limited to platform formation and the trimming of the future pre-flaking surface. The same procedure was used for six to eight-centimetre nodules: only one or two platforms were formed at the same time perpendicularly. The parallel exploitation of both platforms caused the regularisation of the other pre-flaking surface. In the flint concentration, there are rare examples of two single-platform nodular cores made from a massive blank. A substantial part of single-platform cores, flat and semi-conical, were earlier cores with the parallel exploitation of two platforms. The necessity of maximal nodule exploitation is revealed by a change in the orientation of single and double-platform cores. It is difficult to decide whether the initial form was determined by the nodule or by the processing traditions.

45 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 2. The geomorphological location of the site at Rotnowo. All the cores are very small (2.6 to 5.1 cm), and most of them are heavily exploited for blades and flakes. Traces of a pre-flaking surface and platform rejuvenations, as well as core transformations, to reduce damage during processing and to continue exploitation, are frequent. Bigger cores (5.2 to 10.5 cm) were abandoned due to damage. The cores were processed using direct percussion by a hard or soft punch. Some such stone tools, of dimensions 5.7 and nine centimetres, were found, trapezoid and cylindrical in shape. Their use wear is located in their lower parts, and proves their function. Direct percussion by a hard punch was limited to the initial preparation of some nodules, especially irregular ones. In this way thick, massive blank and large flakes (up to 7 to 11 cm in diameter) were obtained. The cores were exploited using a soft punch. In the concentration from cut I/1997, blade-flake cores (41%) prevail over flake cores (33%) and blade cores (26%). This is probably the result of the last stage of exploitation, when only flakes could be obtained. However, the flakes were also produced purposely, which is confirmed by their use as blanks for tool production. A blank used for tool production was analysed. It shows that flakes were used for end-scrapers (35%), burins (59%) perforators (60%) and notched tools (75%). Blades were used mainly for tanged points (100%), truncations (70%), retouched blades (100%), end-scrapers and burins. Out of all the blades (with a length of 2 to 9.3 cm), short blades (shorter than 4 cm) prevail. Blades of four to six centimetres long are not numerous, while those of six to nine centimetres are rare. Most blades are 0.9 to 1.2 centimetres and 1.3 to 1.8 centimetres in width. Wide blades of 1.9 to 2.9 centimetres are numerous, and the widest reach three to 3.7 centimetres. The biggest blades, as thick as 0.7 to 1.5 centimetres, processed first, with traces of cortex or core preparation, including trimming blades, were transformed into endscrapers, burins or regularly retouched blades. Independently of metric parameters, all the blades present similar stylistic properties. They are short rather than elongated, not very regular, and their edges are not parallel and often ragged. Their tops and bases II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 45

46 Younger Dryas Tanged Point Key Sites in Western Pomerania TADEUSZ GALIŃSKI AND ZOFIA SULGOSTOWSKA are generally wide, a little asymmetric when in section, curved rather than straight, and quite thick. The most commonly used for tool production, especially for the most numerous end-scrapers, were, it seems, blades four to six centimetres long, 1.6 to 2.9 centimetres wide, quite thick (0.7 to 1.2 cm) and quite regular. Flakes, medium and long, quite massive, oval or elongated, were willingly transformed into end-scrapers and burins. Typical of the inventory of flint concentration from cut I/1997 is the evident prevalence of flake over blade, and the low ratio of small blade exploitation (Table 1). Table 1. The general structure of core exploitation at Rotnowo, Tanowo and Bolków (%) Site Tanowo 3, cut XIII: western concentration Bolków 1, concentration II Rotnowo 18, cut I/1997: upper layer, flint concentration Flake exploitation Blade exploitation Small Total blade number exploitation of artefacts , ,776 The tool group consists of diverse forms of end-scrapers, end-scrapers+burins, burins, perforators, truncations, tanged points, notched pieces and regularly retouched blades. The end-scrapers (62%) dominate over burins (16%), truncations (3.7%), and tanged points (2.2%). The other tool groups mentioned do not exceed 2% (Table 2). Table 2. The general technological structure of tools from the sites discussed (%) Among end-scrapers, the most numerous (49.5%) are slender and short, with different working edges without retouched sides (catalogue 1 ) (Figs. 3.1,8). They are big, medium and small in size, made of blades and flakes. These are followed by short ones with different working edges without retouched sides (cat. 9) (Figs. 3.5,7), at over 20%; slender and short without retouched sides (cat. 5) (Fig. 3.4); slender and short with different working edges with retouched sides (cat. 2) (Figs. 3.2, 9); nosed, carinated, shouldered (cat. 4) (Fig. 3.3); and small, Tarnovian fan-shaped (cat. 8). Their ratio is 4% to 10%. And finally, the characteristic short with retouched sides (cat. 10) (Figs. 3.6,11) and short doubled with retouched sides (cat. 12) (Fig. 3.10). Among burins, there is a prevalence of asymmetric dihedral (cat. 23) (Fig. 6.1), more than 30% over lateral on truncation (cat. 26) (Fig. 4.3), over snap (cat. 31) and lateral on truncation (cat. 22). Their ratio is 6% to 18%. Among the rich group of truncations are big and small transverse (cat. 84), oblique (cat. 85), and the characteristic micro-truncations of the Zonhoven type (cat. 87) (Figs ). In the flint concentration under discussion, the ratio of tanged points is interesting. They are represented mainly by large, massive Lyngby points (cat ) (Fig. 4.4) and a close in style Ahrenburgian point (cat. 100) (Fig. 4.12). The reindeer hunters camp that was revealed in cut I/1997 was located in an attractive place, the widest part of a flat shelf, the highest of the terrace, with optimal access to the water basin. Due to this position, several phases of the settlement from the younger part of the Younger Dryas (cut II/1998) were situated almost in the same place. Because of the lack of dwelling structures in the vicinity of the flint concentration (the recorded dwelling is connected with a stage of Arch Backed Pieces culture from the Allerød period), it is assumed that Tanged Point groups used mobile, light tents, made of skin, typical in the period over the whole Central European Plain (Rust 1958; Chmielewska 1978; Tromnau 1980). 46 Tools Tanowo 3, XIII,W Bolków 1, II Rotnowo 18 End-scrapers Burins Truncations Tanged points Perforators Other tools Total number of tools Tanowo Tanowo site 3 is situated in the Wkra Forest about 20 kilometres northwest of Szczecin, close to the small River Gunica, a left tributary of the Oder (Fig. 1), on the river flood terrace, at the base of the southern scarp of a morainic ridge, kem type, adjacent to a marshy Pleistocene gully, one kilometre wide (Fig. 5). During 1 Numbers in brackets (catalogue/cat.) refer to the category of tools classification proposed by Romuald Schild (Schild 1975, pp.163, ).

47 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 3. Rotnowo site 18. Lithics: 1-11 end-scrapers. the 1993 to 1995 seasons, in a cut of approximately 240 square metres, traces of two flint concentrations were excavated (Galiński 2001), and 350 flint artefacts were explored. These camps were used in diverse phases of the Younger Dryas. The eastern concentration are from the younger part of the Younger Dryas and are technically and typologically analogous to concentrations from the Bolków site. The western concentration is generally dated to the first half of the Younger Dryas, representing an older phase of the Tanged Point settlement in the Lower Oder basin. This chronology is supported by the geology of the site. Tool production is based on the exploitation of local, morainic outcrops of cretaceous Baltic flint, with dark grey variations, and of quite good quality. The core technology was appropriate to Masovian-type core exploitation (for this, see also Rotnowo) (Fig. 5) and diverse single-platform (Fig. 6.1) and multi-platform cores with platforms and flaking surfaces situated perpendicularly, sub-round and round. The use of specific processing techniques was influenced by the size, shape and quality of available nodules. Nodules of eight to 12 centimetres were used for two opposite platform and single-platform cores. The preparation of pre-cores was similar to that described for Rotnowo. 47

48 TADEUSZ GALIŃSKI AND ZOFIA SULGOSTOWSKA Younger Dryas Tanged Point Key Sites in Western Pomerania Fig. 4. Rotnowo site 18. Lithics: 1-3 burins; 4, tanged points; 5-10 truncations. 48 In the case of smaller nodules (6 to 8 cm), the pre-core stage is not observed and the preparation was limited to platform preparation. When exploitation from the platform was impossible but the core was still big enough, the platform was not rejuvenated but the orientation was changed and the flaking surface was transformed into a new platform. Small nodules were used, without preparation, as discoid cores exploited from a natural or prepared edge platform, which could encircle all the circumference of a core or only a fragment. Discoid core technology was used, it seems, only when it was necessary to exploit small, discoid nodules. The metrical analysis of initial and abandoned, single and two-platform, cores and trimming blades, shows dimensions of seven to nine centimetres, and volumes of 150 to 200 centimetres. Maximally exploited cores are three to five centimetres high, with volumes of 25 to 50 cubic centimetres. Most of the cores were processed for blades: they were blank for more than 80% of the tools. Flakes were marginal and occasional products from preparation and core trimming, and as the last blank of highly exploited cores. Among blades from 2.6 to 9.4 centimetres long and 0.9 to 3.5 centimetres wide, short and middle, 3.1 to seven centimetres long and 1.1 to 1.5 centimetres wide, prevail. Among all cat-

49 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 5. The geomorphological location of the site at Tanowo. egories of blades, the examples similar in proportion to flakes are frequent. The blades are mostly products of non-initial stages of core exploitation. The domination of flake over blade and small blade exploitation is shown in Table 1. Blades used for tool production differ from raw blades from the western concentration. The blanks for more than 60% of tools were massive (a width of 1.6 to 3 cm). End-scrapers, burins, truncations and tanged points were made of the most imposing blades. Flakes, large and massive, were used sporadically for some end-scrapers, burins and notched tools. These observations indicate the living character of the settlement where flint was processed for meeting the current needs of the camp: the best blanks were transformed into tools used on the spot, and good blades are unique among raw blades. Tools are mainly endscrapers, burins, truncations and tanged points. Additionally, there are perforators, borers, retouched blades and notched pieces. The most frequent are truncations, more than 34%, which are followed by tanged points (21.8%), burins (12.5%) and end-scrapers (9%) (Table 2). Among end-scrapers, there are two categories: slender and short with different working edges without retouched sides (cat. 1), and slender and short with different working edges with retouched sides (cat. 2). All are big, massive, made of wide, regular blades (Figs. 6.4,7.1-2). Among burins, equally present are central on truncation (cat. 25), lateral on truncation (cat. 26), longitudinal single blow (cat. 32), and multiple, or dihedral+on truncation (cat. 39) (Fig ). Among the rich group of truncations are big and small transverse (cat. 84), oblique (cat. 85), (Fig. 4.3) and the characteristic micro-truncations of the Zonhoven type (cat. 87) (Fig ). Tanged points, as at Rotnowo, are represented by very massive Lyngby points (cat. 101) (Fig ) and less numerous Ahrensburgian points (cat. 100) (Fig ). A small number of flint artefacts in the concentration indicate quite a short duration of settlement, located on the northern, sandy and sunny terrace of the small River Gunica, probably one episode. Detailed palaeogeographical studies indicate camp localisation II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 49

50 TADEUSZ GALIŃSKI AND ZOFIA SULGOSTOWSKA Younger Dryas Tanged Point Key Sites in Western Pomerania Fig. 6. Tanowo site 3, trench XIII. Lithics: 1-2 cores; 3 truncation; 4 end-scraper. 50 in the highest part of the terrace on a promontory of about 400 square metres, between the River Gunica, more than two metres below, and the morainic bank. The slopes of the sandy promontory were soft to the north of the morainic hill, and just south of the river. The camp was situated conveniently in a sunny spot, with open access to the river and protection from the north by a morainic bank more than three metres high. A spatial analysis of the flint artefacts indicates that habitation dwellings were placed near flint concentrations, situated on a flat surface without flint artefacts. A dwelling was probably a light tent, circular, about five metres in diameter, constructed using wooden poles and reindeer skins, and surrounded by uneven stones. Flint was processed outside, on the sunny south and southeast sides of the dwelling. Bolków Bolków Site 1 is situated on the left bank of the River Oder, on the southern border of the Wkra Forest, about 25 kilometres northwest of Szczecin (Fig. 1), on a lightly elevated sandy flood terrace of a then dry, but now marshy, branch of Lake Świdwie (Fig. 8). During the 1981 to 1985, 1996 to 1998, and 2005 to 2006 seasons, over 400 square metres were excavated (the area of the site is approximately 0.8 ha) and 5,000 flint

51 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 7. Tanowo site 3, trench XIII. Lithics: 1-2 end-scrapers; 3-4 burins; 5-9 tanged points. artefacts were discovered. The results were partly published by Galiński and Jankowska (2006). At least five concentrations of Palaeolithic settlement were established, representing different chronological phases of Ahrensburgian culture from the main part of the Younger Dryas. The majority of the flint inventories (three settlement concentrations), from the second half of the period, present classic Ahrensburgian features known from the North German Plain. This rich site is representative of the culture in the Lower Oder basin. The tools were produced from cretaceous Baltic flint, a dark grey variety, and of quite good quality, locally exploited from morainic outcrops found in the vicinity, and from Jurassic Lower Oder flint, light brown and olive (the flint is similar to that at Tanowo and Rotnowo). The technique of double-platform core (Masovian core) was used parallel to that of separated flaking surfaces (38% to 40%), diverse forms of singleplatform cores (50% to 55%), and multiple-platform cores with changed orientation (6% to 10%). The original element, characteristic of Pomeranian tanged point inventories, were cores with separated flaking surfaces and platforms situated at right angles to each other. 51

52 TADEUSZ GALIŃSKI AND ZOFIA SULGOSTOWSKA Younger Dryas Tanged Point Key Sites in Western Pomerania 52 Fig. 8. The geomorphological location of the site at Bolków. Double and single-platform cores were formed from flat and nodular flint concretions (about 9 to 15 cm in diameter). Their processing, starting from pre-core preparation, was similar to that described at Tanowo and Rotnowo. The producers pragmatic approach was mainly directed at the maximal use of the exploited cores, applying diverse forms of cores, double, single and multiple-platform cores independently of the initial form influenced by the shape and size of nodules. Some double-platform cores were initially single-platform cores, or conversely, some single-platform cores were formerly cores exploited parallel from two opposite platforms. Multiple-platform cores with changed orientation were formerly single and double-platform cores. The same approach was decisive for the choice of a particular form of exploited core within diverse forms. In brief, the size, shape and quality of the available nodule, together with an inclination to gain a particular blade, were decisive for appropriate and trained activities of core preparation and exploitation. The method of platform preparations was similar to that at Tanowo, and small nodules were used, without preparation, as discoid cores exploited from a natural or prepared edged platform covering the entire core circumference or only a fragment. The discoid cores were used, it seems, when it was necessary to exploit small discoid nodules. A metric analysis of single and double-platform cores, initial and abandoned for different reasons, shows that the dimensions in both categories are similar (6.5 to 9 cm high), and their volumes are from 100 to 200 cubic centimetres. Maximally exploited cores are four to 4.5 centimetres high, with a 15 to 50 cubic centimetre volume. In comparison, one such core from Bolków is 5.4 centimetres high, with a volume of 70 to 90 cubic centimetres. Almost all the cores were processed for blades, which were blank for 75% to 77% of all determined tools, mainly end-scrapers, burins, truncations and tanged points. End-scrapers and burins were made mostly from medium and short blades (6 to 10 cm long), with a very varied width (1.7 to 3.5 cm). A typical blade for their production was eight to nine centimetres long, 2.2 to 2.7 centimetres wide, and 0.7 to 1.5 centimetres thick. The proportions of their length to width were 2 3:1, not very

53 regular, with edges that were not parallel, or parallel only in part, often slightly ragged and asymmetrical. Their bases were generally wide, with an asymmetrical platform. In cases of truncations and tanged points, different, narrower blades were used 0.9 to 1.6 centimetres wide. Their style is similar to the wider blades but regular, and slim examples are more frequent. As blanks for end-scrapers, burins and notched piece flakes (20% to 25%) were also used, big and medium in size, quite massive, thick, and oval or elongated in shape. Among tools are also core specimens made of nodule fragments. Blades and flakes were commonly divided to prepare blanks for tool production. There were two ways of carrying out this procedure: a) a blow to the upper part of the blank: a technique used primarily for flakes and massive blades b) breaking a blank In both cases, sometimes the notches were formed earlier, which is observed on some tools or production waste. During the processing of some tanged points and truncations, the classic micro-burin technique was quite often used. The inventories described show preferences for consistent flake and blade exploitation, and a minimal ratio of small blade production. The predominance of two groups is characteristic of the concentrations discussed: end-scrapers (32% to 40%) which prevail over burins (24% to 30%). There is quite a high ratio of truncations (15% to 18%) and an average ratio of tanged points (9% to 12%). Other tools, perforators and borers, denticulate pieces, regularly retouched blades or notched tools, do not exceed a few per cent. The general tool structure from concentration II is shown in Table 2. Among end-scrapers, slender and short ones with different working edges without retouched sides (cat. 1) prevail, at more than 50% (Fig. 9.1). They are followed by short ones without retouched sides (cat. 9) (Fig. 9.4); slender and short with different working edges with retouched sides (cat. 2) (Fig. 9.2); nosed, carinated, shouldered (cat. 4) (Figs. 9.3,7); and small, Tarnovian fan-shaped (cat. 8) (Fig. 9.6). The ratio of these end-scrapers is 10% to 15%. Finally, the following characteristic forms are not numerous, but always present: doubled without retouched sides (cat. 5 and 11) (Fig. 9.5), and circular (cat. 13). Among burins, the most frequent are asymmetric dihedral (cat. 23) (Fig. 9.8) and central on truncation (cat. 25) (Fig. 9.9). Their ratio is 20% to 25%. They are followed by median-dihedral (cat. 22) and on snap (cat. 31) 6% to 12%. Truncations include big and small specimens: transverse (cat. 84), oblique (cat. 85), and the characteristic micro-truncations of the Zonhoven type (cat. 87) (Figs , 10.12). The last forms also have a retouched base (cat. 88) (Fig ). Tanged points in the concentrations are represented mainly by Ahrensburgian (cat. 100) (Fig ), including Hintersee points according to Taute (1968, p.12ff) (Fig ), at over 90%. Lyngby points (cat ) (Fig ) are not numerous. Special attention should be paid to the sporadic presence of tanged points, Ahrensburgian in style, the asymmetry of the tang, with a flat dorsal retouch of the tang as in Masovian points (Fig. 10.8). Such points, as shown in other West Pomeranian sites, seem characteristic of the late and final Tanged Point settlements of the Younger Dryas in the Lower Oder basin or on the North German Plain. Ahrensburgian settlements at the Bolków site were situated on an open and sandy space, which was distant, more than 50 metres, from the lake. A flat surface, elevated more than one metre above the lake shore, was chosen. Camps are formed by singular, quite small (4 to 6 m in diameter) flint concentrations of a character connected with everyday living. In the vicinity of one, flint concentration pits were recorded. Field activity and Tadeusz Galiński s publications made the discussed meso-region the best recognised area of Western Pomerania. When we compare the state of research presented in the first, and last, general approach to the Polish Palaeolithic and Mesolithic (Prahistoria ziem polskich vol. I, Paleolit i mezolit, 1975), the progress of the research is evident. During excavations of hundred square metres, settlement episodes were revealed from the Final Palaeolithic to the Neolithic. In my contribution, I will consider the presented sites, belonging to thousands of such subsurface open sandy sites from the European Plain, with their limitations because of the poor preservation of organic material, in the context of the lands east of the Lower Oder basin. Raw material economy The human groups at Rotnowo, Tanowo and Bolków used local varieties of flints collected or extracted from morainic hills in the vicinity. The size, shape and quality of nodules (up to 12 to 15 cm in diameter) made it possible to process them according to the Ahrensburgian standard, to produce appropriate blades for tools. Analysing the sites to establish their character, habitation sites where flint was processed on the spot from nodules to tools, flint workshop or multi-functional sites, or workshops and habitation sites (Sulgostowska 2005, p.306), they show a differentiation. At Rotnowo, the proportion of all artefacts (extremely numerous in comparison with Tanowo and Bolków) to ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 53

54 TADEUSZ GALIŃSKI AND ZOFIA SULGOSTOWSKA Younger Dryas Tanged Point Key Sites in Western Pomerania Fig. 9. Bolków site 1. Lithics: 1-7 end-scrapers; 8-9 burins; truncations. 54 tools is unusually low (less than 2%), compared with neighbouring sites and Masovian sites in other regions (Sulgostowska 1989, Table 11). This suggests a multifunctional site, which is supported by the prevalence of flake exploitation (Table 1) and the use of flakes rather than blades as blanks for tools. The ratio of tools made of blades, at Tanowo 80%, and Bolków 77%, corresponds to the Nobel multi-functional agglomeration in western Ukraine, 66% to 81%, while Rotnowo, at less than 50%, is closer to Augustów in the Masurian Lakeland, where one of three flint concentrations was a blade workshop (Sulgostowska 1989, p.52 and p.75). The diversity of the sites is also reflected by the structure of the tool group. While at Rotnowo and Bolków burins and end-scrapers predominate over points (respectively 6% and 24% to 30%, a situation typical of the Całowanie and Nobel Masovian sites, where points constitute between 1.6% and 21.6%) (Sulgostowska 1989, p.47), Tanowo is unique, with points constituting more than 50% and 16% of tools other than endscrapers and burins. The result could be influenced by the small number of tools (32 at Tanowo versus 270 tools at Rotnowo, for this see Table 2), and suggests a hunting place with limited other activities. This is, however, contradicted by the presence of a dwelling.

55 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 10. Bolków site 1. Lithics: 1-10 tanged points; Zonhoven points. The detailed technological and metric description of Pomeranian inventories makes it possible to compare them with other Tanged Point Masovian sites. Because of the similarities in flint technology and economy of Ahrensburgian and Masovian societies (Sulgostowska 1989, p.57; 2005, p.333), comparisons with other territories up to several hundred kilometres away are justified. Data concerning blades from Pomeranian sites were assimilated with those from ten assemblages, flint concentrations from sites in central Poland: Całowanie, Dobiegniewo, Gulin and Rydno made of Upper Oxfordian=chocolate flint (Sulgostowska 2005, Table 6). Blades were characterised using their width, correlated with length, which describes the technique better than the length, which is highly dependent on nodule size. The Pomeranian blades are nine to 37 milimetres wide, and Masovian three to 39/45 milimetres (the maximum number is unique from 1,530 measured specimens), and the medium width of the Masovian blades 11.3 to 15.2 milimetres. The results of the measurement of blades used for tool production were as follows: Pomeranian inventories 9/17 to 35/37 milimetres; Masovian nine to 24 milimetres (Sulgostowska 1989, Table 12). The proportion of blades: width to length at the discussed Pomeranian sites is 1:2 3, while in the mentioned Masovian assemblages 55

56 Younger Dryas Tanged Point Key Sites in Western Pomerania TADEUSZ GALIŃSKI AND ZOFIA SULGOSTOWSKA 56 (including data from multifunctional sites processing cretaceous flint at Nobel, in western Ukraine), there is a proportion of 1:3 4 (Sulgostowska 1989, Table 12; 2005, Table 6). The diversity of proportions is also evident among blanks used for points: on Pomeranian sites they were made of blades and flakes nine to 16 milimetres wide, sometimes massive ones (Rotnowo and Bolków). Masovian assemblages observe a stricter standard for tanged points: 26% of 72 specimens are 14 to 15 milimetres wide (Sulgostowska 1989, Table 12). The described proportions, the thickness of Pomeranian inventories, could be a result of the flint-processing tradition rather than the raw material. Space relation of sites The flint concentrations recorded on the sites are similar in shape and size, several metres in diameter, to those at other sites on the plain. Their number is smaller than usual, and consequently the dwelling at Tanowo is specially worth mentioning, because such structures are very seldom reported among sites located on sand and are usually recorded on sites with more than five flint concentrations or agglomerations, like Całowanie and Rydno in central Poland (Schild 1975, p.305). The pits mentioned at Bolków are also unique. The place of West Pomeranian sites in the east-southern Tanged Points technocomplex On the discussed homogenous Ahrensburgian sites with Lyngby and Ahrensburgian points together with truncation and Zonhoven points, Masovian slim point was recorded only at Bolków. It is the opposite situation to waste territories east and south of the Oder basin, where Masovian points are predominant. But almost each Masovian site with more than 20 points presents an admixture of Ahrensburgian and Lyngby specimens (Sulgostowska 1989, p.63, Fig 7). There are, however, regions in the northern part of the plain where such points are more numerous: several sites in the Upper Vistula basin near Toruń, where almost all tanged points are truncated or backed (Marciniak, Mroczkowski 1983), or Szczebra in the Mazurian Lakeland (Siemaszko 2000), where characteristic waste from tang formation (Taute 1968, p.178) was also found. Conclusions The population of sub-baltic territories after deglaciation was considered by Rimutė Rimantienė (1971, pp.19-94), who coined the term Baltic madlen for numerous sites with Ahrensburgian and Lyngby points located in Lithuania. The suggestion that the southern Baltic coast was used as a road by hunting groups translocating to the east is supported by finds from Latvia (Zagorska 1996). The Salaspils-Laukskola site, where Ahrensburgian and Swiderian points are present, is located there, in the lower basin of the River Daugava (Zagorska 1994). At several flint concentrations, imports of raw materials were found from western, eastern and southwestern territories at a distance of up to 700 kilometres (Sulgostowska 2005, p.220ff). The Pomeranian sites of Bolków, Tanowo and Rotnowo, regularly settled by Tanged Point groups, self-sufficient in respect of flint supply, and without export-import relations with distant territories, could be considered an important point in the process of settling more eastern areas. Radiocarbon determination from Tanowo, and geological observations, date the beginning of these sites to the early Younger Dryas. Translated by Zofia Sulgostowska References CHMIELEWSKA, M., Późny paleolit pradoliny warszawsko-berlińskiej. Wrocław Warszawa Kraków: Ossolineum. GALIŃSKI, T., Osadnictwo późnopaleolityczne i mezolityczne na stanowisku w Tanowie. Wykopy łąkowe. Materiały Zachodniopomorskie, 46, GALIŃSKI, T., Rotnowo. Stanowisko paleolityczne i mezolityczne w Dolinie Lubieszowej na Pomorzu Zachodnim, Warszawa: Instytut Archeologii i etnologii PAN. GALIŃSKI, T., JANKOWSKA, D., Bolków 1. Stanowisko z końca paleolitu i początków mezolitu nad jeziorem Świdwie na Pomorzu Zachodnim. Materiały Zachodniopomorskie, Nowa Seria, II/III(1), MARCINIAK, M., MROCZYŃSKI, W., Nowe materiały schyłkowopaleolityczne z kompleksu stanowisk kultury świderskiej w Toruniu-Rudaku. Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici, Toruń. Archeologia, VII, KRUKOWSKI, S.W., 1939 (1948). Paleolit. In: Prehistoria ziem polskich. Encyklopedia Polska PAU, IV, Kraków. RIMANTIENĖ, R., Paleolit i mezolit Litvy. Vilnius: Mintis. RUST, A., Die jungpaläolithischen Zeltanlagen von Ahrensburg. Neumünster. SIEMASZKO, J., Szczebra 14 site. A Key to understanding the Paleolithic in the North-Eastern Part of Europe or Another Mystery. Lietuvos Archeologija, 19, SCHILD, R., Późny paleolit. In: Prahistoria ziem polskich, I: paleolit i mezolit. Wrocław. SULGOSTOWSKA, Z., Prahistoria międzyrzecza Wisły, Niemna i Dniestru u schyłku plejstocenu. Warszawa: PWN. SULGOSTOWSKA, Z., Kontakty społeczności późnopaleolitycznych i mezolitycznych między Odrą, Dźwiną i górnym Dniestrem. Studium dystrybucji wyt-

57 worów ze skał krzemionkowych. Warszawa: Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN. TAUTE, W., Die Stielspitzen-Gruppen im nördlichen Mitteleuropa. Ein Beitrag. Kenntnis der späten Altsteinzeit, Köln. TROMNAU, G., Neue Ausgrabungen im Ahrensburger Tunneltal. Offa-Bücher, 33, Neumünster. TROMNAU, G., Den Rentierjägern auf der Spur. 50 Jahre eisenzeitforschung im Ahrensburger Tunneltal. Neumünster. ZAGORSKA, I., Salaspils Laukskolas akmens laikmeta apmetne. Arheoloģija un etnogrāfija, 14, ZAGORSKA, I., Late Paleolithic Finds in the Daugava River Valley. In: L. LARSSON, ed. Earliest settlement of Scandinavia and its relationships with neighbouring areas. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia. Series in 8, no 24), Received: 13 April 2010; Revised: 2 May 2010; Accepted: 22 June Tadeusz Galiński Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology Polish Academy of Sciences Kusnierska street 12/12a, Szczecin, Poland Zofia Sulgostowska Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences al. Solidarności 105, Warsaw, Poland PAGRINDINIAI ANKSTYVOJO DRIASO ANTGALIŲ TYRINĖJIMAI VAKARŲ POMERANIJOJE TADEUSZ GALIŃSKI, ZOFIA SULGOSTOWSKA Santrauka Straipsnyje analizuojami 3 svarbiausi Vakarų Pomeranijos ankstyvojo driaso paleolitiniai paminklai su įvairiais titnaginiais antgaliais. Rotnowo (18 paminklas; pagal analizuotą kaulą datuotas: 10820±80 BP [Poz- 8309] (cal pr. Kr.), esantis Ščecino lygumos rytinėje dalyje, Rega upės vidurupyje; Bolków (1 paminklas; rasta 5000 titnago dirbinių) prie Świdwie ežero; Tanowo (3 paminklas; šiaurės elnių medžiotojų stovykla, kurioje rasta 350 titnago dirbinių), esantis Wkra miške. Bolków ir Tanowo paminklai yra kairiajame Oderio krante (1; 2; 5; 8 pav.). Rotnowo ir Tanowo paminklų inventorius, atsižvelgiant į technologines ir bendras įrankių grupių struktūras, turi skirtingas galinių gremžtukų, rėžtukų, retušuotų dirbinių, grąžtelių ir strėlių antgalių formas (3; 4; 6; 7; 9; 10 pav.). Strėlių antgaliai yra įvairūs: Arensburgo kultūros atgalių yra daugiau nei Lyngby ir Mazovijos ciklo antgalių tipų (10 pav.: 1 10). Svarbus yra Zonhoven tipo mikroretušas (10: pav.). Šie trys paminklai, kaip ir daugelis kitų atvirų smėlinių Vakarų Pomeranijos rytinės ir pietinės dalies gyvenviečių, buvo tyrinėti Tadeuszo Galińskio, medžiagą analizavo Zofia Sulgostowska. Pagrindinės aptariamos temos: žaliavos taupymas, paminklų su antgaliais technologinių kompleksų pagrindinės išsidėstymo vietos paminkle. Tanowo ir Bolków buvo tiesiog gyvenamosios vietos, o Rotnowo paskirtis buvo keleriopa (dirbtuvės ir gyvenamoji vieta kartu). Ši išvada pagrįsta faktu, kad čia daugiausia naudotos skeltės (1 lentelė). Skeltės įrankių gamybos ruošiniams naudotos kur kas dažniau nei ašmenėliai, kurių randama iš viso labai mažai (2 lentelė). Funkcinę paminklų įvairovę patvirtina ir įrankių grupių struktūra, rodanti neįprastai didelį Tanowo paminklo antgalių santykinį skaičių. Pomeranijos įrankių inventoriaus matmenų duomenys buvo palyginti su Mazovijos iš Vidurio Lenkijos ir Vakarų Ukrainos įrankiais. Palyginimas rodo grubesnes Pomeranijos įrankių proporcijas, kas greičiau yra apdirbimo tradicijų, o ne naudojamos medžiagos padarinys. Tanowo paminklo būsto liekanos, kaip ir duobės Bolków paminkle, yra labai retos kaip ir kitose paminkluose su titnaginiais antgaliais. Aptariamos homogeniškos Arensburgo kultūros gyvenvietės su Arensburgo ir Lyngby tipo antgaliais, retušu ir Zonhoven antgaliais yra retos į pietus ir rytus nuo Oderio žemupio. Antgaliai yra gausūs Lietuvoje Baltijos madlenas tai Pabaltijo teritorijų apgyvendinimo veiksnys, kai į nuo ledo išsivadavusias teritorijas pakrantėmis paskui šiaurės elnių bandas į rytus traukė medžiotojų grupės. Pietryčių Baltijos pakrančių paminkluose titnaginiai antgaliai yra įvairūs. Bendruomenės naudojo žaliavą iš vakarų, rytų ir pietryčių, dažnai žaliavos šaltiniai nuo radinio vietos nutolę net 700 km. Pomeranijos regionas, kuriame nuolat apsigyvendavo antgalius gaminančios bendruomenės, buvo laikomas svarbia labiau į rytus nutolusių teritorijų apgyvendinimo vieta. Tanowo radiokarboninė data ir geologinės aplinkybės leidžia skirti aprašomas gyvenvietes ankstyvajam driasui. Vertė Audronė Bliujienė ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 57

58 A Mesolithic Dwelling: Interpreting Evidence from the Užavas Celmi Site in Latvia NORMUNDS GRASIS A MESOLITHIC DWELLING: EVIDENCE INTERPRETING FROM THE UŽAVAS CELMI SITE IN LATVIA NORMUNDS GRASIS Abstract The site of Celmi in the parish of Užava is the first archaeological site in Latvia where a Kunda culture dwelling has been identified. The site is dated to the Middle Mesolithic ( cal. BC), and is a site where tools were made from locally available, poor-quality flint. An analysis of the dwelling depression, and the two hearths and stake-holes associated with it, suggests that a temporary shelter was erected here during the Mesolithic. Two flint-knapping areas, as well as other activity areas, can be identified in and near the dwelling-pit. The conclusions presented in this paper are largely hypothetical, and alternative interpretations are possible. Key words: dwelling, activity areas, Mesolithic, Latvia. Introduction In any archaeological period, a dwelling is the main element of a settlement site, characterising most clearly the way of life of the residents; but as we go further back into the past, the amount of such evidence decreases. The excavation of Mesolithic sites in the eastern Baltic has provided only a very limited amount of evidence of remains of dwellings that might permit a more precise characterisation of the character of Mesolithic dwellings and the activities carried out in them. Until now, only hearths have been identified at Mesolithic sites in Estonia and Latvia (Kriiska 2002, p.236; Zagorska 2001, p.49), and we can only hypothesise that some of these relate to dwellings. There is more evidence of dwellings from the area of present-day Lithuania, mostly from the southern part of the country. At the Varėnės 2 site, three semi-subterranean dwellings of Late Mesolithic Janisławice culture have been discovered (Ostrauskas 2001, p.180ff). Possibly also Mesolithic is a dwelling on the Gluobų 1 site (Juodagalvis 1994, pp.37ff, Fig. 4; Girininkas 2009, p.104). Initially, it was dated to the Late Neolithic, but the Mesolithic forms of many of the tools recovered here (Juodagalvis 1992) suggest that there are several chronological layers on this site. Unfortunately, because of the limited amount of material, no extensive analysis of dwellings has been possible up to now, so it is hard to identify features that might be characteristic of the Mesolithic in the eastern Baltic. This paper presents an analysis of a dwelling discovered on the Celmi site. The results of this study contribute to our knowledge of the way of life of Middle Stone Age hunter-fishers in Latvia. Questions and aims When identifying archaeological features that have been unearthed, which in the case of the Mesolithic generally take the form of various patches of earth, hearths and find concentrations, there is always the question: does what the archaeologist imagines correspond to the prehistoric reality? This applies very clearly to dwelling remains. In the case of the Celmi site, too, it was only after long consideration that the author designated the uncovered feature a dwelling. It must be borne in mind that a settlement is something much more than just one or more dwellings. It has been observed in the course of ethnographic studies that dwellings can be surrounded by a variety of activity areas, shelters, outdoor hearths, storage pits, etc. (Grøn, Kuznetsov 2003, p.219). This is confirmed by archaeological research, in the course of which a variety of activity areas have been identified, used for cooking, tool-making and other activities (Oshibkina 2006, pp.12 and 51-52; Carlsson 2009, p.431). Thus, when examining sites where the material is not so well preserved or less distinctive, there is always a possibility of error. A series of characteristics and relationships have been identified that permit Mesolithic archaeological features to be identified as dwellings. When we compare the material, we find that pits and depressions are among the most persistent indicators of dwellings. They appear as thickenings of the cultural layer four to ten metres in diameter, and ten to 50 centimetres thick (Grøn 2003, p.692). A study of associations between various features indicates that dwelling pits or 58

59 lenses tend to be associated with flint concentrations and hearths (Grøn 2003, Fig. 9). In view of these features and relationships, the feature uncovered at Celmi, consisting of a depression filled with a rather indistinct cultural layer, along with two hearths, stake-holes and an associated concentration of finds, can be regarded as a dwelling. The dating is based on two C 14 dates, although these are contradictory and need to be analysed within the overall context of the finds. The aims of this paper are: to analyse the material, in order to distinguish the features that could indicate dwelling structures; to determine the type of dwelling; and, based on the artefact material, to distinguish activity areas within the dwelling and in the immediate vicinity. In order to better understand the material recovered from the Celmi site, a series of thoroughly investigated and analysed dwellings of the Mesolithic of northern Europe, mainly Sweden and Denmark, are utilised for comparison. There are several reasons for this choice of comparative material. In the first place, as has already been mentioned, few dwellings are known in the eastern Baltic, and these have not been analysed in detail. Secondly, in Scandinavia there is a well-developed methodology for studying and analysing dwellings, which can be applied in full in the case of this particular site. Thirdly, although the structures utilised for comparison represent different archaeological cultures, the similarity of the natural environments and the living conditions presumably created the preconditions for similar principles of dwelling construction, and also for a similar kind of reflection in the material of the activities carried out in the dwellings. Celmi is an example of a site in Latvia where flint was in short supply, and where locally available poor-quality flint was extensively used. Accordingly, when analysing the distribution of flint and seeking to identify flint-knapping locations, generally accepted methods cannot be applied. The conclusions expressed in the paper and the relationships identified should only be regarded as hypothetical. The author is aware that alternative interpretations of the material are possible. The site location The site discussed here is located in western Latvia, in the Užava parish of the Ventspils district, at the edge of Sārnate Bog, 1.9 kilometres from the Baltic coast (Fig. 1). It is situated on a sandy hillock, 7.5 to eight metres above the present sea level, gradually rising in height westwards and adjoining a belt of relict dunes. During the Mesolithic, in the Lake Ancylus stage, according to geological studies, the water level was four to five metres higher than at present. In this area, the lower reaches of the River Užava and the environs of Sārnate Bog, there were one or more shallow freshwater lakes (Murniece et al. 1999, p.54). Only an approximate reconstruction of the situation at the time of the occupation of the site is possible. If we take as an approximate point of reference the five-metre line above present sea level, we see that the Celmi settlement was located on the western shore of a lake (Fig. 1). At present, it is not clear whether the site was located on an island, or to what extent the coastal lakes were connected with Lake Ancylus. The site and artefacts In 2000 and 2001, a total area of 130 square metres of the settlement site was excavated, uncovering occupation layers relating to the Kunda culture of the Middle Mesolithic and the Corded Ware culture of the Late Neolithic. Excavations were undertaken on the top of the hill, which is thought to have been the most intensively occupied. Because the excavations were limited to a fairly small area, in addition to some trial trenches, it is impossible to determine the overall extent of the site. The settlement was established on dune sands, which nowadays have a podsol soil with very distinct horizons. The contrasting soil horizons, the grey eluvial horizon, and the red-brown illuvial horizon, partly mask the archaeological features, so that these are difficult to identify. In addition to this, there is no pronounced cultural layer on the site, and it could be visually distinguished only at the locations of the features. Thus, in this particular case, the only possible approach was to excavate in spits corresponding to the soil horizons. The site was excavated in three spits, based on the soil horizons, and the locations of all finds were recorded individually. In the course of the excavations, evidence was found of a Mesolithic dwelling, a separate hearth, and two features that cannot be precisely identified. The Neolithic occupation is indicated by two hearths and two features extending into the natural subsoil. Across the site as a whole, it is impossible to identify any kind of chronological stratigraphy. In the area of the dwelling, Neolithic hearths and finds overlie a Mesolithic layer, whereas the Neolithic features discovered at the edges of the excavation area penetrate the Mesolithic layer. Organic material was not preserved on the site. A small but diverse range of flint artefacts was recovered, including raw materials in the form of pebbles and cores, ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 59

60 NORMUNDS GRASIS A Mesolithic Dwelling: Interpreting Evidence from the Užavas Celmi Site in Latvia Fig. 1. The location of the Celmi site. The five-metre contour corresponds approximately to the shoreline of Lake Ancylus and coastal lake(s): 1 five metres above sea level; 2 ten metres above sea level; 3 Sārnate Bog; 4 present-day parish centres. by-products in the form of flakes and blades, and tools and tool fragments. The main raw material is locally available poor-quality flint, as a consequence of which the tool forms are not distinctive and are difficult to compare typologically. Only a few stone and flint tools can be assigned to the Late Neolithic based on tool form. All of these are made of high-quality flint. In view of the observations made at other Corded Ware culture sites where evidence of flint-knapping has not been found, in this case too we may assume that all of the material relating to flint-knapping dates from the Mesolithic. The material is not evenly distributed across the excavated part of the settlement. Instead, three concentrations are distinguishable, one of which is associated with the dwelling. In the remainder of this paper, I shall discuss in more detail a part of the excavation area measuring 56 square metres, which includes the dwelling and its immediate environs. 60

61 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 2. Plan and cross-sections of the dwelling: 1 forest soil with humus lenses; 2 grey sand-eluvial horizon; 3 orange sand-illuvial horizon; 4 sand marking the location of the dwelling; 5 dark earth, distinct; 6 dark earth, less distinct; 7 charcoal-rich earth of the hearth; 8 stake-hole; 9 hollow at the base of the dwelling depression; 10 line of the outer wall of the dwelling. Description and dating of the dwelling The whole outline of the dwelling depression was recorded at a depth of 60 to 80 centimetres, appearing as a rounded area of darker, inhomogeneous sand, measuring 3.2 by 3.8 metres, not far from which, on opposite sides, were two hearths (Fig. 2). Part of the area distinguishable as belonging to the dwelling differed in colour only slightly from the surrounding light-coloured dune sand. Two darker areas were observed at the surface. One of these was a clearly distinguishable dark, charcoal-rich area at the eastern end of the dwelling, showing some indirect connection with Hearth 1, while the other area, less clearly distinguishable, was located at the northern limit of the dwelling and related to Hearth 4. On the western side, a small distance from the limit of the dwelling depression, were three pits of different forms and sizes, the dimensions of which vary from 30 by 30 centimetres up to 110 by 40 centimetres, with a depth of about 30 centimetres. The dwelling depression was about 40 centimetres deep. It may have been deeper, but because of the soil horizons the upper boundary was difficult to determine. As seen in the cross-sections (Fig. 2), the darker areas observed in the surface of the depression extended downwards in the form of dark patches. There was no stratigraphy that could indicate different floor levels. Several pits and hollows were observed in the lower part of the dwelling depression. At the centre was a circular pit measuring 25 centimetres in diameter and 40 centimetres in depth, containing the same kind of earth as the fill of the depression. In the western part was a second pit, smaller in diameter and shallower. Apart from this, two rounded hollows were observed in the eastern part of the depression, beneath an area of more intensive fill. The finds, stone pebbles, flint-knapping waste and flint tools, were concentrated, with few exceptions, at the top of the fill of the depression. The pit hearths at the edges of the dwelling are similar: circular in plan, with a diameter of 70 to 80 centimetres, with a layer of charcoal five to nine centimetres thick and burnt stones at the top. Hearth 1 contained a piece of worked flint and a flake, while Hearth 4 contained several blades. None of the finds from the hearths showed traces of exposure to fire. II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 61

62 A Mesolithic Dwelling: Interpreting Evidence from the Užavas Celmi Site in Latvia NORMUNDS GRASIS 62 Two charcoal samples have been dated. The first comes from the top of the fill of the dwelling depression and has been dated to the Middle Mesolithic (7510±80 BP, Tln-2917; cal. BC). This is at present the main point of reference for dating the Mesolithic occupation at the site. The second sample comes from Hearth 4, but in this case the result indicates a Late Bronze Age date (2813±80 BP, Tln-2916; cal. BC) (Bērziņš et al. 2009, p.7), which is in contradiction with the character of the material obtained from the hearth and the surrounding area. As has already been mentioned, the Middle Mesolithic and Late Neolithic finds are not strictly separated stratigraphically at the Celmi site. Even if we were to admit the possibility that Hearth 4 relates to Late Neolithic Corded Ware culture, and that the Mesolithic finds ended up in the hearth by accident, such a late date is not explicable in archaeological terms. Analysis of the dwelling Two forms of dwellings can be distinguished in the Mesolithic, in terms of the floor level: above-ground and semi-subterranean dwellings, of which the former tend to be regarded as relating to summer occupation, and the latter to winter occupation (Hernek 2003, p.228; Jensen 2009, p.471). Above-ground dwellings were built on the surface of the ground, and the occupation layer inside the dwelling forms a depression. Semi-subterranean dwellings have a specially created pit, which has become filled with a cultural layer during a long period of occupation. In terms of its structure, the dwelling uncovered at Celmi is reminiscent of a semi-subterranean dwelling, but there is a string of arguments that do not confirm this. Examining a variety of excavated semi-subterranean dwellings, we see that the fill of the depression consists of a more or less homogenous cultural layer (Hernek 2003, p.225, Fig. 31.5; Jensen 2003, p. 233ff, Fig. 32.4; Jensen 2009, p.467ff, Fig. 70.4), in which lenses representing floor levels can sometimes be distinguished. At Celmi, the fill of the depression does not consist of the kind of occupation layer that develops as the pit gradually becomes infilled during occupation. Rather, it tends to resemble disturbed dune sand. Also, the hearth in semi-subterranean dwellings is generally within the dwelling pit, rather than outside it. Thus, it seems most likely that in the case of Celmi, we are dealing with an above-ground dwelling. Somewhat baffling with regard to the structure of the dwelling is the considerable depth of the depression, at least 40 centimetres, and the occurrence of finds exclusively in the upper part of the fill. In the course of activities on the soft sand of the dunes, flint flakes and other finds should have been mixed into the layers below, but there are no such finds. A similar distribution of finds has been observed in other Mesolithic sites (Hernek 2003, p.225). As was pointed out by O. Grøn (2003, p.695), it is possible that these dwellings had a floorcovering of branches, twigs and bark, preventing the majority of flint flakes and tools from penetrating to the deeper layers. The main features characterising a dwelling structure are the stake-holes. In the Mesolithic, various kinds of stake-holes can be found, depending on the state of preservation, the type of construction and the form of the structure (round or elongated). In some dwellings, the stake-holes are arranged along the perimeter (Jensen 2003, p.233, Fig. 32.4; Casati, Sørensen 2009 p.438, Fig. 66.3), indicating the position of the walls. In other dwellings, they occur within the pit, located at the corners so as to form a rectangle (Hernek 2003, p.225, Fig. 31.4), or else there may be several stakeholes in a row along the centre (Larsson 1985, p.200, Fig. 2a). In the last two cases, the arrangement indicates roof-supporting structures. Also, in certain cases, stake-holes may occur both along the edges of the dwelling and in a row along the centre (Carlsson 2009, p.432, Fig. 65.2). Only in a few cases are stake-holes present throughout the area of a dwelling. Usually they are observed only in some of the deeper locations. One of the rare exceptions is a Veret e culture site, where seven to ten-centimetre diameter stakes were found densely spaced along the whole perimeter of the dwelling (Oshibkina 2006, p.47, Fig. 89). As is indicated by this description, there are no general regularities, and in interpreting the structure of a dwelling we cannot rely on analogies, but instead must proceed solely on the evidence from the particular dwelling in question. In assessing various dwellings in Scandinavia discovered in earlier excavations, it has rightly been pointed out that many stake-holes and post-holes may have been overlooked in the course of excavations (Grøn 2003, p.691). On the other hand, it is equally possible that natural structures in the earth may be mistaken for stake-holes, since they appear similar, but are of different origin. On the Celmi site one stake-hole or post-hole was located at the centre of the dwelling depression. Judging from the depth of the hole, this may relate to the main roof-supporting structures (Fig. 2). A second pit, located in the western part of the depression, and likewise the hollows in the eastern part, are difficult to interpret. As we can see in the plan, there are three features aligned on the central axis of the dwelling, seemingly marking the location of roof-supporting posts, but because these features differ from one another, they can-

63 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II Fig. 3. Distribution of flint flakes and unretouched blades per square metre. The relative size of the symbols indicates the number of finds, varying from one to 25 pieces. PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME not be interpreted as representing this kind of structure. Apart from this, the presence of several central roof supports is characteristic of elongated, rather than circular dwellings (Larsson 1985, p.200, Fig. 2a; Carlsson 2009, p.432). The position of the wall stakes is indicated by the pits on the western side, based on which it is possible to partly reconstruct the wall-line. The distribution of finds also supports the idea that there was a wall along this line (compare Figs. 3-5). It is possible that the 50 to 100-centimetre-wide space between the dwelling depression and the wall indicates a part of the dwelling which was less intensively used because of the slope of the wall. In semi-subterranean dwellings, platforms of this kind, seen in cases where a stretch of the wall does not coincide with the edge of the pit, are regarded as a part of the interior space that could have been used for sleeping, or for keeping items of dress, tools and other objects (Hernek 2003, p.223; Jensen 2009, p.467, Fig. 70.3). Locating the other walls of the dwelling is quite difficult. As has already been mentioned, according to the C 14 date, Hearth 4 is from the Bronze Age, but in terms of archaeological criteria, it corresponds to the Mesolithic. Henceforth, ignoring this contradiction, I will consider both hearths in the context of the Mesolithic finds. The situation is more difficult to comprehend, because the hearths are located on the possible line of the wall, outside the dwelling depression. In Mesolithic dwellings the hearths are not always positioned at the centre, and in certain cases they may be fairly close to the outer wall, but always within the limits of the pit or depression. One exception to this rule is an Early Mesolithic tent in Norway, where a hearth was located outside the structure opposite the entrance (Åstveit 2009, p.417). 63

64 NORMUNDS GRASIS A Mesolithic Dwelling: Interpreting Evidence from the Užavas Celmi Site in Latvia Fig. 4. Distribution of flint pebbles, cores and stone pebbles: 1 flint pebble; 2 flint pebble fragment; 3 core pre-form; 4 core; 5 round stone pebble; 6 elongated stone pebble; 7 fragmentary elongated stone pebble; 8 grindstone. 64 In the case of the Celmi dwelling, too, the hearths may have been located in front of the entrance. If we assume them to be contemporaneous, each having its own functions, it cannot be ruled out that the northeast wall of the dwelling was open, and that this was not a dwelling in the usual sense, but rather a kind of shelter open on one side. This is indirectly confirmed by the positions of the pits for the main supporting structures, at the centre of the dwelling and on one side of the semi-circle, as in the case of Strandvägen in Sweden, where a structure has been interpreted on the basis of the recovered finds as a workshop open on one side (Carlsson 2009, p.433, Fig. 65.3). Characteristically, Mesolithic dwellings have the entrance facing the shore of a body of water (Jensen 2003, p.234). If the structure at Celmi was a shelter, then in this case, too, the open side would have been facing the lake shore. The distribution of finds The analysis of finds is based on the study of the distribution patterns of particular categories of finds and the relationships between the distributions of these find categories (Skaarup, Grøn 2004, p.51). In dwellings where the material permits such an analysis, the first aim has been to distinguish flint-knapping areas. These are generally identified from the distribution of small flakes left from the retouching of flint tools, because these are more difficult to remove in the course

65 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 5. Distribution of whole and fragmentary flint tools: 1 side-scraper on flake; 2 end-scraper on blade; 3 retouched flake; 4 retouched blade. of cleaning the dwelling than larger pieces. The term small flake has not been applied consistently in dwelling analysis. In some cases, it is taken to mean flakes with a maximum dimension of up to ten milimetres (Jensen 2003, p.234), while in other cases a size limit of 20 millimetres has been applied (Skaarup, Grøn 2004, p.54ff). Evidently, it is necessary to consider the size of the raw material, namely the flint pebbles. At Celmi, small pebbles of low-quality flint have been used, measuring up to 60 millimetres in length, and the flakes and blades obtained are on average about 20 millimetres long. In this particular case, because of the relative paucity of finds, dividing the material in terms of size would serve no practical purpose. In analysing the material, it has also been taken into account that it may have been disturbed at the time of the second period of occupation, in the Late Neolithic, so the finds are not considered separately, but within the overall context instead, pooling the material from all the spits, including the individual finds recorded above the identified Mesolithic habitation level. By examining the relative frequency of flint flakes and unretouched blades per square metre, it is possible to distinguish two concentrations: one at the southern end of the dwelling, and the other on the eastern side of Hearth 4 (Fig. 3). The density of finds is low, and does not exceed 25 finds per square metre within the concentrations. The distribution of cores and flint pebbles coincides with the two concentrations of flakes and unretouched blades (Fig. 4). More or less similar concentrations can be identified in the distribution of elongated and rounded pebbles recovered in and around the dwelling. Two of these pieces have impact marks, 65

66 NORMUNDS GRASIS A Mesolithic Dwelling: Interpreting Evidence from the Užavas Celmi Site in Latvia Fig. 6. Activity areas within and around the dwelling. 66 suggesting that they served as hammerstones for flintknapping. If we consider the overall distribution of all the above-mentioned find categories, flint pebbles, cores, flakes, blades and stone pebbles, then it is possible to distinguish two flint-knapping areas: one at the eastern edge of the dwelling, and the other by Hearth 4. The tools from the site are small and not distinctive, which may indicate that, with a scarcity of flint, bone and antler tools were mainly used, which have not survived. The majority of the assemblage consists of retouched blade fragments and flakes with retouch along one edge. Scrapers constitute the main tool category, among them both side-scrapers (10) and end-scrapers (3), in addition to which there is a tip fragment from a lanceolate point. If we consider the distribution of flint scrapers, we find that, in addition to flint-knapping, other materials were also worked near Hearth 4: all of the end-scrapers from the site have been found here. Another group of scrapers, namely side-scrapers, was located in the central and rear part of the dwelling (Fig. 5). The location of the two different scraper forms in separate areas may indicate that each area served for working different materials. Conclusions If we consider the general picture that emerges from the analysis of the dwelling material, we have to admit that only hypothetical conclusions can be advanced. In the Middle Mesolithic ( cal. BC), the Celmi site, on the shore of a coastal lake, was inhabited by a small group of hunter-fishers, which, judging by the small number of finds and the weakly expressed cultural layer, occupied this location for a fairly short period, probably during the warm part of the year. The dwelling could have been a shelter that was open on the side facing the lake, built as a frame structure, its roof supported on a central post. In spite of the contradictory

67 dates, the material shows that there was a hearth on both sides of the shelter. Whether or not the hearths are contemporaneous cannot be determined. Several activity areas can be distinguished. At the centre of the shelter there may have been an area used for craft activities not related to flint-knapping. Apart from scrapers, various other tools and tool fragments were found here. In front of this, a flint-knapping area can be distinguished quite clearly, while at the northern edge, by the hearth, there is an area almost devoid of finds, which is considered in Mesolithic studies to indicate sleeping locations (Hernek 2003, pp ; Jensen 2003, p.236). A second activity area, outside the shelter, was located by Hearth 4. Judging by the finds, this area was used both for flint-knapping and for processing other materials (Fig. 6). In the course of analysing the material and seeking general patterns, the impression obtained was that the hearths had a passive role in the lives of the site s inhabitants, since there were no tool concentrations in their immediate vicinity, and practically no finds in the hearths themselves. Acknowledgements The author is grateful to Dr Valdis Bērziņš for arranging the C 14 dating in the framework of a project to date archaeological sites in western Latvia, funded by the State Culture Capital Foundation of Latvia, and to Dr Ilga Zagorska for advice and suggestions in the preparation of this paper. Translated by Valdis Bērziņš Abbreviations Mesolithic Horizons S. McCARTAN, R. SCHULTING, G. WARREN, P. WOODMAN, eds. Mesolithic Horizons. Papers presented at the Seventh International Conference on the Mesolithic in Europe, Belfast vol. I. Oxford, 2009: Oxbow Books. Mesolithic on the Move L. LARSSON, ed. Mesolithic on the Move. Papers presented at the Sixth International Conference on the Mesolithic in Europe, Stockholm Oxford: Oxbow Books. References ÅSTVEIT, L.I., Different ways of building, different ways of living: Mesolithic house structures in western Norway. In: Mesolithic Horizons, BĒRZIŅŠ, V., GRASIS, N., VASKS, A., ZIEDIŅA, E., Jauni 14 C datējumi arheoloģiskiem pieminekļiem Rietumlatvijā. Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls, 1, CARLSSON, T., Two houses and 186,000 artefacts. Spatial organization at the Late Mesolithic site of Strandvägen, Sweden. In: Mesolithic Horizons, CASATI, C., SØRENSEN, L., Ålyst: a settlement complex with hut structures from the Early Mesolithic on Bornholm, Denmark. In: Mesolithic Horizons, GIRININKAS, A., Lietuvos archeologija. Akmens amžius. vol. 1. Vilnius: Versus Aureus. GRØN, O., Mesolithic dwelling places in south Scandinavia: their definition and social interpretation. Antiquity, 298, GRØN, O., KUZNETSOV, O Ethno-archaeology among Evenkian forest hunters. Preliminary results and a different approach to reality! In: Mesolithic on the Move, HERNEK, R.A., Mesolithic Winter-Site with a Sunken Dwelling from the Swedish West Coast. In: Mesolithic on the Move, JENSEN, O.L., A Sunken Dwelling from the Ertebölle Site Nivå 10, Eastern Denmark. In: Mesolithic on the Move, JENSEN, O.L., Dwellings and graves from the Late Mesolithic site of Nivå 10, eastern Denmark. In: Mesolithic Horizons, JUODAGALVIS, V., Mezolitinės tradicijos vėlyvojo neolito titnago inventoriuse. Lietuvos archeologija, 9, JUODAGALVIS, V., Seniausios statybos pėdsakai Užnemunėje. Gyvenviečių ir keramikos raida baltų žemėse. Vilnius: Savastis, KRIISKA, A., Dwelling remains from Stone Age occupation sites in Estonia. In: H. RANTA, ed. Huts and Houses. Stone Age and Early Metal Age Buildings in Finland. Helsinki, LARSSON, L., Of House and Hearth. The Excavation, Interpretation and Reconstruction of a Late Mesolithic House. Archaeology and Environment, 4, MURNIECE, S., KALNINA, L., BĒRZINŠ, V., GRASIS, N., Environmental Change and Prehistoric Human Activity in Western Kurzeme, Latvia. In: U. MILLER, T. HACKENS, V. LANG, A. RAUKAS, S. HICKS, eds. PACT: Environmental and Cultural History of the Eastern Baltic region. Rixensart, 57, OSHIBKINA, S.V., Mezolit Vostochnovo Prionezhia. Kul tura Veret e. Moskva. OSTRAUSKAS, T., Glūko ir Varėnio ežerų apylinkės. In: V. BALTRŪNAS, ed. Akmens amžius pietų Lietuvoje (geologijos, paleogeografijos ir archeologijos duomenimis). Vilnius, SKAARUP, J., GRØN, O., Møllegabet II. A submerget Mesolithic settlement in southern Denmark. BAR International Series, Oxford. ZAGORSKA, I., Mezolīts g. pr. Kr. In: Ē MUGUREVIČS, A. VASKS, eds. Latvijas senākā vēsture. 9. g.t. pr. Kr g. Rīga: Latvijas Vēstures institūta apgāds, Received: 3 May 2010; Revised: 27 May 2010; Accepted: 22 June Normunds Grasis National History Museum of Latvia, Department of Archaeology Pils laukums street 3 Riga, LV-1050 Latvia ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 67

68 A Mesolithic Dwelling: Interpreting Evidence from the Užavas Celmi Site in Latvia NORMUNDS GRASIS MEZOLITO BŪSTAS: PAVYZDŽIO IŠ UŽAVAS CELMI GYVENVIETĖS, LATVIJA, INTERPRETACIJOS NORMUNDS GRASIS Santrauka Celmi gyvenvietė Užava apylinkėje yra pirmas paminklas Latvijoje, kur buvo rastas Kundos kultūros būstas (1 pav.). Gyvenvietė naudota nuo vidurinio mezolito ( cal. BC). Tai vienas iš paminklų, kur vietinis prastos kokybės titnagas buvo naudojamas įrankių gamybai. Vėlyvajame neolite toje pačioje vietoje buvo virvelinės keramikos kultūros gyvenvietė. Šis straipsnis aptaria tik tą tyrinėtą plotą, kur buvo rastas būstas, ir jo artimiausią aplinką. Gyvenvietė yra Sārnate pelkės pakraštyje, 1,9 km nuo Baltijos jūros kranto, ant kopos kalvelės, 7,5 8 m aukštyje virš dabartinio jūros lygio. Viduriniame mezolite, Ancylus ežero stadijoje, ji galbūt buvo ant ankstesnio pakrantės ežero vakarų kranto (1 pav.). Būsto kontūras išsiskyrė kaip nevienalytė 3,2 x 3,8 m dydžio tamsesnio smėlio įduba, šalia kurios kitoje būsto pusėje buvo du židiniai (Nr. 1 ir 4). Namo įdubos gylis buvo apie 40 cm, be aiškios sluoksnių stratigrafijos. Antžeminę statinio struktūrą liudija stulpavietės, buvusios įdubos viduryje ir iš išorės, jos vakariniame pakraštyje (2 pav.). Organinių liekanų gyvenvietėje neišliko. Titnago ir akmens dirbiniai rasti įdubos užpildo viršutinėje dalyje. Straipsnyje daroma išvada, kad viduriniame mezolite ant priekrantės ežero įsikūrusiame Celmi paminkle gyveno maža medžiotojų-žvejų grupė. Sprendžiant iš nedidelio radinių skaičiaus ir silpnai išreikšto kultūrinio sluoksnio, grupė čia buvo apsistojusi neilgai, greičiausiai tik šiltuoju metų laiku. Būstas buvo stoginės tipo, atviras į ežero pusę, karkasinės struktūros, o stogą laikė centrinis stulpas. Titnago dirbinių analizė (3 5 pav.) leidžia nustatyti kelias veiklos zonas. Stoginės vidurinėje dalyje buvo užsiimama gamyba, nesusijusia su titnago skaldymu, ką patvirtina titnaginiai gremžtukai ir kiti titnaginiai dirbiniai. Tuo tarpu titnago žaliavos gabalai, skaldytiniai, nuoskalos, skeltės, akmens gabalai prie stoginės atvirojo krašto rodo ten buvus titnago apdirbimo vietą. Tuo metu šiaurinė būsto dalis, kur beveik nerasta dirbinių, visose mezolito studijose apibūdinama kaip miegamoji vieta. Antra veiklos vieta buvo už stoginės ribų, prie židinio Nr. 4, kur sprendžiant iš radinių buvo apdirbamas tiek titnagas, tiek užsiimama ir kita veikla (6 pav.). Vertė Audronė Bliujienė 68

69 SMALL POLISHED FLINT TOOLS IN RZUCEWO CULTURE IN POLAND KATARZYNA JANUSZEK Abstract This article gives an overview of the most diverse assemblage of small polished flint tools found in settlements left by Rzucewo culture in the region of Żuławy. The presence of the tools on Rzucewo culture sites defines its range, which covers areas of the greatest abundance in amber situated near the Bay of Gdansk, the Vistula Lagoon and in Żuławy. This, apart from other evidence, proves Rzucewo culture to be different from what is widely understood as Bay Coast culture, with which it is often associated. Key words: Rzucewo culture, Bay Coast culture, small polished flint tools. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Introduction J. Żurek was the first to mention small polished tools from Rzucewo culture flint assemblages. He identified side-scrapers with a polished working edge, rectangular flint tools with a polished edge and partially polished surface, and very small flint axes and chisels (Żurek 1954, pp.19, 32 and 37). The latter were also mentioned by L. Kilian in the monograph Haffkűstenkultur (Kilian 1955, p.50). All these artefacts were described as particular forms of a strictly limited territorial range of several Rzucewo culture settlements, i.e. Rzucewo, Suchacz, Modrzewina, Gdynia, Oksywie, Ostrowo (Żurek 1954, pp.19, 32, 37) and Tolkmicko, and settlements along the Curonian Spit (Kilian 1955, p.50, Tafel XXXVII). The tools were spread out over an area which was almost the same as the range of Rzucewo culture as described by Żurek (Żurek 1954, p.32). However, the range changed as a result of the discovery of such objects on other Rzucewo culture sites, in Rewa (Felczak 1983, p.62), Pieniężno (Łowiński 1987, p.173; Manasterski 1991, p.32), Garbina (Mączkowska 1973, p.307), Niedźwiedziówka (Mazurowski 1987a, p.108) and Wybicko (Jagodziński 1987, p.127; Szymczak 1987, p.131). What is more, a region of temporary settlements associated with the gathering and processing of amber called the Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region 1 yielded the most diverse assemblage, which can serve as a comparative collection for all types of small polished tools that so far have been scarce and have been found only on some Rzucewo culture sites. These artefacts account for 10% of all the tools in the micro-region (Januszek 2006, p.226, Table 1 The Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region in Żuławy Wiślane consists of the following: sites I IV in Niedźwiedziówka, site I in Stare Babki, and sites I III in Wybicko (Mazurowski 1999, p. 122; Januszek 2006, p.12) 167) and influence the perception of the Rzucewo culture phenomenon. Types of small polished flint tools in Rzucewo culture identified in assemblages from the Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region The following types of tools have been identified on the basis of 68 items of small polished flint tools from excavations on sites I, II and IV in Niedźwiedziówka, and site I in Stare Babki from the Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region in Żuławy Wiślane. The most diverse and relatively numerous assemblage is from site I in Niedźwiedziówka, with radiocarbon dating as follows: Gd. 5253: 4570 ± 50 BP (2620 ± 50 BC), Gd- 2767: 4540 ± 70 BP (2590 ± 70 BC), Gd-2776: 4270 ± 90 BP (2320 ± 90 BC), Gd-5238: 4140 ± 40 BP (2190 ± 40 BC) (Mazurowski 1996, p.171; 1999, p.125). The division into particular types is based solely on morphological criteria related to their manufacturing. The main feature determining a particular type is the presence of a polished part in the material, just as in the case of retouched tools. Polished end-scrapers This type includes 18 flake tools with the working edge shaped by polishing. It is normally found on the distal portion of the artefact. The vast majority of examined polished end-scrapers were made of Pomeranian flint (Table 1), the others of erratic flint. Only one item was completely burnt, and for that reason not identified in terms of the raw material. II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 69

70 KATARZYNA JANUSZEK Small Polished Flint Tools in Rzucewo Culture in Poland Fig. 1. Polished end-scrapers from the Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region in Żuławy. The assemblage consists of two end-scrapers with a working edge which is pointed (Fig. 1.1, 3), two arched (Fig. 1.5,9), seven slightly rounded (Fig. 1.2, 6,11), and seven rounded (Fig. 1.4,7, 8,10). The angles of the working edges depend on their shape. Pointed edges show acute or right angles, arched ones only a right angle, slightly rounded an acute angle, and rounded acute, almost a right angle. The height of the pointed parts is two to three millimetres, arched four millimetres, slightly rounded two to three millimetres, and rounded four millimetres. Apart from that, most of the tools of this type show signs of additional processing on one or two side edges. In addition, it is possible to identify a relation between the manner of processing (polish or retouch) and the shape of the working edge. For instance, a semisteep retouch is found on one side edge of pointed endscrapers. Among the slightly rounded ones, most forms display a steep retouch on two side edges, and rounded ones are mainly forms with a steep retouch on one side edge. Only arched end-scrapers might show additionally polished edges all along the sides or along half of one side only. The sizes of polished end-scrapers differ, depending on the form of the half-product used for manufacturing. The average measurements of these tools are as follows: length, ten to 19 millimetres, 20 to 29 millimetres (the most numerous), 30 to 39 millimetres, 40 to 49 millimetres; width, ten to 19 millimetres (the most numerous), 20 to 29 millimetres, 30 to 39 millimetres; height, up to five millimetres, six to ten millimetres (the most numerous), 11 to 15 millimetres. 70

71 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 2. Polished side-scrapers from the Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region in Żuławy. Table 1. Diversification of the raw material used for small polished tools Types of small polished tools Types of flint material Pomeranian erratic unidentified end-scrapers side-scrapers 14 2 perforators 7 axe-like tools unidentified tools 1 total Polished side-scrapers A distinctive feature of the 15 analysed tools is the sharp working edge, formed by polishing the half-product s edge at an acute angle, usually by single-level polishing or by two or multi-level polishing, partially found on the dorsal side of the artefact (Fig ). All the identified side-scrapers were manufactured from forms made by a splintering technique. Cortical flakes were the most frequently used material, but there are tools made of bipolar splintered pieces, blades and flakes. The most often-used raw material for the production of these tools was Pomeranian flint (Table 1). Only two items were made of erratic flint. Polished side-scrapers which were made with cortical flakes were manufactured solely from Pomeranian flint. Tools with a convex working edge number almost the same as the ones with a straight working edge. Almost all the artefacts are single-side forms, with the working edge polished on the dorsal part of the half-product. Items with two polished working edges are very rare, and so are items with an edge which is partially polished and partially semi-steeply retouched (Fig. 2.6). In addition, the majority of the tools described were additionally worked on one or two sides perpendicular to the working edge. Only a few of these artefacts are not retouched. In the group of polished side-scrapers manufactured from flakes made by the splintering technique, there are tools with an additional steep retouch on one side which number the same as items with a steep retouch of two sides perpendicular to the working edge. It is worth mentioning that in the case of side-scrapers made from splintered pieces, the transverse sides form sharp edges of the poles. The measurements of polished side-scrapers depend on the size of the half-product: length, ten to 19 millimetres, 20 to 29 millimetres (the most numerous), 30 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 71

72 KATARZYNA JANUSZEK Small Polished Flint Tools in Rzucewo Culture in Poland Fig. 3. Polished perforators from the Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region in Żuławy. 72 to 39 millimetres; width, ten to 19 millimetres, 20 to 29 millimetres (the most numerous); and height, up to five millimetres, six to ten millimetres (the most numerous), 11 to 15 millimetres. Polished perforators There are only seven tools of this type. Their distinctive feature is a sharp sting shaped by the steep polishing of two side edges towards the dorsal part in such a manner that by coming together they form a sharp edge (Fig. 3). All the tools were manufactured from flakes made by the splintering technique, mostly cortical flakes curved in the distal portion, the raw material being exclusively Pomeranian flint (Table 1). There are also a few stout items with additional retouch on two side edges (Fig. 3.4,5,7). The sizes of most polished perforators are roughly equal, depending on the variety of the half-product. Their length falls within 20 to 29 milimetres (the most numerous), and 30 to 39 milimetres; their width, ten to 19 milimetres; and height, up to five milimetres, and six to ten milimetres. Small axe-like tools There are 26 items which fall into this category, and the tools show morphological features similar to forms previously described as small axes and chisels (Żurek 1954, p.19; Kilian 1955, p.50), micro-axes (Balcer 1983, p.241), or miniature axes (Mazurowski 1987a, p.108). Erratic flint was the basic raw material used to manufacture small axe-like tools, and most were made of the Pomeranian variety (Table 1), with only one unidentified item, which was completely burnt. In that category, bipolar splintered pieces are prevalent, but there are also some artefacts manufactured from cortical flakes made by the splintering technique. Some of the tools have a trapezoid outline (37%) (Fig. 4.1,4,5,7,9-12), a sub-rectangular one (29%) (Fig. 4.2,

73 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 4. Small axe-like tools from the Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region in Żuławy. 73

74 Small Polished Flint Tools in Rzucewo Culture in Poland KATARZYNA JANUSZEK 3,6), or an oval one (33%) (Fig. 4.8). The cross-section of trapezoid and sub-rectangular forms is tetragonal, and of the oval ones flat-convex. While 33% of the tools are only polished on the blade, 20% are completely polished. Nearly half of the items (46%) are partially polished forms, mainly to level out the surface. A tetragonal head is found on 29% of the axes, and it is narrow and usually polished. This type of head can be seen solely on tools of trapezoid outline. All the other items have heads shaped like poles of the splintered pieces. The blades of trapezoid and sub-rectangular forms were shaped at an angle of between 60º and 70º. Most trapezoid tools have a blade shaped at an angle of 60º, whereas sub-rectangular ones have a blade formed mainly at 70º. The blades of oval artefacts were shaped at an angle between 40º and 60º, with the majority at 60º. The sizes of small axe-like tools depend on the halfproduct, and are as follows: length, 20 to 29 millimetres, 30 to 39 millimetres (the most numerous), 40 to 49 millimetres; width, ten to 19 millimetres, 20 to 29 millimetres (the most numerous), and 30 to 39 millimetres; height, up to five millimetres, six to ten millimetres (the most numerous). Unidentified polished tools This type consists of an oval flake made by splintering technique, manufactured of Pomeranian flint, polished along almost the whole circumference in a uniform manner. The measurements are 37 by 23 by 3 millimetres. Small polished flint tools in Rzucewo culture Forms similar to the small polished tools from the Niedźwiedziówka micro-region were also discovered on other Rzucewo culture sites (see Fig. 5 and Table 2). Polished end-scrapers are known from the settlement in Rzucewo. D. Król was the first to identify them on the basis of materials from that settlement, and even to suggest that they might be an element distinguishing the Rzucewo culture flint industry in the western region of the Bay of Gdansk from the one found in the areas situated east of the Vistula (Król 1983, p.233). Six items made of Pomeranian flint examined in 1989 account for 4.05% of the total number (Król 1997, p.149, Table 2). What is important is that this group might also include polished side-scrapers, as implied by the drawing provided by the author (Król 1997, p.144, Fig ). The other tools of this kind examined previously were not thoroughly analysed (Żurek 1954, p.19) (Fig ). Apart from that, a polished end-scraper made of Pomeranian flint was found in Pieniężno, a settlement associated with transhumance (Manasterski 1991, Fig. III.10). The artefact has a low polished working edge, which is slightly rounded, and an additional steep retouch of both side edges (Fig. 6.17). Side-scrapers were found in larger numbers before the war in Rzucewo (Fig. 6.4,5,7,8,10). The author of the report from those times put the number of tools at about 120 items, and suggested that they had been used for tanning fine seal skins. He also mentioned other artefacts of this kind discovered in Oksywie, Gdynia and Ostrowo, most of which disappeared during the Second World War (Żurek 1954, pp.19, 33). In addition, J. Table 2. Types of small polished flint tools identified on Rzucewo culture sites 74 Types of small polished tools Rzucewo culture sites end-scrapers side-scrapers perforators axe-like tools unidentified initial forms Rewa + Rzucewo Gdynia + + Oksywie + Ostrowo + Niedźwiedziówka Modrzewina + + Suchacz Tolkmicko + Garbina + Pieniężno + + Nida (Lithuania) +

75 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 5. Rzucewo culture sites in Poland with small polished flint tools. Żurek found material similar to the one from the Bay of Puck on sites in Modrzewina and Suchacz (Żurek 1954, p.32). The latter site yielded polished side-scrapers only after the war (Mazurowski 1987b, p.160). One of them was a tool made from splintered cortical flakes of Pomeranian flint with a one-side working edge (Fig. 6.14); there were also two unfinished items formed from the same type of material (Fig. 6.11,15). Another 11 polished side-scrapers made from Pomeranian flint were discovered in Rewa (Felczak 1983, p.62) (Fig. 6.12,13). Tools of this kind were also found in the Łupawa group of Funnel Beaker culture, which implies established relationships with the people of Rzucewo culture (Domańska 1983, p.225). Polished perforators were only discovered in the Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region and as loose finds in Rzucewo, and are stored in the Archaeological Museum in Poznan, inventory number 1951:723. Small axe-like tools were discovered on almost all excavated sites of Rzucewo culture, most of them in Rzucewo. The collection selected by J. Żurek came from pre-war analyses, and consisted mainly of forms of trapezoid and sub-rectangular outline (Żurek 1954, Table XIV.5-20). Subsequent research done on that site has reported more trapezoid or tetragonal items made from Pomeranian flint or Baltic erratic flint (Król 1997, p.41 and p.139, Fig. 6.6,8,9,11). Those made of the Pomeranian variety were 3.5 centimetres long, the other ones five to ten centimetres long (Król 1997, p.141). Small axe-like flint tools were also discovered in Gdynia, Modrzewina and Tolkmicko (Żurek 1954, p.33 and p.37), and Suchacz (Kilian 1955, p.50) before the war. Unfortunately, most of them were lost, and a full report was never published. Tetragonal trapezoid forms from Suchacz were mentioned briefly, and one of them was a burial offering (Kilian 1955, p.50). Fragments of this kind of tool made from Pomeranian flint were excavated there later (Mazurowski 1987b, p.160), and some were subject to reshaping. Another two Pomeranian flint artefacts were found in Pieniężno (Manasterski 1991, p.41ff). One of them, completely polished, is a tetragonal form with a trapezoid outline (Fig. 6.16), the other is oval with a flatconvex cross-section similar to lenticular (Fig. 6.18). The site in Garbina yielded a trapezoid-shaped specimen made from Pomeranian flint measuring three by four centimetres (Mączkowska 1973, p.307 and p.314, Fig. 7c). II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 75

76 KATARZYNA JANUSZEK Small Polished Flint Tools in Rzucewo Culture in Poland Fig. 6. Small polished flint tools from Rzucewo culture sites: 1-10 Rzucewo (after J. Żurek 1954); 11, 14, 15 Suchacz; 12, 13 Rewa (after Felczak 1983); Pieniężno (after Manasterski 1991). 76 There were also a lot of small axe-like tools in settlements on the Curonian Spit (Żurek 1954, p.37, Kilian 1955, p.50). Nevertheless, they were most frequently reported in Nida (Rimantienė 1996, p.245, Fig. 148). The number of small polished tools on each Rzucewo culture site might depend on the area subject to research. On the other hand, the frequency might be related to economic activities, which needed the use of particular forms. However, these tools were used from the period indicated by the earliest radiocarbon dating from site I in Niedźwiedziówka (mentioned above), and from Rzucewo, which was dated as 14C: 2455 ± 60 BC, 2495 ± 60 BC and 4420 ± 13 BP ( BC cal.) (Król 2003, p.39). Some assemblages have not been radiocarbon dated yet, but other finds on those Rzucewo culture sites confirm the antiquity of the tools. The site in Pieniężno, which yielded a polished endscraper and small axe-like tools, is associated with the initial stages of Rzucewo culture (Manasterski 1991, p.65). Another artefact from that site is a trapezoid amber pendant (Manasterski 1991, p.57), which, according to R.F. Mazurowski s classification, is a symmetric pendant 2BIb, typical of early Globular Amphora culture, from the end of the 25th century BC, until Corded Ware culture, Zlota culture and Rzucewo culture settle-

77 ments emerged (Mazurowski 1983, p.31ff). Moreover, the pottery from Pieniężno shows a strong influence of Globular Amphora culture, both in the shape (bowls and vases) and ornamentation. The author of the aforementioned compilation suggests that the site in Rewa, with its polished side-scrapers, belongs to the decline of the early stage of Rzucewo culture, as it displays clear signs of stylistic inspiration by Globular Amphora culture (Felczak 1983, p.66ff). What is more, in the Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region, where the dating shows the earliest period for the polished flint tools identified, features typical of Globular Amphora culture are visible both in the pottery and the amber craft. However, there are no features characteristic of Pan-European Horizon of Corded Ware culture (Mazurowski 1987a, p.103). If the earliest radiocarbon dates are taken into consideration, together with the accumulation of Globular Amphora culture features in Rzucewo culture assemblages, it is evident that small polished flint tools might indicate the earliest development horizon of Rzucewo communities, which is characterised by the prevalence of Globular Amphora culture components. In addition, the range of the artefacts is in line with the areas richest in amber at the Bay of Gdansk, the Vistula Lagoon and in Żuławy. The decline of succinite exploitation by people of Globular Amphora culture in the Masurian Lake District and Mazovia was a stimulus to migrate and settle in the areas mentioned before (Mazurowski 1987a, p.117). On top of that, the earliest dated sites with small polished tools were temporary settlements, typical of Globular Amphora culture. This does not make the presence of such artefacts in Rzucewo problematic, as it appears to have become a permanent settlement at a more advanced stage of development of Rzucewo culture. Another development horizon of Rzucewo communities is indicated by assemblages with dominant features of Pan-European Horizon of Corded Ware culture, best seen in pottery and stone tools. Globular Amphora culture components are not as pronounced. It might have been then that a new category of amber jewellery originated, characteristic solely of Rzucewo culture, and permanent settlements such as Rzucewo and Suchacz were founded. In the group of small polished flint tools, only axe-like forms were manufactured, which is most obvious in Nida on the Curonian Spit. There is no evidence of the prior colonisation by Globular Amphora culture. Both horizons were subject to parallel development until the early Bronze Age. That progress led to certain transformations into local varieties, but sites representing the dominance of the Globular Amphora culture style still existed, for instance, in Żuławy. Stare Babki, the most recent site in the Niedźwiedziówka settlement micro-region, proved that polished endscrapers and small axe-like tools were still manufactured (Mazurowski 2003; 2004) in the times dated as Gd : 3855 ± 45 BP (1905 ± 45 BC), Gd-11675: 3835 ± 45 BP (1885 ± 45 BC). In settlements situated on the Vistula Lagoon, mainly in Suchacz and Garbina, where pottery showing Trzciniec Horizon (Juodkrantė, former Schwarzort) was found, small polished flint tools were scarce and were found only in axe-like forms. Polished flint tools have not been discovered on Lithuanian sites attributed to Rzucewo culture, neither on the Baltic coast, nor inland. The assemblages, for instance the one in Šventoji 1A, which were dated 4120 ±80 BP, 4100 ± 100 BP and 3860 ± 50 BP (Rimantienė 1980, p.74), show the dominance of a Corded Ware culture component, most apparent in the pottery. For that reason, Rzucewo culture in that region is regarded as a local variety of Corded Ware culture, which is also known as Bay Coast culture (Pamarių), or Vistula- Neman culture (Rimantienė 1980, p.74). The only site in the Lithuanian interior where small polished flint axe-like tools were discovered is Kretuonas 1C, attributed to late Narva culture (Girininkas 1994, Figs ). The assemblage consists of material typical of Corded Ware culture or Rzucewo culture, and pieces of Trzciniec Horizon pottery, and was dated as (SP- 3211) 3340 ± 60 bp/ cal 1311 (1239) 1146 BC, which is contemporary with Trzciniec Horizon (Rimantienė, Ostrauskas 1998, p.212). Conclusions 1. Small polished flint tools are a local product that was manufactured when the style of Globular Amphora culture was prevalent in areas of the biggest deposits of amber along the Bay of Gdansk, Żuławy and the Vistula Lagoon. For this reason, all the identified types were made from local raw materials, mainly from Pomeranian flint. 2. The tools are a diagnostic material which makes it possible to distinguish cultural phenomena related to the formation of Rzucewo culture before the Pan-European Horizon style of Corded Ware culture emerged from phenomena which showed the influence of Corded Ware culture. 3. The relatively limited local range of the flint forms, only slightly bigger than the Rzucewo culture settlement area defined previously by J. Żurek, allows us to distinguish processes related to Rzucewo culture from Bay Coast culture (Pamarių), which was a subsequent system associated mainly with the ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 77

78 Small Polished Flint Tools in Rzucewo Culture in Poland KATARZYNA JANUSZEK 78 Corded Ware culture style with no small polished tools. Therefore, it should be regarded as a local group of Corded Ware culture in the understanding of Lithuanian scientists. 4. In the group of axe-like tools, small polished tools in Rzucewo culture materials show mainly features typical of Corded Ware culture, and were used until features characteristic of Trzciniec Horizon emerged. On Rzucewo culture sites with prevalent features of Globular Amphora culture, there are both small axe-like tools and polished end-scrapers from the period until the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age. 5. The functions of all the tool types will be the object of further research, as all forms are worn by daily use. Some of them served other purposes, which has already been mentioned by L. Kilian, who suggested the ritual use of small axe-like tools implied by the objects found in a burial place in Suchacz (Kilian 1955, p.50). Acknowledgements The author would like to express her gratitude to dr hab. Prof. UW Ryszard F. Mazurowski for giving her access to unpublished C 14 dating results for site I in Stare Babki and to the flint material from Suchacz. Translated by Barbara Majchrzak References Manuscripts JANUSZEK, K., Wytwórczość krzemieniarska ludności kultury rzucewskiej w mikroregionie osadniczym Niedźwiedziówki (PhD dissertation, manuscript in the Institute of Archaeology, Warsaw University). MANASTERSKI, D., Osada ludności kultury rzucewskiej w Pieniężnie, Kolonia Ciszęty, woj. elbląskie (MA thesis, manuscript in the Institute of Archaeology, Warsaw University). MAZUROWSKI, R.F., Stare Babki, gm. Stegna, woj. pomorskie, st. I, sektor B, wykop 4. Badania archeologiczne w sezonie 2002, Warszawa-Malbork (manuscript in the Institute of Archaeology, Warsaw University). MAZUROWSKI, R.F., Stare Babki, gm. Stegna, woj. pomorskie, st. I, sektor B, wykop 5. Badania archeologiczne w sezonie 2003, Warszawa-Malbork (manuscript in the Institute of Archaeology, Warsaw University). Literature BALCER, B., Wytwórczość narzędzi krzemiennych w neolicie ziem Polski. Wrocław: Ossolineum. DOMAŃSKA, L., Wybrane zagadnienia krzemieniarstwa strefy nadmorskiej w epoce kamienia. In: T. MA- LINOWSKI, ed. Problemy epoki kamienia na Pomorzu. Słupsk, FELCZAK, O., Wyniki badań wykopaliskowych na osadzie kultury rzucewskiej w Rewie, gm. Kosakowo, woj. gdańskie. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne, vol. XXXV, GIRININKAS, A., Baltų kultūros ištakos. Vilnius: Savastis. JAGODZIŃSKI, M., Wyniki badań pracowni bursztyniarskich kultury rzucewskiej na stanowiskach 1 i 2 w Wybicku, gm. Stegna, woj. elbląskie. In: A. PAWŁOWSKI, ed. Badania archeologiczne w woj. elbląskim w latach Malbork: Muzeum Zamkowe w Malborku, KILIAN, L., Haffkűstenkultur und Ursprung der Balten. Bonn. KRÓL, D., Uwagi o krzemieniarstwie kultury rzucewskiej. In: T. MALINOWSKI, ed. Problemy epoki kamienia na Pomorzu. Słupsk, KRÓL, D., Excerpts from Archaeological Research at Rzucewo, Puck Region. In: D. KRÓL, ed. The Built Environment of Coast Areas During the Stone Age. Gdańsk, KRÓL, D., Badania archeologiczne w Rzucewie, stanowisko 1, gmina Puck, województwo pomorskie. In: M. FUDZIŃSKI, H. PANER, eds. XIII Sesja Pomorzoznawcza, vol. 1. Od epoki kamienia do okresu rzymskiego. Gdańsk, ŁOWIŃSKI, J., Badania archeologiczne na stanowisku kultury rzucewskiej w Pieniężnie, woj. elbląskie. In: A. PAWŁOWSKI, ed. Badania archeologiczne w woj. elbląskim w latach Malbork: Muzeum Zamkowe w Malborku, MAZUROWSKI, R.F., Bursztyn w epoce kamienia na ziemiach polskich. Materiały Starożytne i Wczesnośredniowieczne, vol. V, MAZUROWSKI, R.F., 1987a. Badania żuławskiego regionu bursztyniarskiego ludności kultury rzucewskiej, Niedźwiedziówka, stanowisko 1-3. In: A. PAWŁOWSKI, ed. 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Gdańsk: The Archaeological Museum in Gdańsk, Museum of the Earth, Polish Academy of Sciences, MĄCZKOWSKA, M., Sprawozdanie z badań wykopaliskowych przeprowadzonych w 1972 roku na stanowisku I w Garbinie, pow. braniewski. Komunikaty mazurskowarmińskie, 3 (121), RIMANTIENĖ, R., Šventoji. Pamarių kultūros gyvenvietės. Vilnius: Mokslas.

79 RIMANTIENĖ, R., Akmens Amžius Lietuvoje. Vilnius: Mokslas. RIMANTIENĖ, R., OSTRAUSKAS, T., Dem Trzciniec gleichzeitige Siedlungen in Litauen. In: A. KOŚKO, J. CZEBRESZUK, eds. Trzciniec system kulturowy czy interkulturowy proces? Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, SZYMCZAK, K., Analiza inwentarza krzemiennego pochodzącego ze stanowiska 1 w Wybicku, wykop E. In: A. PAWŁOWSKI, ed. Badania archeologiczne w woj. elbląskim w latach Malbork: Muzeum Zamkowe w Malborku, ŻUREK, J., Osada z młodszej epoki kamiennej w Rzucewie, pow. wejherowski i kultura rzucewska. Fontes Archaeologici Posnanienses, IV (1953). Received: 23 May 2010; Revised: 29 April 2010; Accepted: 22 June Katarzyna Januszek Institute of Archaeology Warsaw University Krakowskie Przedmieście street 26/ Warsaw, Poland MAŽI POLIRUOTI TITNAGINIAI RZUCEWO KULTŪROS ĮRANKIAI LENKIJOJE KATARZYNA JANUSZEK Santrauka Maži poliruoti titnaginiai įrankiai yra Rzucewo kultūros dalis. Kai kurie jų buvo rasti prieš Antrąjį pasaulinį karą Rzucewo ir kituose paminkluose. Ši medžiaga buvo sudaryta iš poliruotų grandukų, mažų kirvelių ir nenustatytų įrankių su poliruotais ašmenimis (1 6 pav.). Dauguma panašių formų įrankų buvo atrasta XX a. antrojoje pusėje. Turtingiausias ir įvairiausias mažų poliruotų titnago įrankių rinkinys buvo rastas Rzucewo kultūros laikinose gyvenvietėse, susijusiose su gintaro dirbtuvėmis, kurios buvo Niedźwiedziówka gyvenvietės mikroregione, Žulavų (Żuławy) žemumoje. Ši medžiaga leido identifikuoti ir aprašyti visus įrankių tipus. Kai kurie iš jų buvo reti ar rasti tik tam tikruose paminkluose. Tai taip pat padėjo ištirti veiklos ir įvykių, siejamų su Rzucewo kultūra, įvairovę. Maži poliruoti titnaginiai įrankiai, rasti Niedźwiedziówka I gyvenvietėje, buvo išanalizuoti ir suskirstyti į keturias kategorijas: 1. poliruoti galiniai gremžtukai (1 pav.), 2. poliruoti grandukai (2 pav.), poliruoti perforatoriai (3 pav.), 4. maži kirvio pavidalo įrankiai (4 pav.). Gyvenvietė buvo datuota remiantis C14 taip: Gd. 5253: 4570 ± 50 BP (2620 ± 50 BC), Gd-2767: 4540 ± 70 BP (2590 ± 70 BC), Gd-2776: 4270 ± 90 BP (2320 ± 90 BC), Gd-5238: 4140 ± 40 BP (2190 ± 40 BC). Analogiškų įrankių buvo rasta kituose Rzucewo kultūros paminkluose (5 pav., 2 lentelė) šios kultūros ribose, pasak J. Żurek. Tai yra vietiniai gaminiai, atsiradę tuomet, kai rutulinių amforų kultūros stilius vyravo turtingiausių gintaro telkinių srityje palei Gdansko įlanką ir Vyslos lagūną bei Žulavų žemumoje. Todėl visi aprašytieji tipai pagaminti iš prastesnių žaliavų, ypač Pomeranijos titnago. Dar daugiau, maži poliruoti įrankiai yra diagnostinė medžiaga, kuri padeda atskirti kultūrinius fenomenus, susijusius su Rzucewo kultūros formavimusi prieš atsirandant paneuropiniam virvelinės keramikos kultūros horizontui, nuo procesų, kuriems įtakos turėjo virvelinės keramikos kultūra. Santykinai ribota teritorinė artefaktų įvairovė leidžia atskirti reiškinius, susijusius su Rzucewo kultūra, nuo tų, kurie plačiai suprantami kaip Pamarių kultūra, pastarajai esant vėlesne sistema. Pamarių kultūra yra siejama su virvelinės keramikos kultūra, kurioje mažų poliruotų titnago įrankių nerandama, todėl, Lietuvos mokslininkų nuomone, ji turėtų būti laikoma vietine virvelinės keramikos kultūra. Medžiagoje, apimančioje tik kirvelių pavidalo formas, mažų poliruotų įrankių randama Rzucewo kultūros kompleksuose, kuriuose vyrauja virvelinės keramikos kultūros stilius. Jie buvo naudojami tol, kol išsivystė Trzciniec horizontui būdingi bruožai. Rzucewo kultūros paminkluose su ryškiu rutulinių amforų kultūros komponentu randama tiek mažų kirvio formos įrankių, tiek poliruotų galinių gremžtukų nuo vėlyvojo neolito iki ankstyvojo žalvario amžiaus. Poliruotų titnaginių įrankių funkcijų nustatymas bus tolesnių studijų tema. Vertė Rasa Banytė-Rowell ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 79

80 A Double Grave with Amber and Bone Adornments at Zvejnieki in Northern Latvia LARS LARSSON A DOUBLE GRAVE WITH AMBER AND BONE ADORNMENTS AT ZVEJNIEKI IN NORTHERN LATVIA LARS LARSSON Abstract During excavations at the cemetery at Zvejnieki in northern Latvia in the 1960s and 1970s, more than 300 graves were excavated. At new excavations from 2005 to 2009, a double grave was found. Burial 316, a female, had an arrangement of amber pendants from the waist to the knee, while Burial 317, a male, had some beads around the head and around the lower legs. The double grave proved to be the most richly furnished grave in the cemetery in terms of amber pendants. It has been dated to about 4000 calibrated BC. The double grave is located in the eastern part of the cemetery, where other graves of the same age with amber objects were situated. Key words: Latvia, Mesolithic, Neolithic, grave, mortuary practice, grave goods, amber adorments. 80 Introduction Zvejnieki is a large Stone Age cemetery and occupation site complex located on the northeast shore of Lake Burtnieki in northern Latvia (Fig. 1). The whole area around the lake is remarkably rich in archaeological finds and sites, and has played a central role in the development of Latvian prehistoric archaeology, beginning in the 1870s (Zagorska 2006b). The most significant research project in the area was the excavation at Zvejnieki in the 1960s and early 1970s, directed by the late Francis Zagorskis, which revealed the presence of extensive settlement layers and more than 300 burials, of which the great majority were dated to the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods (Zagorskis 1987). During the late 1990s, Ilga Zagorska of the Institute of Latvian History at the University of Latvia, Riga, and Lars Larsson of the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History at Lund University, initiated a research collaboration that eventually came to include a number of scholars from a wide range of fields, who contributed with their respective analyses to understanding the site (Larsson, Zagorska 2006). Geological and palaeoecological surveys were conducted, in order to reconstruct the environmental history of the site (Eberhards 2006, Kalnina 2006). The burials (Zagorska 2006a; Nilsson Stutz 2006) and the grave goods (Larsson 2006), as well as finds from the occupation layers, have been considered from a variety of perspectives: the faunal remains have been analysed (David 2006; Lõugas 2006; Mannermaa 2006), human physical development has been examined (Gerhards 2006), palaeodemography (Zarina 2006), palaeopathology (Jankauskas, Palubeckaitė 2006), dental status (Palubeckaitė, Jankauskas 2006) and stable isotopes (Eriksson 2006) have been studied. This effort also included the translation from Latvian into English of the volume by Dr Francis Zagorskis describing the graves and giving his chronological interpretation (Zagorskis 2004). New excavations In 2005, as this renewed research effort was being finished and published, a new field project began, including both excavation and survey. The focus of the new archaeological excavation was to better understand the relationship between the settlements and the cemetery, which still remains somewhat unclear (Larsson 2007). The expectation was that new excavation methods would provide new information concerning, among other things, the spatial relationships within graves and within their fills. The graves excavated in the 1960s and 1970s were found within an elongated area about 250 metres long and 35 metres wide on the top of a gravel ridge, parallel to the lake shoreline (Fig. 2). Graves were mainly found in the higher western part and in the lower eastern part, with a small number of graves in between. The western part had been partly destroyed by gravel extraction, while the eastern part was better preserved, except for the presence of a farm. In some areas, the excavation extended up to the foundations of the farm buildings (Fig. 3). However, areas to the north and the east of the main building were not accessible for excavation due to gardening activities. It was uncertain whether graves might be preserved below the floor of the farmhouse. The house was subsequently aban-

81 Fig. 1. The location of the Zvejnieki site in northern Latvia. doned and gradually fell apart, something that facilitated further excavation. In 2005 and 2006, previously unexcavated areas to the north and the south of the main building were investigated, in order to locate and excavate new burials. The excavation immediately to the north of the house revealed several features, but none of them contained any human remains. To the east of the house, the excavations were more successful, and several burials were uncovered (Nilsson Stutz et al. 2008). All artefacts and faunal remains encountered in the features were recorded using three-dimensional coordinates. For the excavation of the human remains, a field protocol based on the French approach anthropologie de terrain was implemented. The approach is taphonomically based, and combines detailed observations in the field with knowledge in biology about how the human body decomposes after death. All the remains are carefully uncovered, and their exact position is mapped in detail and photographed, in order to allow for a detailed analysis of the sequences of disarticulation, disturbance, and so on (Nilsson Stutz 2003). An area of seven by four metres was opened up east of the house. Most of this area had previously been covered by a veranda directly connected to the farmhouse, and therefore had previously been inaccessible for excavation (Fig. 3). A foundation wall belonging to the veranda structure cuts across the area. Within the veranda s foundations, seven graves altogether were found. The graves in the eastern part of the excavated area were particularly affected by disturbance. Two graves in the same area, one overlying the other, had been badly disturbed in digging the veranda foundations. However, two pits were encountered in the western part of the area, with a blackish brown fill that contrasted sharply with the surrounding substrate of yellow gravel and sand. These features were deep, and were carefully Fig. 2. Zvejnieki, with the distribution of graves and occupation layers: 1 areas with graves; 2 Mesolithic occupation layers; 3 Neolithic occupation layers; 4 buildings; 5 water. Fig. 3. The eastern part of the cemetery, with the position of the double grave The other numbered graves also had amber objects (from Zagorska 2001, with author additions). excavated in order to document the stratigraphy. They were both rich in finds, including flint and bone artefacts, as well as fragments of faunal remains. The pit to the south contained an undisturbed and complete skeleton of an individual placed northeast-southwest, with the head directed to the south, in supine position with the limbs in extension. The maintained labile articulations of the hands and feet clearly indicate that the deposit was primary. A double grave In 2007, as the excavation of the second deep feature continued, it became clear that this too contained in- ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 81

82 A Double Grave with Amber and Bone Adornments at Zvejnieki in Northern Latvia Fig. 4. The double grave during the excavation in LARS LARSSON 82 terred human remains (Fig. 4). The burial extended further west, under the farmhouse. In order to complete the excavation, permission had to be obtained from the house s owner. That was accomplished in 2009, and the excavation was continued. Thus, the grave was excavated in two separate stages. When the easternmost part of the house was cleared of rubbish, it turned out that the floor of parts of the farmhouse had been placed directly above the ground surface. The construction of the farmhouse had preserved in places a previous surface that had generally been destroyed in other parts of the cemetery by subsequent activities, such as farming and gardening. Two observations could be made. No occupation layer was present below the previous surface. A number of graves were documented, and at least a couple included shallow pits that would have been destroyed if the disturbance to the top layer had been as severe as in the surrounding area. This observation was well in agreement with the situation in the excavation to the north and east of the farmhouse, where human bones and teeth, as well as objects that might have belonged to destroyed graves, were found in the topsoil (Larsson 2007; 2009). During the excavation of the grave, a number of flint artefacts, bone artefacts and bones were found. The bone artefacts included two distal pieces of harpoons or leisters of the Kunda type (Fig. 5), with blades and cores among the flint finds. When excavating the feature, several human bones were encountered, including several disarticulated vertebrae and a more or less articulated right forearm and hand. The articulated remains of the forearm were encountered at the northern end of the feature. A right humerus was discovered adjacent to these bones, but it was disarticulated. The relative articulation of the bones of the forearm and parts of the hand indicate a primary deposit, an interpretation that would exclude the possibility that these human remains were simply part of the fill taken from the surrounding cemetery and used for this burial. Moreover, these bones did not belong to any of the two individuals buried further down in the feature (Burials 316 and 317), since the parts of the skeletons excavated were complete. Instead, these remains could be those of other individuals, buried in more or less disturbed graves prior to the burial of individuals in the double grave. During the excavation of the westernmost part of the feature, a stone in a vertical position was found. Measuring 0.3 by 0.2 metres, it is by far the largest stone in the grave fill. Its vertical position makes it reasonable to suggest that it had been deliberately placed. It was observed when the excavation started, so its top might have been just visible after the grave had been refilled. The grave itself was 0.8 metres deep.

83 Fig. 5. Leisters of Kunda type found in the filling of the double grave (drawing by L. Lecareux). ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 The remains of two adult individuals were encountered lying side by side, directed east-west, with their heads to the east, in supine position with the limbs in extension (Fig. 6). According to a preliminary anthropological examination, Burial 316 to the north is a female aged 35 to 40 years. Her teeth are worn, probably due to chewing skin and sinews. Burial 317 is a male aged 25 to 30 years. The face has a marked masculine appearance. Both individuals had parts of the body covered in ochre. The ochre was especially obvious on the forehead and face of the individual to the south, Burial 317. It had been mixed into a clayey substance that was 0.5 centimetres thick in places. In other areas, the ochre was of the same thickness but was not mixed with any other substance. The two bodies were covered with ochre (Fig. 6, see Plate I). Red ochre was documented all the way down to the feet. The intensity of the ochre varied and was especially concentrated in areas where ornaments were found. Some of the ochre was found below the human remains. Thus, the ochre must have been distributed before, as well as after, the bodies were placed in the grave, or it might have been smeared on to the dress or wrappings of the bodies. One clear exception is the layer attached to the face of Burial 317: this must have been carried out after death. Close to the feet of Burial 316, a black area was recorded. The contents of this feature turned out to have a fatty consistency. This area could either consist of decomposed organic material or, less probably, include decomposed material from the body. Description of the grave goods The northernmost individual, Burial 316, had two amber rings located partly below the jaw. One, with a diameter of 7.5 centimetres, was probably complete at the time of burial. The other was a piece of a ring with a diameter of nine centimetres when intact (Fig. 7). There are two perforations in the incomplete ring. Two amber beads were found on the upper part of the body, one located north of the neck, and the other on the upper part of the chest. To the left of the lower part of the torso, a concentration of amber beads was recorded. Starting just above the pelvic region was an arrangement consisting of at least 110 amber pendants, and extending down to the knees (Fig. 7). The preservation II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 83

84 LARS LARSSON A Double Grave with Amber and Bone Adornments at Zvejnieki in Northern Latvia 84 Fig. 7. Amber objects from Burial 316 (drawing by A. Bērziņa).

85 Fig. 8. Grave goods from Burial 317: left, knife; right, bone point (drawing by L. Lecareux). ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 of the amber pendants, particularly those in the lowest part of the arrangement, was quite poor, making it difficult to determine the exact number of them. The pendants formed eight more or less clearly identifiable rows. A gap was evident between the two uppermost rows, which included most of the large pendants, and the six rows below, with smaller pendants. The lower part of the arrangement included five bone pendants. The arrangement ended with two concentrations of smaller pendants or beads. On both sides, below the knees, concentrations of beads made of tubular bone from birds were discovered. On the right side, there were also two pendants: one of amber, and one of bone. A concentration of tubular bone beads was also found to the right of the upper femur. The tubular bone beads are 0.5 to two centimetres long. A flint knife, almost trapezoid in shape and partly made by pressure flaking technique, was found to the northeast of the head of Burial 317 (Fig. 8). Along the upper left arm, there was a bone point or a kind of dagger. It is made from the ulna of a red deer, with additional cutting and polishing of the point. Around and on top of the head of Burial 317 were small amber beads (Fig. 9). These formed a concentration at the top of the skull, as well as a row of beads on the right-hand side. No such arrangement was found on the other side of the head. An assemblage of pendants was found just below the right knee. It does include pendants of amber, but consists mainly of bone beads. Two other concentrations and a few separate beads were located in an area around the lower legs, just above the feet. These included just a couple of beads made from amber, the rest being of bone (Fig. 10). Close to these beads, a concentration of beads made from tubular bird bones was found, and another such concentration was associated with the feet (Fig. 10). When removing the skeletal parts of Burial 317, it turned out that the person had been placed on a stone, 15 centimetres in size, situated below the central part of the pelvic region. A preliminary taphonomic analysis indicates that at least one of the two individuals (Burial 317) had been rather tightly wrapped in some kind of material at the time of burial. This phenomenon has been noted for several burials at the site (Nilsson Stutz 2006; Nilsson Stutz et al. 2008). II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 85

86 A Double Grave with Amber and Bone Adornments at Zvejnieki in Northern Latvia Fig. 9. Amber objects from Burial 317 (drawing by A. Bērziņa). LARS LARSSON 86 Pendants and beads of amber and bone The varied preservation of the amber beads in the lowest part of the arrangement in Burial 316 makes it difficult to provide an exact number of the amber beads. Some of the tubular bone beads were also in bad condition. Altogether, it includes at least 135 beads made of amber, two large amber rings and one small one, 38 beads made of bone, one ring of bone, and at least 190 beads of tubular bones. Forty-eight beads and one ring are associated with Burial 317, while the rest relate to Burial 316. The amber pendants vary in size. The largest belong to the two rows at the top of the arrangement in Burial 316 (Fig. 7). Most of them have a round-oval or almost rectangular shape, are between 5.5 and 3.5 centimetres in length, with one side almost flat and the other somewhat convex. Further down in the arrangement, the pendants become smaller, 4.5 to two centimetres in length, and the shapes are more varied: rectangular, droplet-shaped, triangular and irregular. As the pendants become smaller, they generally become more rectangular in cross-section. Pendants with one perforation comprise the overwhelming majority, with a small number having two perforations. The surfaces of the amber pendants and beads are poorly preserved, thus precluding close studies of colour, traces of working, wear or even decoration. The bone pendants have been cut out of massive bones, such as the metacarpal or metatarsal bones of elk or red deer (Fig. 10). They are similar in shape to the amber pendants: rectangular, droplet-shaped or almost circular. Most have a single perforation, but a few have a double perforation. However, they are smaller than those made of amber, 1.5 to 2.5 centimetres in length. They are of special interest, as this category of finds was not previously known at Zvejnieki cemetery. Just one tooth pendant was found, close to the feet of Burial 316. This is just the proximal end, with a cut furrow around the tip of the root, and probably originates from an aurochs. The question remains as to how the beads were attached. In the case of Burial 317, beads might have been attached to a headdress. The pendants at the lower parts of the extremities are much more difficult to explain. Some of them might have been fastened to the hem of a dress, or sewn directly on to the lower part of the dress or the leggings. There seems to be a contrast between Burial 316 and Burial 317 in terms of the location of the beads. Burial 317 has beads associated with the head, while they are absent in the case of Burial 316. The provision of amber rings on the neck and a small number of amber beads on the torso of Burial 316 has no parallel in Burial 317. The concentration of amber beads between

87 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 10. Bone objects from Burial 317 (drawing by A. Bērziņa). the pelvic region and the knees of Burial 316 contrasts with the total absence of them in this area in Burial 317. At the level where the distribution ends in Burial 316, it starts in Burial 317, continuing down to the feet. The decoration of Burial 316 includes only a small number of bone beads in the lower part of the arrangement. All the other bone beads, including a small ring, relate to Burial 317. Dating the burials Both burials have been dated. Burial 317 gave an age of 5105±50 BP (LuS 8216), cal. BC (according to Oxcal v. 4.1), and Burial 316 produced a date of 5285±55 BP (LuS 8217), cal. BC. The bone dagger found close to the right arm of Burial 317 was dated to 4865±60 BP (LuS 7852), cal. BC. If we can regard the two individuals as having died and been buried at the same time, then the age difference between Burial 317 and the item from 87

88 A Double Grave with Amber and Bone Adornments at Zvejnieki in Northern Latvia LARS LARSSON 88 the grave falls approximately within the same range of acceptability. Two samples of human bone from the grave fill gave values of 6050±55 BP (LuS 8218), cal. BC, and 5830±60 BP (LuS 8219), cal. BC. These probably originate from at least two different burials that were destroyed when the grave for the double burial was dug. A couple of graves, more or less destroyed, were found just at the edge of the grave of this double burial. Further analysis might give more information concerning the relationship between the people buried in this grave and the human bones found in the fill. The fill was very rich in flint, as well as bone. Artefacts found in the fill are dated as follows: the tip of a Kunda harpoon has been dated to 8275±55 BP (LuS 8738), cal. BC, a beaver vertebra is dated to 6320±60 BP (LuS 8220), cal. BC, a vertebra of the fish wels has given a date of 6630±55 BP (LuS 8223), cal. BC, and a wild boar incisor has been dated to 5455±50 BP (LuS 8835) cal. BC. All are earlier than the two burials. The fill is black to dark brown in colour, resembling the occupation layers within the site. As no occupation layer was found on top of the grave, the fill must originate from older occupation layers found just some 20 to 50 metres away. The differences in radiocarbon values indicates occupation layers with considerable age differences. The double grave is located within the eastern part of the cemetery, where a number of burials of about the same age have been found. Most of the burials are from the Middle Neolithic. Dates have been obtained for some 15 burials, from 5545±65 (Ua-19810), cal. BC, up to 4825±75 BP (Ua-15546), cal. BC (Zagorska 2006b, p.102). However, as previously described, older burials have also been excavated, such as Burial 319 and Burial 320, dated to 7635±65 BP (Ua 36994), cal. BC, and 7620±65 BP (Ua 36995), cal. BC, Burial 313, dated to 7525±60 BP (LuS 8220), cal. BC, and Burial 312, dated to 6160±50 BP (LuS 6834), cal. BC. There are also more or less contemporaneous burials, such as Burial 310, dated to 5150±60 BP (LuS 6437), cal. BC, and Burial 325, dated to 5230±50 BP (LuS 8833), cal. BC. Other graves with amber objects in the cemetery at Zvejnieki Like the double grave, all the graves containing amber objects are located in the eastern part of the cemetery (Fig. 3). Apart from the double grave, another 17 graves included amber adornments of different shapes, with a total of about 210 finds (Zagorska 2001, p.109). Amber objects have been found in collective graves with between two and seven individuals, strewn with ochre. Some of the burials in these graves were richly adorned with amber. Amber adornments have been found in single graves too, but in small numbers. It is difficult to identify special rules for how the amber beads, pendants and rings were worn or placed in the tomb. Burial 221 is the richest, with 53 pendants and four rings altogether, covering the area from the pelvis to the knees, just as with Burial 316. No other grave contained a similar arrangement. The dating of Burial 221 has given an age similar to the double grave, namely 5180±65 BP (Ua-19813), cal. BC (Zagorska 2001, Table IV). Burial 221 is identified as male, whereas Burial 316 is female. If the sex characterisation is correct, then evidently both males and females could wear this kind of arrangement. A female burial, Burial 256, had two pendants between the legs. Only one other grave has a parallel for the distribution of beads around the head of Burial 317. This is Burial 206, where a pendant was found in a similar location, namely under the skull. An almost circular bead (Fig. 9, top left) was found just below the right eye socket of Burial 317. It might initially have been located in the eye socket. During the previous excavation, a thick layer of clay and red ochre was found on six individuals (Zagorska 2006a, p.100). On these skulls, round amber rings were found intentionally stuck into the eye sockets as replacements for the eyes. In these cases, the amber pieces have a large, centrally placed hole, while the bead on Burial 317, like all the others, has an asymmetrically positioned perforation. As regards dress decoration, it should be noted that the older graves in the cemetery at Zvejnieki were adorned with tooth beads, and the youngest such example, Burial 164, is dated to 5230±95 BP (Ua 15544), cal. BC (Larsson 2006, Fig. 21). Shortly later, amber beads and pendants replaced tooth beads. Graves with amber have been dated to between 5285±50 BP (Ua 3634), for Burial 206, and 4865±75 BP (Ua 19884), cal. BC, for Burial 201. Summary Despite the intensive excavation of more than 300 graves during excavations in the 1960s and 1970s, the cemetery at Zvejnieki still has a lot of interesting features and finds to reveal that shed a light on mortuary

89 practices and grave goods. New excavations started in 2005, and in 2007 and 2009 a double grave was investigated. Burial 316, a female, had an arrangement of amber pendants from the waist to the knee, while Burial 317, a male, had some beads around the head and around the lower legs. The double grave proved the most richly furnished grave in the cemetery in terms of amber pendants, and also included a new type of adornment, namely bone pendants. It has been dated to about 4000 cal. BC, which corresponds with other burials in the cemetery that have amber adornments. The double grave is located in the eastern part of the cemetery, where the other graves with amber objects were situated. Acknowledgements I would especially like to thank Dr Ilga Zagorska, the co-leader of the new excavation, for all her help and advice. I would also like to thank Anda Bērziņa and Loic Lecareux for the drawings. The excavation was funded by the Swedish Institute and the Royal Academy of Sciences. Valdis Bērziņs made corrections to the English text. Written in English by the author, language revised by Valdis Bērziņš Abbreviation Back to the Origin L. LARSSON AND I. ZAGORSKA, eds. Back to the Origin. New research in the Mesolithic- Neolithic Zvejnieki cemetery and environment, Northern Latvia (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia, Series in 8, No. 52), Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International. References DAVID, E., Technical behaviour in the Mesolithic (9th 8th millennium BC). The contribution of the bone and antler industry from domestic and funerary contexts. In: Back to the Origin, EBERHARDS, G., Geology and the Development of the Paleolake Burtnieks during the Late Glacial and Holocene. In: Back to the Origin, ERIKSSON, G., Human and faunal remains from Zvejnieki studied by means of stable isotope analysis. In: Back to the Origin, GERHARDS, G., The stature and some aspects of physical development of the Zvejnieki sample. In: Back to the Origin, JANKAUSKAS, R., PALUBECKAITĖ, Z., Palaeopathological review of Zvejnieki sample analysis of cases and considerations about subsistence. In: Back to the Origin, KALNINA, L., Paleovegetation and human impact in the surroundings of the ancient Burtnieks lake as reconstructed from pollen analysis. In: Back to the Origin, LARSSON, L., A tooth for a tooth. Tooth ornaments from the graves at the cemeteries of Zvejnieki. In: Back to the Origin, LARSSON, L., Research at Zvejnieki, Northern Latvia. A preliminary report. Mesolithic Miscellany, 18.1, LARSSON, L., Zvejnieki past, present and future. A Mesolithic-Neolithic settlement and cemetery site in northern Latvia. In: N. FINLAY, S. McCARTAN, N. MIL- NER, C. WICKHAM JONES, eds. From Bann Flakes to Bushmills; papers in honour of Professor Peter Woodman. Oxford: Prehistoric Society Research Paper 1, LõuGAS, L., Animals as subsistence and bones as raw material for settlers of prehistoric Zvejnieki. In: Back to the Origin, MANNERMAA, K., Bird remains in the human burials at Zvejnieki, Latvia. Introduction to bird finds and a proposal for interpretation. In: Back to the Origin, NILSSON STuTZ, L Embodied Rituals and Ritualized Bodied. Tracing ritual practices in late Mesolithic burials (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia, series in 8º, no 46), Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International. NILSSON STuTZ, L., Unwrapping the dead. Searching for evidence of wrappings in the mortuary practices at Zvejnieki. In: Back to the Origin, NILSSON STuTZ, L., LARSSON, L., ZAGORSKA, I., More Burials at Zvejnieki. Preliminary results from the 2007 excavation. Mesolithic Miscellany, 19.1, PALUBECKAITĖ, Z., JANKAUSKAS, R., Dental status of Zvejnieki sample as reflection of early ontogenesis and activities in adulthood. In: Back to the Origin, ZAGORSKA, I., Amber graves of Zvejnieki burial ground. Acta Academiae Artium Vilnensis, 22. A. BUTRI- MAS, ed. Baltic Amber, Proceedings of the International Interdisciplianary Conference: Baltic Amber in Natural Sciences, Archaeology and Applied Arts September 2001, Vilnius, Palanga, Nida. Vilnius, ZAGORSKA, I., 2006a. Radiocarbon chronology of the Zvejnieki burials. In: Back to the Origin, ZAGORSKA, I., 2006b. The history of research on the Zvejnieki site. In: Back to the Origin, ZAGORSKIS, F., Zvejnieku akmens laikmeta kapulauks. Riga: Zinātne. ZAGORSKIS, F., Zvejnieki (N Latvia) Stone Age Cemetery. BAR International Series Oxford. ZARINA, G., Palaeodemography of the Stone Age Burials at Zvejnieki. In: Back to the Origin, Received: 4 April 2010; Revised: 3 May 2010; Accepted: 22 June Lars Larsson Institute of Archaeology and Ancient History Lund university Box Lund Sweden ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 89

90 A Double Grave with Amber and Bone Adornments at Zvejnieki in Northern Latvia LARS LARSSON DVIGUBAS KAPAS SU GINTARO IR KAULO PAPUOŠALAIS ZVEJNIEKUOSE, ŠIAURĖS LATVIJOJE LARS LARSSON Santrauka Nepaisant intensyvių kasinėjimų XX a. 7 8-ojo dešimtmečiais ekspedicijų metu, apėmusių daugiau nei 300 kapų, Zvejnieki kapinynas vis dar turi įdomių bruožų ir radinių, galinčių atskleisti laidojimo papročius ir įkapes (1 3 pav.). Kasinėjimai atnaujinti 2005 m., o 2007 ir 2009 m. buvo tirtas dvigubas kapas (4 pav.). Moteriškos lyties mirusiosios kape 316 rasta gintaro kabučių dėlionė nuo moters juosmens iki kelių (6 pav.; 1 įklija). Tuo tarpu vyriškos lyties mirusiojo kape 317 buvo karoliai, išdėlioti aplink galvą ir kojų apatinės dalies srityje. Dvigubas kapas buvo turtingiausias gintaro kabučių atžvilgiu visame kapinyne, be to, jame buvo rastas ir naujas papuošalo tipas, būtent kauliniai kabučiai (7; 9 pav.). Kapas datuotas kalibruota data apie 4000 m. pr. Kr., kuri atitinka ir kitų kapinyno palaidojimų su gintaro papuošalais datas. Dvigubas kapas buvo atidengtas rytinėje kapinyno dalyje, kur buvo išsidėstę ir kiti kapai su gintariniais daiktais. Vertė Rasa Banytė-Rowell 90

91 IčA NEoLITHIc SETTLEMENT IN THE LAkE LubāNS WETLAND ILZE LOZE Abstract Archaeological excavations in the Late Neolithic settlement of Iča were carried out in 1998 and Pre-war research of the Iča settlement was done by Eduard Šturms ( ). The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the character of the Late Neolithic population. In total, an area of square metres was investigated. Three cultural layers were discovered: Eneolithic, and Late Neolithic. Topography, stratigraphy and dwelling traces are described. Attention is paid to the demoted human burials, of which bones were found all over the excavated area. Flint, stone, antler and amber artefacts, 516 items altogether, were found in an area of 506 square metres. A small clay item, representing the breast of a female figurine, and a bone plate with an engraved anthropomorphic face, are of special interest. Amber ornaments, altogether 122 pendants, buttons, cylindrical beads, fragments of rings and discs, were found. The pottery was classified in three groups: Late Neolithic porous and corded Ware, as well as Eneolithic-Lubāna type. Radiocarbon data from five wooden samples allowed us to date the habitation of the settlement at Iča from 3320 to 2570 bc. key words: Iča settlement, Lubāns wetland, artefacts, pottery Neolithic, Eneolithic. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Introduction Iča Neolithic settlement was discovered in 1937 during the deepening and straightening of the riverbed of a right-bank tributary of the River Aiviekste. A report on the discovery of the Iča settlement to the board supervising and rectifying the deepening works of the River Iča was written by A. Turnis, a culture technician, who was involved at that time in the Lake Lubāns regulating works. In the 1960s, Iča was in fact the only known Neolithic settlement in the Lake Lubāns wetland. The settlement is situated on the left bank of the serpentine lower reaches of the Iča, several kilometres downstream from the village of Sala, and kilometres to the east of the place where the River Iča used to flow into the small Lake Vējezeriņš (it was drained in the 1960s) (Fig. 1). The lower reaches of the river are regulated over a stretch of 11 kilometres. The estuary is located at a distance of eight kilometres from the place where the River Aiviekste curently flows out of Lake Lubāns. The river valley is wide in its lower reaches, making a spacious plain along both its banks which formerly overflowed during floods. The settlement is situated in the Lubāns marshy meadows, and is characterised by a relief elevation without the peat cover, which was an ideal place for the location of a settlement during the Middle Neolithic. The Early and Late Neolithic-inhabited part of the Iča settlement was located side by side with the elevation, to the north of the Middle Neolithic inhabited area. The stratigraphy of these cultural layers formed in a lower part of the area of the settlement. Pre-war research of the Iča settlement is associated with Eduards Šturms ( ), who organised archaeological excavations in 1938 and 1939 on a broad scale, since the excavation areas were studied in the central part of the settlement. In addition, archaeological excavations were also carried out in the shallows of the old bed of the River Iča, and also probing excavations were carried out for the determination of reliable borders of the settlement. The scientific value of this work was reflected in the press at that time (Šturms 1938; 1939). Work was organised promptly, and in the summers of 1938 and 1939 an area of square metres was studied. Information on the excavations was written up by Šturms. This report has been preserved in the archive of the Archaeology Department of the Latvian National Museum of History (LNVM, inv. no. 219). Also, a collection containing fragments of archaeological artefacts and pottery obtained during the excavations can be found there. New archaeological excavations in the Iča settlement were carried out in 1988 and 1989, when the Lubāns archaeological expedition of the Institute of History, Latvian Academy of Sciences, worked in exactly the place of the Early and Late Neolithic population of this settlement, since exactly this territory was endangered due to the projected construction of a polder on the River Iča (Fig. 2, see Plate II). The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the character of the Late Neolithic population in this settlement, based on the material obtained and recorded in the archaeological excavations during these two years. II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 91

92 ILZE LOZE Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland Fig. 1. A map of the main Late Neolithic settlements at the Lake Lubāns wetland: Abora, Asne, Eiņi and Iča settlements. 1 Mesolithic; 2 Early Neolithic; 3 Middle Neolithic; 4 Late Neolithic. 92 Topographic and stratigraphic characteristics of the Iča settlement The topographic and stratigraphic characteristics of the Iča settlement differ from the other 25 settlements of the Lake Lubāns wetland. The Iča settlement is so far the only known settlement of this type in the Lake Lubāns wetland, having been populated for lengthy periods of time, where continuous layers of population did not accumulate one over the other, but instead the populated areas changed their location over the course of time due to fluctuations in the water level of Lake Lubāns. Namely, in the Early Neolithic, the populated area in the Iča settlement was situated at its lowest place, close to the old Iča riverbed. In 1988 and 1989, after thorough consideration, the excavation areas were admeasured in the site of the settlement that had not been studied before, which was situated at a much lower height in comparison with the relief elevation marks. It was hoped to uncover traces of population from the Early as well as the Late Neolithic (Fig. 3). In total, ten excavation areas were admeasured in the lowered part of the Iča settlement, of which three (A, b and c) were situated in the zone of the river bank, beyond the intensely populated area of the settlement. These excavations were carried out on the site of silt banks made by excavators on the old riverbed, in other words, these finds lack stratigraphic data. Eight (D, E, F, G, H, I, J and k) were located in the intensely populated part of the settlement. In total, an area of square metres was uncovered (Fig. 4). The stratigraphy of Late Neolithic cultural layers in the Iča settlement was preserved in good condition, since people had not disturbed the cultural layers. The first four lithological layers of the lower part of the Iča settlement did not contain any artefacts or pottery fragments. The cultural layers were covered with sod (first lithological layer), washed over sand (second layer),

93 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 3. A view of the Iča settlement from the southeast (photograph by I. Loze). peaty soil (third layer), and mixed light and dark soil layers (fourth layer) (Fig. 5). The first pottery fragments were found in the fifth lithological layer, overpeated loamy soil, which covered the Late Neolithic cultural layers. The sixth and seventh layers, intensely filled with artefacts and pottery fragments, represent two stages of Late Neolithic populations. The first inhabited cultural layer in loamy soil was discovered at a depth of 0.6 to 0.7 metres, the upper Late Neolithic layer contains disturbed hearth places at a depth of 0.7 to 0.8 metres. The second, earlier inhabited cultural layer in peaty deposits was discovered at a depth of 0.8 to 1.05 metres (Fig. 6). The subsoil and gravel lithological layers underneath them belonged to the Early Neolithic layer, which was inspected in the excavation areas (D, E, J) that were the nearest to the old Iča riverbed. The upper part of the Late Neolithic cultural layer (sixth lithological layer) was formed by peaty sand mixed with ashy sand, but the lower one had a layer of dark peat with shingles and fragments of hewn wooden planks (seventh lithological layer). Dwelling traces of the settlement During excavations of the Iča settlement, a large number of poles and posts were found in the subsoil. The uncovering of pole sites in the subsoil shows two kinds of fillings: 1. pits of a large diameter filled with mixed sand characteristic of the sixth cultural layer, including crumbled boulders, which remained after the breakdown of buildings and punk posts; 2. pits made by poles of a lesser diameter filled with peat; these pits belong to the Lower Late Neolithic population period, the seventh layer. The uncovered pole and post sites belong to buildings of post constructions, but studies are encumbered and complicated by the existence of two cultural layers. considering the area of the excavation square, which is a bit over 50 square metres, it may be assumed that in this area there was only one dwelling place. Anyway, the location of the hearth sites should be taken into consideration, since they should be part of any dwelling place. The fact that changes have occurred in the settlement is shown by the lithological filling of cultural layers which mark the previous activities in the upper Late Neolithic cultural layer that account for the presence of ash in the dwelling place. There is no need to argue about whether there were one or two hearths in the dwelling place, since the remains of hearths have been uncovered in E, F, G, H and k excavation areas, although at different depths. The largest hearth site belonging to the upper cultural layer was found in the western sector of E excavation area (Fig. 7, see Plate I). The intensive population character registered in E and F squares were also the same in G square, which was connected to the southern edge of both squares, three metres wide and ten metres long. In this part of the set- II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 93

94 Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland ILZE LOZE Fig. 4. A scheme of excavation squares D, E, F, G, H, I, J and k. With k excavation square, two working seasons were concluded in the archaeological excavations of the Iča settlement. k square bordered H square on the southern edge. During the uncovering of the square, a hearth cultural layer was registered, which was similar to the one discovered in the northern part of H square. Fragments of deciduous tree boards should be mentioned, and a place where pine splinters were concentrated (4c sq). In the southeast corner of k square, fragments of two parallel beams were found, as well as a round timber (pine?) pole and a plank-shaped wooden fragment (1a sq). There was also a group of wooden remains, consisting of bark, splinters and fragments of deciduous trees (3, 4a, 5a sq). In this group, no round timber was found. Also uncovered were two parallel wooden fragments (0.5 m long) (4a, 5a sq). The saturation of these latter excavation squares with wooden remains should be noted, which is evidence that beams were cleaved to make planks. Remains of human burials in the settlement 94 tlement, in the sixth layer, the largest amount of crumbled hearth stones had accumulated (Figs. 8, 9, see Plate II). This indicated the intensive use of this hearth or during fire rituals over the course of time. In the western part of the investigated area of the settlement (H and k squares), in the lower part of the Late Neolithic cultural layer, one-metre-long round timber was uncovered, and a wooden wedge-shaped item. Digging deeper in the excavation square, a fragment of hewn board, 0.65 metres long and 0.5 metres wide, was uncovered. The other site with hearth remains was found in the northeast part of H square (1 3, f-g sq). A large number of animal bones were found there. The structure of the cultural layer was changed, peat with the remains of wood and stone splinter dominated. The remains of wood have been preserved in the form of chips and poles of larger round timber, but in a rather fragmentary way. The remains of this place in the hearth belong to the most ancient population period of this settlement. Regrettably, the hearth was demolished and the stones are scattered around an area of seven to eight metres. The finds of human skulls and jaws, as well as arm and leg bones in E, G, I, H and k excavation squares, judging by the conclusion made by the palaeoosteologist Guntis Gerhards, represented several individuals. The fact that the remains have been preserved fragmentarily is evidence of the fact that these burials were demolished during the life of the settlement, since a large part of the skeletal remains of the buried individuals are situated in the subsoil, although nothing was in situ any more; and besides, important parts of a skeleton such as spinal vertebrae were not found among the bones of the buried individuals. The remains of skeletons of the buried individuals were concentrated in two places, H and k, as well as in E and G excavation squares, where a dwelling was discovered, of east-west location. At the western end of the dwelling, a piece of a massive jaw of a 30 to 35-year-old male individual was found (H, on the subsoil, 3f sq), but a little further was a humerus belonging to the same individual (5h sq). Also, the possible presence of two other individuals should be noted: occiput (base of skull), left-side temporal bone, fragments of a lower jaw (H square, 2h, 3j, 3I, 5j, 5g-c, 6h sq), as well as two skull fragments of a young person up to 18 years old (at the same place 3h sq). Also, the remains of a female skeleton were found there: two forearm

95 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 5. The northeast profile of excavation square E (photograph by I. Loze). II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 6. The eastern profile of excavation square F: 1 sod; 2 washed-over yellow sand; 3 dark peaty soil; 4 interchanged light and dark sand layers; 5 overpeated loamy soil; 6 mixed hearth layer; 7 peaty layer; 8 subsoil; 9 gravel; 10 pitted hearth layer. 95

96 Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland ILZE LOZE 96 bones, left-side shank and a fragment of the left-side femur (2j, 4j, 3d, 5a). The remains of a juvenile burial, a fragment of a lower jaw, was registered in 5I and h square of H excavation square. At the eastern end of the discovered dwelling in the southern part of the E excavation square the bones of an arm of an adult male were found (seventh layer, 2 3a sq), as well as fragments of the skull and the upper jaw (seventh layer, 3d sq). Possibly also fragments of the skull and lower jaw of a 30 to 35-year-old individual found in G square (in the subsoil, 1 3, h j, sq) indicate the potential place of burial of another male. bones of upper arms belonging to a woman or an adolescent were also found close to the place of the hearth in G square (sixth layer, 2i sq). The fact that the group of demolished burials were located in exactly this part of the dwelling is indicated by several characteristics of the found inventory. They are seen already in the distribution plan of the settlement which was published earlier. Finds were registered in this part of the dwelling that could belong to a grave inventory: a bone plate with a graphic engraving of human features, pendants made of animal s teeth, amber pendants, button-shaped beads and a bone disc. Also, attention should be paid to a clay anthropomorphic figurine which might not be part of the grave inventory of buried or deceased individuals, but it could belong to a magician who lived in the settlement, as part of his ritual equipment (Loze 2003a, Fig. 2). Distribution of artefacts and pottery fragments The distribution of Late Neolithic artefacts and pottery fragments in a living space allows us to expect traces of a dwelling, which had an east-west orientation with some derivation to the southeast. The spatial distribution of artefacts in the investigated excavation areas shows that they were concentrated within an eight-metre-wide and a 12 to 13-metre-long zone. In the dwelling site there was also a Late Neolithic amber processing workshop which is the second one in importance in the Lake Lubāns wetland. Also, 122 amber ware and semi-finished manufactures have been found there. Among them are 32 pendants and their semifinished manufactures, 20 round and 13 rectangular as well as quadrangular button-shaped beads, 14 cylindrical and one disc-shaped bead, fragments of one ring and two discs, and a fastener (Loze 2008, p.134ff). Amber raw material and its processing waste totalled 70 grams, which does not testify to large reserves of it in the settlement. The intensely saturated cultural layer of the settlement dwelling is represented by flint arrowheads, scrapers, knives and drills, bone daggers, awls and arrowheads, as well as shale chisels. A fragment of the bottom part of a stone battle-axe, as well as a bone plate with an engraving of a human face, are worthy of attention. To the west of the dwelling place, in a zone of less activities, where also the remains of disturbed burials of settlement inhabitants were found, a small number of artefacts was obtained, including a disc-shaped amber bead and a semi-finished manufacture of a pendant, as well as two flint knives, bone arrowheads, and animal tooth pendants. The latter, like the amber bead, might belong to a burial inventory. Pottery fragments which were obtained during the archaeological excavations belong to the following types: 67% are porous clay mass pottery with a smooth surface; 7% with pseudotextile impressions; 4% Lubānstype pottery; and 1% pottery wholly covered with impressions of cord and corded pottery fragments. The rest of the fragments belong to Early Neolithic (1%), and to bronze Age and Early Iron Age (1.1%) pottery (Loze 1993, p.15ff). The distribution of pottery fragments in the eastern excavation areas were five to 17 fragments per metre, and also in the western part the distribution came within this range. Their number in k excavation area did not exceed 12 items per metre. In the area of the settlement, there were no concentrations of especially large numbers of pottery fragments. characteristics of the settlement inventory In the Iča Late Neolithic settlement, during the course of archaeological excavations, in an area of 405 square metres, in total 516 artefacts were obtained (356 in 1988, and 160 in 1989). That makes on average more than one artefact per square metre. of these, 66 artefacts belong to c excavation area, when the sand layer from the River Iča bed was dug over again at the end of the 1930s. The artefacts found in the settlement are made of flint, stone, bone, antler and amber. Flint inventory Flint tools from the uncovered excavation areas of the Iča settlement make a small set of objects. There are arrowheads, scrapers, knives, perforators and several semi-finished manufactures of these. The arrowheads are of different forms, including two bifacial arrow-

97 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 10. Flint tools from the Iča settlement: 1-6 arrowheads; 7, 24 semi-manufactured arrowheads; 8-11 perforators; 12, 13 knives; 17 drill; 18 blade; 19-23, 25, 26 end and side-scrapers; 27 semi-manufactured scraper; 28 semi-manufactured spearhead (drawing by M. Jānkalniņa). 97

98 Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland ILZE LOZE 98 heads: one with a leaf-shaped head and narrowed tang; the other one, which has been preserved fragmentarily, is rhombus-shaped (Fig. 10.2, 6). Four other arrowheads have retouched edges. one of them is rhombusshaped (Fig. 10.3). Two others differ in width and form: one is narrow, the other one wide (Fig. 10.1, 4). The last is triangular (Fig. 10.5). There are three semi-finished manufactures of arrowheads: an unfinished bifacial arrowhead, a fragment of the middle part of a bifacial arrowhead, and a wide leaf-shaped item with started edge retouch (Fig. 10.7, 24, 28). Flint scrapers are very diverse. There are: Quadrangular scrapers (Fig , 19) Elongated edge scrapers (Fig , 16) A blade-scraper with a straight forehead and edge retouch and a small concavity from both sides (Fig ) A massive block-shaped scraper of a regular form, with a high forehead and a concavity on the left side (Fig ) A block-shaped scraper with a wide retouch of the opposing edges (Fig ) A wide scraper with a high forehead and a concavity of the right side (Fig ) A scraper with a rounded forehead (Fig ) A scraper with a steep forehead and a concavity of the right side (Fig ) A semi-finished manufacture of a triangular scraper (Fig ) Flint knives that are made using a flint flake technique have a fine retouch of one side (Fig ,13). one of the knives made using flint flake technique, an elongated one, has a fine retouch of both sides, and the other one a retouch of one side (Fig ). Flint perforators have a triangular contour and a short working end (Fig. 10.8,9,10). only one drill with the short working end was found (Fig ). Shale tools There are not many stone tools in the Late Neolithic inventory of the Iča settlement. However, in the uncovered territory a massive and weighty slate chisel with a flatly pulvinated cross-section was found. Also, a typical Late Neolithic chisel with a rectangular crosssection has been preserved whole and unbroken; the other item is fragmentary, being represented by the edge part (Fig ,7). In addition, a short and wide chisel with side edges and a symmetrical cross-section (Fig ) should be mentioned, as well as several small and miniature chisels characteristic of the Late Neolithic in the Lake Lubāns wetland, which are abundantly represented in the archaeological material of the Abora settlement. Stone (boat) battle-axe The battle-axe found in the Iča settlement belongs to the early type of massive Late Neolithic battle-axes (Fig. 11.9). This find of a fragment of a weighty axe is so far the only one in the Lake Lubāns wetland. The axe has an almost straight upper part, and a rather sharply upward blade edge on the lower part of it. The cross-section has a rounded oval form (LNVM, inv. no. 413). The axe is massive, the length of the fragment, from the hole in the handle to the blade, reaches 9.45 centimetres, the blade is 5.7 centimetres wide, and in the middle part in the place of the fracture it is 5.1 centimetres thick, which allows us to assume that it could have been part of a 16 to 17-centimetre-long tool. bone tools Among Late Neolithic bone tools from the Iča settlement, there are arrowheads and spearheads, chisels, awls, daggers and knives, as well as blades made of cleaved wild boar tusks. Arrowheads and spearheads can be classified in the following way: slender arrowheads with elongated feather and an asymmetrical tang (Fig. 12.1,2) slender arrowheads with elongated feather and a symmetrical tang (Fig. 12.3) spearhead with one-sided tooth and highly narrowed tang part (Fig. 12.4) slender fishing spearhead with rounded triangular cross-section (Fig ) Among bone chisels, there are small items made of cleaved animal bones (Fig ). bone awls are of two types. They are made of cleaved large animal bones (Fig ), and RUD metacarpus Alces alces (Fig. 12.6,7,18). Daggers are made of ulna Alces alces. Sets of these everyday tools are the largest ones. The number of daggers comes to 20. For refined cutting works, blades made of cleaved wild boar tusks were used (Fig ,11). The bone tool collection also contains a single-piece fishing hook and some other hard-to-identify bone tools (Fig. 12.8,13,14).

99 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 11. Stone Age tools: 1battle-axe; 2-8, 10, 11 shale chisels; 9 fragment of a battle-axe (drawing by M. Jānkalniņa). 99

100 Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland ILZE LOZE 100 Small clay figure A clay anthropomorphic figurine is the only small sculpted clay find in the Iča settlement (Fig. 13; see Plate III). only the chest part of it, which belongs to the figure of a female, has been preserved. The fragment of the figurine is 2.8 centimetres long and 3.6 centimetres wide, and 0.85 centimetres thick in the middle part. This indicates that the figurine could have been about seven or eight centimetres long. It has rounded shoulders and a flat body. The face was possibly made in the same way. This is the feature that distinguishes the figurine from the Iča settlement and those obtained in northern kurzeme in the Pūrciems and Ģipka settlements (Loze, 2003b, Fig. 2, 9-18). We should note the ornamentation of this female clay figurine. The composition is made up of nail-shaped impressions. Its arrangement on the back is characterised by a criss-cross double line, encompassed by a double line of similar impressions, while on the front these impressions are arranged in three symmetrical rows in the shoulder part, in a direction towards the centre of the figurine. It is possible that these nail-shaped compositions on the surface of the anthropomorphic figurine had a symbolic meaning in the Iča settlement. Such an arrangement of nail-shaped impressions in the form of a rhombus-shaped net is characteristic of early cropgrower pottery, including small clay figures, among which it was found. When the fragment of a clay figurine was found, the excavation area resembled a large demolished place for a fire ritual, or even a hearth. While digging deeper in the Late Neolithic cultural layer, it still became possible to uncover a marked hearth site which consisted of 25 fragments of boulders. Engraving of an anthropomorphic face on a bone plate The inhabitants of the Iča Late Neolithic settlement also left in the settlement a bone plate with an anthropomorphic face engraved on it. The plate is 9.3 centimetres long and 2.3 centimetres wide (Figs.14.5, 15). The anthropomorphic face is engraved with deep incisions. It is formed in a peculiar way: the proportions are unnaturally elongated in length. The eyes are formed by drilling, but the atypically long nose is marked by two grooves arranged in parallel. The mouth is possibly discernable in the form of a line arranged athwart to the nose at the bottom part of the plate. The hair or headgear is shown in a similar way at the upper edge of the plate. The bone plate, which was made from a large animal s leg bone, has a flat bottom. It could possibly have been used as an everyday utensil. We must emphasise that the rather primitive and peculiar representation of this anthropomorphic face does not attest to consummate skill on the part of the maker, nor to any special significance of this item. This engraving on a bone plate was obtained in the H 7th cultural layer of the H excavation area (inv. no. 432). bone ornaments ornaments cut from bone in the Iča settlement are represented by discs, plate-shaped pendants and lunules characteristic of the Late Neolithic settlements of the Lake Lubāns wetland. The discs are of two types: one has patterns on the edges, but the other does not. The diameter of the discs is from 2.6 centimetres to 4.3 centimetres (Fig. 14.3, 7-9). Plate-shaped pendants have slightly rounded contours and an incurved bottom, or they are wider, with jagged edges (Fig. 14.1, 2). A lunule with side carvings has been preserved fragmentarily; therefore, it is difficult to judge about the formation of the edges (Fig. 14.4). Amber ornaments Attention should be paid to the amber-working in the Iča Late Neolithic settlement. The ornaments and semi-finished manufactures found in the settlement, 122 items in total, were made in the last stage of the settlement population. The amber collection from this settlement includes pendants, button-shaped and cylindrical beads, one disc-shaped bead, rings and discs, and fragments of them. Also, a single pin has been found. Inhabitants of the Iča settlement still used natural pieces of amber with frontal perforation. of such ornaments, 32 items have been found. The second group of amber pendants were represented by regular-shaped bulky pendants: tooth-shaped, pyramidal, and drop and plate-shaped, as well as by stemmed discs (key-head shaped) specimens (Loze 2008b, p.442ff). Specimens of round (15) and quadrangular buttonshaped (11) beads were made perfectly. Among them are some especially carefully worked specimens, with small incisions on their edges (Loze 2008a, Fig. XXVIII.10, 12).The quadrangular button-shaped beads are of two types. one of them is of a geometrically precise form, the other one is characterised by a rounding of its end. cylindrical beads (11 specimens) and three semi-finished manufactures were found. They are 1.5 to three centimetres long. one discshaped bead is roughly worked, with a cross-section

101 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 12. bone tools for hunting and everyday use: 1-3 arrowheads; 4, 19 spearheads; 5-7, awls; 8 fragment of a harpoon; 9 net-making needle; 10 blade of cleaved wild boar tusk; 11, 12 small chisels; 13 fishing hook (drawing by M. Jāņkalniņa). 101

102 Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland ILZE LOZE of 1.3 centimetres. Discs and rings were also made at the Iča settlement. only fragments of two discs and one ring were found. The complex of amber ornaments from the Iča settlement has significantly expanded the research basis of Late Neolithic amber, and reminds us once more of the significance and phenomenon of the Lake Lubāns wetland amber-working centre in the context of east baltic prehistoric amber research (Loze 2009, p.60ff). The Late Neolithic in the Lake Lubāns wetland is characterised by the rapid growth of amber-working, resulting in the making of technically valuable ornaments which should be duplicated and distributed among those who like amber ware nowadays. Late Neolithic and Eneolithic pottery Late Neolithic pottery from the Iča settlement (2,109 fragments) is represented by fragments of vessels of a porous structure, and also by fragments of corded pottery and Lubāns-type pottery. This means that three population periods of the settlement can be distinguished: two belong to the Late Neolithic, porous mass pottery and corded pottery; but Lubāns-type pottery is characteristic of Eneolithic, and this pottery corresponds, according to the opinions of specialists in this field, to bell beaker culture pottery (Loze 2003a, pp ). until now, issues about the stratification of Eneolithic pottery in the cultural layers of Late Neolithic settlements have not been discussed; therefore, a question arises about the mutual relations between representatives of these two diverse cultural periods, by ascertaining their character. It should be mentioned that the makers of Lubāns-type pottery were newcomers from the east and southeast; therefore, the relations between them might not have been so friendly. The fact that the newcomers did not form settlements in new places, but settled on the sites of Late Neolithic settlements, suggests that these relations might not have been too peaceful. besides, these cultural periods still differ chronologically, and also the lithology is diverse. However, fragments of Lake Lubāns pottery in the Iča settlement are found not only in the fifth lithologic layer, but also in the sixth lithologic layer belonging to the Late Neolithic, and this fact suggests that these two groups of inhabitants, the local inhabitants and the newcomers, could possibly have had a period of contact. This issue can by no means be discussed in the light of the presently accumulated materials, but in the course of archaeological excavations of the Lake Lubāns wetland it will become especially topical. corded pottery According to scientific significance, the Iča Late Neolithic settlement is the second one in the Lake Lubāns wetland where in the course of archaeological excavations traces of corded pottery population have been found. If the planigraphic distribution of corded pottery amphorae and scoops is traced in Late Neolithic cultural layers, it becomes clear that they are situated in a definite part of the settlement territory, which is probably linked with the sites of the remains of burials of the inhabitants. besides, the bottom part of a broken stone battle-axe also belongs to this area. This zone of burial remains, and the corded pottery distribution is located in the northern part of H excavation area and in the southern part of k excavation area. Separate fragments of human bones have also been found in the western part of G excavation area, and even in the northwest part of J excavation area. While classifying these fragments of pottery obtained during archaeological excavations of the Iča settlement, it should be noted that these are only small fragments of amphorae, beakers and large household pots. Their extreme fragmentation is a characteristic phenomenon in the settlements of the Lake Lubāns wetland, since they were much used, which did not allow for them to be preserved whole. Fragments of amphorae, number 3, belong to the upper edge of a large short-necked amphora with a slanting hatching of the edge, and two side fragments from different amphorae, decorated with vertical group hatching; and along the edges one of these has a triangualar, and the other a vertical, row of pits (Fig. 16.2, Table 1). Smaller fragments of amphorae (inv. nos. 52, 120, 161, 322, 324, 423) were found in D (first layer), E, F and G areas, in the sixth lithologic layer, which corresponds to the second period of construction of the Late Neolithic population. Fragments of beakers in the Iča settlement can be divided into two groups. Those in one of these have characteristically corded impressions, but the other ones have a herringbone-type incised pattern along the upper edge of the beaker s neck (Fig. 16.4, 5,7). The profiling of the neck differs between these two beakers, due to the different arrangement of corded impressions arranged horizontally along the upper edge. one of them is slightly profiled, but the other one has a strongly marked S-type profiling of the upper edge. Fragments of beakers with herringbone-type patterns do not have drastic side profiling. Numbering three, they are decorated in two ways: one of them by com- 102

103 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig , 2, 6 bone pendants; 3, 7-9 discs; 4 lunulae; 5 plate with engraved anthropomorphic face (drawing by M. Jāņkalniņa). 103

104 Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland Fig. 15. A plate with an engraved anthropomorphic face from the Iča Late Neolithic settlement (photograph by I. Gradovskis). are separated from the zone of slanting herringbonetype incisions. Household pots which are often also called amphoratype bulky pottery are represented by only three fragments (inv. nos. 38, 101, 327). one of the fragments belongs to the short-necked rib type. chamotte was admixed to the clay mass of this type of pottery, while amphorae and beakers had sand admixed to the clay mass. ILZE LOZE Fragments of pottery of porous clay mass structure represent the dominant population in the settlement who dwelt here even before the arrival of corded Ware culture population, and this was distinguished as Late Neolithic culture in the 1970s, thanks to fundamental archaeological excavations of the Abora Late Neolithic settlement, which for the first time in the eastern baltic showed a peculiar complex of Late Neolithic culture. This includes not only smooth-surface pottery with wound cord, striped and comb impressions, as well as pit and tubular bone impressions, but also pottery which in the processing of its surface was wholly covered with impressions of cord and pseudotextile impressions. These pots, made for household or kitchen needs, represent the making of an archaic thick-walled type of pottery, characterised by an inwardly slanting upper edge, and were replaced by pottery with a gradual extending forward and upward of the slightly rounded upper edge. This group of pottery cannot be included in the ordinary classification scale of east baltic Late Neolithic pottery, since it represents a rather archaic style of manufacture, characteristic of a comb impression method (Figs. 17.4,5;18.5). Here, six verpactly arranged herringbone-type incisions arranged in a zig-zag line; but the other two by a wider zone of patterns where groupings of herringbone-type incisions are arranged at a right angle with one another, and they form horizontal lines by which the first ones Pottery of porous clay mass structure Table 1. The planigraphic and stratigraphic distribution of amphorae No. Amphora type Inv. No. Area Layer Square 1. Fragment of the upper edge of a short-necked amphora 486 G 8 2, b-d 2. Fragment of the side of an amphora with hatching 749 H 9 2 d and triangular incisions along the edges 3. Fragment of the side of an amphora with hatching and pits along both edges 358 F c Тable 2. The planigraphic and stratigraphic distribution of beakers 104 No. Beaker type Inv. No. Area Layer Square 1. upper edge of the beaker decorated by corded rows 123 D 5 1a 2. Fragment of corded ware 600 H 6 4 i-j 3. upper edge fragment of a beaker decorated with herringbone-type lines 442 G 6 1a 4. Fragment decorated with herringbone-type and horizontal lines 630/631 H d 5. Fragment of the upper edge of a miniature beaker with corded impressions 257/259 E 7 3 b 6. Fragment of a beaker wall upper edge with herringbone hatching 135 D , b-c 7. Fragment of a beaker wall with a corded zone 91 c4 4 6 c

105 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 16. Potsherds with smooth surface (1, 2), potsherds of corded Ware pottery (3, 5, 7), and dishes (3, 6) from the Iča Late Neolithic settlement (drawing by A. Ivbule). 105

106 Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland ILZE LOZE 106 sions of profiling of these pots can be distinguished. We can consider that from this type of pot, ones with a forward and upward extended rounded upper edge were formed (Fig. 18.4). Among these pots, there are items with pseudotextile impressions and with a smooth surface. The surface of these pots is decorated mostly with sparsely distributed pits of various sizes, or with wound cord impressions. The surfaces of the wide upper edges of these pots were also processed using pseudotextile or cord, or wounded cord impressions (inv. no. 103: 646, 928, 929). We should remember that the profiling of this archaic type of pot (versions of types 1 to 6) is also characteristic of the pottery of the Eiņi Late Neolithic settlement, which, like the Iča settlement, is located in the basin of the River Aiviekste (LNVM, inv. no. 119: 11, 15, 16, 25, 28, 50, 54). This type of pottery has not been found in the Abora Late Neolithic settlement. It is characteristic also of the Riņņukalns settlement, which is situated in the basin of Lake burtnieks: the ornamentation is of a similar type as on the edge fragments of pots found in the Iča and Eiņi settlements. Among these pottery fragments, which are stored in the archaeological collections of the Estonian Institute of History (LNVM, inv. no. 1392:272, 287), even 1.7-centimetre-thick fragments of pot upper edges have been found. Fragments of this type of pot (LNVM, A 11301:73) were also found during the excavations in this settlement led by Šturms. Straight-edged vessels (Type I) belong to fragments of slightly rounded upper edges. Among them are some upper edges of thick-walled vessels (Fig. 17.2). These vessels are decorated with incised herringbone lines, small incisions or horizontal wound cord impression lines or very rare thin comb. In one small cord, impressions were found on the surface of the vessel interchanged with rows of small pits (LNVM, inv. no. 103:754). Vessels with inwardly extended upper edges (Type c) are represented by fragments with a flat upper edge surface, which is straight or inwardly slanting and rounded. This group of vessels comprises not only smooth-surfaced but also pseudotextile pottery. Vessels with S-type profiling of the upper edge were not made in large quanities; only separate fragments were found here, among which a rather loosely profiled vessel should be noted (LNVM, inv. no. 103:254). In exactly this group of vessels appear several upper edges wholly covered with impressions of cord (Figs. 17.1;18.1,2, 6). on one of these vessels, these impressions are arranged in a definite order: in the part under the neck they are arranged horizontally, but below they turn and are slanted (LNVM, inv. no. 251). They are also impressed on the surface of the upper edge of the vessel (Fig. 18.2). Among them there is also a kitchen vessel. Some items are characterised by a wavy upper edge with rectangular impressions (LNVM, inv. no. 103:198). one vessel is decorated with small comb impressions that are arranged in sinuous lines (LNVM, inv. no. 103:546). Flat-bottomed round dishes are of two types. one of them is characterised by straight extended edges with the height not exceeding 4.8 to 6.5 centimetres (LNVM, inv. no. 165, 189) (Fig. 16.3,6). on one of these dishes, a double cross sign has been incised, which indicates the communication activities of the settlement s inhabitants. Dishes of the other type have rounded edges (LNVM, inv. no. 165, 203). Dishes were also used for cooking on a fire, which is shown by the sooty bottom and edges. only one shale with an absolutely straight outer edge was found among the fragments (LNVM, inv. no. 357). It is a vessel for a well-prepared table (Fig. 16.1) Radioactive carbon wood sampling and c 14 dating The Iča Late Neolithic settlement is the second one in scientific importance in the development of Late Neolithic monument chronology in the Lake Lubāns wetland. Therefore, during the 1988, and especially during the 1989, field work season, wood samples were gathered in areas where they were available, for the determination of their age using the radiocarbon method. In the course of both work seasons, 22 wood samples were gathered, of which five were dated in the Radiocarbon Laboratory of the Institute of Zoology and botany of the Estonian Academy of Sciences (Loze 1989, p.54). During the sampling process, wood from different depths of cultural layers were considered; and, in addition, raw materials of different types were selected in order to gain a more complete view of the time of the population of the settlement and its significance in the development of the periodisation of the Late Neolithic in the Lake Lubāns wetland. A cleaved-off wooden plank from area k, ninth layer (4 c sq), thanks to its stratigraphic location, was useful for determining the beginning of the period of the corded Ware culture population of the settlement. The age of this sample is 4260 ± 70 years (TA-2249). Another sample, a fragment of a picket from the eighth layer of square H, showed an even greater age: 4390 ±

107 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 17. Porous mass pottery from the Iča Late Neolithic settlement: 1-4 all-over cord-impressed potsherds; 5 pot sherds of smooth surface (drawing by A. Ivbule). 107

108 ILZE LOZE Iča Neolithic Settlement in the Lake Lubāns Wetland Fig. 18. Porous mass pottery from the Iča Late Neolithic settlement (drawing by A. Ivbule). 108

109 80 (TA-2247), and this should be related to the beginning of the time of population of the settlement. A pole lying in subsoil in square F (5 g sq) shows a lesser age: 4120 ± 90 years (TA-2143). Another pole from the eighth layer of square H (3 g sq) had the most recent dating: 3950 ± 50 (TA-2390). Radiocarbon data of Iča Neolithic settlement No. Code of Material Data BP Calibrated BC lab. Data 1 TA Wood ± , 2 % 2 TA Wood ± , 2 % 3 TA Wood ± , 2 % 4 TA Wood ± , 2 % 5 TA Wood ± , 2 % LoZE, I., Lubāna ezera mitrāja neolita dzintars un tā apstrādes darbnīcas. Latvijas vēstures institūta apgāds. Rīga. LoZE, I., Amber processing in Iča Late Neolithic settlement (Lake Lubāns Depression). In: A.N. SoRokIN, ed. Chelovek adaptacia, kul tura. Moskva, LoZE, I., Lake Lubāns Depression as centre of Late Neolithic amber workshop. Amber in archaeology. Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference in amber archaeology, Belgrade belgrade: National Museum, Received: 2 February 2010; Revised: 29 April 2010; Accepted: 22 June Ilze Loze Institute of Latvian History at the university of Latvia Akadēmijas laukums street 1 Rīga LV-1050 Latvia ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Translated by the author Abbreviations AE Arheoloģija un etnogrāfija (Rīga from 1957). LNVM Latvian National Museum of History, Department of Archaeology (Rīga). Manuscript ŠTuRMS, E., Pārskats par arheoloģiskajiem izrakumiem Zviedru krasta apmetnē gadā. In: Latvijas Nacionālā vēstures muzeja Arheoloģijas nodaļas arhīvs. Inv. No References LoZE, I., Arheoloġiskie izrakumi Ičas neolīta apmetnē. Zinātniskās atskaites sesijas materiāli par arheologu un etnogrāfu 1988 un 1989 gada pētījumu rezultātiem. Rīga, LoZE, I., Zur chronologie der Schnurkeramikkultur in Lettland. Die kontinentaleuropaischen Gruppen der Kultur mit schnurkeramik. Praha- Štirin Institut fur ur- und Frugeschicte der universitat, Freiburg, LoZE, I., Arheoloģiskie pētījumi Ičas neolīta apmetnē. Latvijas vēstures institūta žurnāls, 3-9, 21. LoZE, I., The Eiņu Late Neolithic settlement (Lubāna Lake Wetland). Historical-Archaeological collection, 14. Мinsk, LoZE, I., 2003a. The Lubāns, North belarusian and Šagara cultures as an Eastern Phenomenon of Eneolithic cultural unit. In: J. czebreszyk, M. SZMYT, eds. The Northeast Frontier of Bell Beakers. bar International Series. 1155, oxford, LoZE, I., 2003b. Ziemeļkurzemes neolīta māla sīkplastika. Antropomorfās figūras. Sast, Kristiāna Ābele. Latvijas māksla tuvplānos. Rīga, LoZE, I., Eiņu vēlā neolīta apmetne. AE, 22, LoZE, I., Asnes vēlā neolīta apmetne Lubāna ezera mitrājā. AE, 23, IčA NEoLITINĖ GYVENVIETĖ LubāNS EŽERo ŠLAPŽEMĖSE ILZE LOZE Santrauka Archeologiniai kasinėjimai Iča vėlyvojo neolito gyvenvietėje vykdyti 1988 ir 1989 metais (1 9 pav.; įklija II). Prieškarinius Iča gyvenvietės tyrimus atliko Eduardas Šturmas ( ). Šio straipsnio tikslas atkreipti dėmesį į vėlyvojo neolito populiacijos pobūdį. Iš viso buvo ištirtas 463,5 m² plotas. Atidengti trys kultūriniai sluoksniai: eneolitinis, viršutinis vėlyvojo neolito ir žemutinis vėlyvojo neolito. Aprašyta topografija, stratigrafija ir būstų žymės (5 6 pav.; įklija II). Atkreiptas dėmesys į labai suardytus žmonių kapus, iš kurių pavienių kaulų buvo rasta visoje tyrinėto ploto teritorijoje. Titnago, akmens, rago ir gintaro dirbiniai, iš viso 516 vienetų, buvo rasti 506 m² teritorijoje (10 12; pav.). Mažas molio lipdinys moters figūrėlės biusto dalis, taip pat kaulo plokštelė su išraižytu antropomorfiniu veidu verti ypatingo susidomėjimo (13 pav.; įklija III). Iča gyvenvietėje buvo rasta gintaro papuošalų 122 kabučiai, sagutės, cilindriniai karoliai, žiedo fragmentai ir diskų radiniai. Iča keramika buvo suskirstyta į tris grupes: vėlyvojo neolito akytoji ir virvelinė, taip pat eneolitinė Lubāns tipo keramika (16 18 pav.). Penkių medienos mėginių radiokarboninės datos leido nustatyti Iča gyvenvietės gyvavimo laikotarpį tarp 3320 ir 2570 m. pr. kr. Vertė Rasa banytė-rowell II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 109

110 The Processing and Use of Flint in the Metal Ages. A Few Cases from the Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites in Lithuania THE PROCESSING AND use OF FLINT IN THE METAL AGES. A FEW CASES FROM THE KERNAVė AND NAuDVARIS SITES IN LITHuANIA GYTIS PILIČIAUSKAS AND GRZEGORZ OSIPOWICZ GYTIS PILIČIAUSKAS AND GRZEGORZ OSIPOWICZ Abstract Flints from the Late Bronze Age (Roman Period?) Naudvaris cemetery (in the Jurbarkas district) and the Iron Age Kernavė settlement (in the Širvintos district) in Lithuania were analysed functionally and from other points of view. The results are presented in the context of key issues on flint processing and use in Lithuania and Poland during the first millennium BC and the first millennium AD when metals were available. Key words: flint tools, use wear, bipolar flaking, scaled pieces, Late Bronze Age, Iron Age, Lithuania, Poland. 110 Problem There is much archaeological evidence of flint use during the metal periods, that is to say, the Bronze Age and Iron Age, in Europe. Lithuania is no exception. Flints with clear traces of processing are found quite often at structures and in cultural layers dated to the Late Bronze Age and even the Iron Age, or the first millennium BC and the first millennium AD. Some of these artefacts represent mechanical admixtures of Stone Age tools in the cultural layer of much later settlements. Others look quite different to Stone Age tools, technologically, by raw material or by size. However, Lithuanian archaeologists have not paid proper attention to such artefacts, and no detailed studies have been carried out on flint assemblages collected during excavations in the oldest hill-forts and non-fortified settlements of the first millennium BC. Today, the coherence between flints and other artefacts in many cases is not clear (Grigalavičienė 1995, p.121ff). This may explain why questions of flint processing and use were not dealt with in the most recent general study on the oldest Lithuanian prehistory (Lietuvos istorija 2005). Flint materials from sites dated to the first millennium AD always used to be assigned to much earlier times, generally to the Stone Age. Therefore, flint processing and use were never treated as subjects of Iron Age archaeology in Lithuania (Lietuvos istorija 2007). The situation in neighbouring Poland is different. Special conferences have been held and books have been published on various questions of flint use in the Bronze Age and Iron Age (Z badań 1997). Flint artefacts have been identified in the materials from both settlements and cemeteries (Zalewski, Melin 1991, p.37ff; Dąbrowski 1997, p.72ff; Piotrowska 2000). Worked flints were discovered in the majority of graves in some cemeteries (Zalewsk, Melin 1991, p.37). Today there is no doubt that flint was processed and flint tools were used during the Bronze Age and the Iron Age in Poland (Piotrowska 2000, p.297). The authors of this study have tried to answer the question why flint was flaked at a time when metals were already available? Flint materials from two archaeological sites, Naudvaris cemetery and the Kernavė settlement, were studied according to raw material and size, and typological, technological and microwear aspects. These sites are situated in different parts of Lithuania (Fig. 1), and they were dated to the Late Bronze Age and the Iron Age. Materials. The Kernavė and Naudvaris sites Naudvaris cemetery was discovered in 2001 (Tamulynas 2001). Further archaeological excavations were headed by R. Šiaulinskas between 2001 and 2005, and in The archaeological material of the Naudvaris site has not been published yet; some short preliminary information is available only in Lithuanian (Šiaulinskas 2005a, 2005b, 2006a, 2006b). Naudvaris archaeological complex consists of two hills on a sandy dune. One of them was used for cremated burials, while another one bears some settlement features. An area of about 600 square metres was excavated in the site. Twelve graves were identified: 11 cremation and one inhumation. Burnt bones were buried in ceramic urns or without urns in pits. Flint artefacts were collected in Naudvaris cemetery, as well as on the settlement hill (Fig. 2; see Plate IV). No flints in urns or burial pits were found. One cremated grave was radiocarbon dated to the first part of the first millennium BC, i.e.

111 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 1. Location of sites studied (A) and mentioned (B) in the text. the Late Bronze Age, according to current Lithuanian periodisation. However, some Polish archaeologists1 believe that the cemetery could also have been used in the Roman period. The chronology of Naudvaris cemetery should be examined in detail by the leader of an excavation in the future. Kernavė Iron Age site is situated on the right bank of the River Neris in the Pajauta valley. The site was extensively excavated in 2003 by A. Luchtanas (2005). An area of over 2,000 square metres was uncovered. The ceramics materials from the site were analysed by R. Vengalis, and the results were used in his doctoral dissertation and for a special ceramics study (2009, 2008). Ceramics typologically dated to the first to the seventh centuries AD prevailed in the cultural layer, though some artefacts from earlier and later prehistoric times were recorded too. About 1,000 flint artefacts were collected in the cultural layer (Fig. 3; see Plate IV). Methods The raw material was evaluated only visually, without magnification. Heavily polished or damaged natural surfaces, internal cracks and tiny carbonate inclusions were considered as features characteristic of local erratic flint, while homogenous flint without internal cracks and with a chalk cortex without traces of beating and rolling was recognised as raw material extracted from chalk blocks. Of course, some pieces of erratic 1 Information supplied personally by Dr J. Gackowski of the Archaeological Institute of the Nicolaus Copernicus university in Toruń. flint could have been worn very slightly by natural processes, and this possibility was also considered. Traditional Stone Age typology was inapplicable in the case of Late Bronze Age and Iron Age flints. However, it was used to describe Stone Age flints which have been reworked and (or) reused during the Iron Age. Some well-known Mesolithic and Neolithic types were recognised among the Stone Age tools interrupting the Iron Age layer due to human-caused post-depositional processes. A technological evaluation was performed in order to find particular differences in flint processing during the Stone Age and subsequent metal periods. The characteristics of various Stone Age knapping techniques were left aside, while the difference between freehand percussion on one hand and bipolar-on-anvil technique on the other was a particular object of current research. The technological evaluation was based on and the terminology was borrowed from works published by E. Callahan (1987), K. Knutsson (1988) and J.C. Whittaker (1995). Personal experience accumulated by performing small-scale amateur and non-documented experiments in flint knapping and also some refitting attempts was also added. The identification of and discrimination between freehand flaking and bipolar flaking products was the main task of the technical analysis. The essence of these two flaking modes lies in the different positions of the knapped objects (core), i.e. on a soft base or on a hard one (Fig. 4A; 5). Particular features and specific markers of various freehand techniques have been well discussed by plenty of authors, i.e. researchers and modern knappers (Whittaker 1995). The main point II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 111

112 The Processing and Use of Flint in the Metal Ages. A Few Cases from the Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites in Lithuania GYTIS PILIČIAUSKAS AND GRZEGORZ OSIPOWICZ 112 of the bipolar-on-anvil (or splintered) technique is that the hard hammer attacking the flint piece rests on a hard anvil straight downwards (Fig. 4B; 5; Callahan 1987; Knutsson 1988). Bipolar flaking outcomes are small and thin splintered pieces and a splintered core (or bipolar) core. usually, several small flakes, and not a single one, are reproduced when hitting a small piece of flint resting on a hard base with a hard hammer (Fig. 6). The character of the knapping is chaotic, while the number and forms of the resultant flakes are not predictable. A microwear analysis has already been applied to Lithuanian flint materials dated as Stone Age flints several times (Girininkas 1997; Ostrauskas 2005). However, there are neither the scientists nor a specialised laboratory in Lithuania, and archaeologists have to seek help in neighbouring countries. Studying flints from Kernavė and Naudvaris in Poland was a case in point. A use wear evaluation was performed by G. Osipowicz in Toruń (Appendix 1). The sample of flints to be studied was chosen as being representative of the technical and typological variations exhibited by lithic assemblages (Table 1): 1. Bipolar cores (Naudvaris and Kernavė) 2. Splintered flakes (Naudvaris and Kernavė) 3. Bulky flint pieces with crude retouch or hard postdepositional (?) damage (Kernavė) 4. Freehand percussion flakes (Kernavė) 5. Retouched artefacts (Kernavė) 6. Stone Age blades or retouched artefacts with macroscopic traces of subsequent reworking or reusing (Kernavė) The initial traceological analysis was conducted with the use of a Nikon SMZ-2T microscope coupled with a computer. It allows for an objective magnification value of up to 12.6 times, as well as the computer digitalisation and conversion of optical images. The microscope is fitted with a white xenon light delivered via a Fig. 4. A schematic representation of freehand (A) and bipolar-on-anvil (B) percussion, according to Callahan (1987). Fig. 5. A schematic representation of bipolar-on-anvil percussion on thin and thick cores, according to E. Callahan (1987). two-point optical fibre. For the observation of glossed areas, a Zeiss-Axiotech microscope-computer set with a light source from above was used. This allows an objective magnification of up to 50 times. Most of the photographs were made with the use of this set (with the exception of photograph 10, Fig. 21, made with the Nikon microscope). The terminology used was based on the concept system created by the Ho Ho Committee (1979, p.133ff), P.C. Vaughan (1985, glossary, p.10ff), A.L. van Gijn (1989, p.16ff), H.J. Jensen (1994, pp.20-27) and G.F. Korobkowa (1999, p.17ff). The terminology proposed by these authors was adjusted according to the needs and requirements of the study. Prior to analysis, the material was cleaned with detergent diluted with water, and with pure C 2 H 5 OH. The analysis of some specimens was obstructed by postdepositional glossing and patina. Results No differences were observed on flints from Naudvaris cemetery hill and those from the settlement hill while studying the raw material s technical and typological features. Local erratic flint was used. It is possible to distinguish two types of raw material. The first is grey flint with chalk inserts and frost cracks. The second type is a transparent greyish or black homogenous flint (Fig. 2; see Plate IV). Both types of flint are quite common in the Lower Nemunas basin. They are kinds of erratic flint sometimes called Baltic. The cortex of such a flint is up to three centimetres in thickness, but a large part of the flint nodules lack it, i.e. the cortex was cracked by natural processes during the last glaciation. All the Naudvaris flints are products of the bipolaron-anvil technique. This is clear by observing typical technical features, as well as by refitting one bipolar flake with a bipolar core. Very small and thin bipolar flakes, together with the event of refitting, demonstrate that flint flaking (and using?) activities were held directly in the areas of the settlement and the cemetery. A

113 Table 1. A list of microscopically analysed flints from the Naudvaris and Kernavė sites No. Site Year Inventories Typological-technical description Use wear interpretation Fig. 1 Naudvaris Bipolar core No traces Naudvaris Bipolar flake No traces Naudvaris Bipolar blade-like flake Post-depositional 7.3 damage (?) 4 Naudvaris 2004 P8/C-5 Bipolar core No traces Naudvaris 2004 P9/D-2 Bipolar core No traces Naudvaris 2004 P9/C-4 Bipolar flake No traces Naudvaris Bipolar flake No traces Naudvaris Bipolar flake No traces Kernavė 2002 IV/13-6 Bipolar flake No traces Kernavė 2002 I/5-1 Freehand (?) flake Scraper-knife for soft 11.2 material 11 Kernavė 2002 I/5-6 Freehand (?) flake No traces Kernavė 2002 IIa/8-2 Bipolar flake No traces Kernavė 2002 IIa/14-4 Bipolar flake No traces 11.5 IIa/8-2 Freehand flake Tool for processing Kernavė 2002 medium-hard material (wood?) 15 Kernavė 2002 IIb/6-7 Bipolar core No traces Kernavė 2002 IIb/16-6 Bipolar flake No traces 11.8 A-8774, GEK- Freehand blade with Planing tool/saw for Kernavė 2002 organic handle 9153 fresh retouch (damage?) processing medium-hard material, fitted in an 18 Kernavė 2002 III area Freehand blade with No traces fresh retouch (damage?) 19 Kernavė 2002 I area Bulky piece with hard No traces damage 20 Kernavė 2002 I area Bulky piece with hard No traces damage 21 Kernavė 2002 II area Bulky piece with hard No traces damage 22 Kernavė area Bulky piece with hard No traces damage 23 Kernavė 2002 A-8486, GEK- Bulky piece with hard No traces damage 24 Kernavė 2002 I area Bipolar flake No traces Kernavė 2002 A-8455, GEK- Retouched flake tool Perforator for mediumhard material Kernavė 2002 A-8480, GEK- Retouched blade tool Saw/knife for a mediumhard material Kernavė 2002 II area Retouched blade tool Strike-a-light Kernavė 2002 III area Bipolar core No traces Kernavė 2002 II area Bipolar core No traces Kernavė 2002 A-8279 Retouched tool on bladelike primary Arrowhead flake ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 113

114 The Processing and Use of Flint in the Metal Ages. A Few Cases from the Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites in Lithuania GYTIS PILIČIAUSKAS AND GRZEGORZ OSIPOWICZ Fig. 6. A representation of bipolar-on-anvil percussion, according to Holmes (1966). use wear analysis was applied to five splintered pieces (Figs , 6-8; 7.2-3, 6-8; see Plate IV) and three splintered cores (Fig. 2.1, 4-5; 7.1, 4-5; see Plate IV) in the case of the Naudvaris flint assemblage. No plausible use wear signs were observed on flints from the site. Only a single splintered piece demonstrates slight micro-traces, possibly of post-depositional origin (Fig. 7.3). As distinct from Naudvaris, the flint assemblage from the Kernavė site is not homogenous from raw material and technical points of view. Only about 1,000 flints were collected in an area of 2,000 square metres. The flint density correlated with the thickness of the black cultural layer. No remarkable concentrations of flint artefacts were recorded during excavations. Mesolithic and Neolithic tools (arrowheads, microlithic inserts, end-scrapers, burins, knives, blades and cores; Fig. 8) are distinguishable from the rest of the flint material, which demonstrates clear technical signs characteristic of the bipolar-on-anvil technique. Some Stone Age tools indicate hunters camps being established a long time before the people of Brushed Pottery culture people settled in the valley. These flint tools were made 114 Fig. 7. Microscopically analysed artefacts from the Naudvaris site, excavations in (drawing by G. Piličiauskas).

115 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 8. Mesolithic and Neolithic tools from the Kernavė site (drawing by G. Piličiauskas). from homogenous transparent grey or black flint. They lack the natural polishing and hard damage caused by rolling. An intact chalky cortex allows us to assume that imported flint of good quality was used in Stone Age camps at Kernavė. The nearest sources of such flint deriving from eroded chalk blocks are situated in southern Lithuania, 60 to 100 kilometres to the southwest or the south of Kernavė. Iron Age people used for knapping local erratic smallsized flints as well as Stone Age tools collected in blown sands, i.e. Mesolithic and Neolithic sandy sites. The endmost negative scars look fresher and have no patina on such artefacts (Fig. 9). They were reworked by a bipolar-on-anvil technique that is uncommon for Lithuanian Mesolithic. Erratic flint was flaked by bipolar percussion too (Fig. 10). use wear analysis was applied on five splintered cores (Figs , 16, 20-21; , 16, 20-21; see Plate IV), four splintered flakes (Figs. 3.1, 3-5; 11.1, 3-5; see Plate IV), two freehand or supposed freehand flakes (Figs. 3.2, 6; 11.2, 6), two blade fragments (Figs. 3.9, 10; 11.9, 10; see Plate IV), four retouched tools on flakes and blades (Figs , 22; , 22), and five bulky pieces with suspected crude retouching or hard natural damage (Figs ; ; see Plate IV). 115

116 GYTIS PILIČIAUSKAS AND GRZEGORZ OSIPOWICZ The Processing and Use of Flint in the Metal Ages. A Few Cases from the Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites in Lithuania Fig. 9. Stone Age flints, reworked and reused in the metal periods, from the Kernavė site (drawing by G. Piličiauskas). 116 Seven flints from the Kernavė site demonstrated microwear signs of various kinds. Artefact No. 27 (Figs. 3.19; 11.19) is a possible strike-a-light made on a Stone Age blade. It has a typical severe retouch on both edges, but areas of bright, metallic glossing are absent. This could be the result of post-depositional processes, or the way in which the tool was utilised, causing its rapid deterioration. Another reused Stone Age blade (artefact No. 17) has a macroscopic edge retouch without a patina, in contrast to the other surfaces (Fig. 11.9). On a microscopic level, it demonstrates some typical marks of a planning wood tool/saw used for processing material of average hardness, possibly wood, and hafted to a handle (Figs ). The point of artefact No. 30 has a spin-off typical of an arrowhead (Figs. 3.22; 11.22; 20; 21; see Plate IV). Marks of a tar-like substance are preserved between retouch negatives on the tang. The arrowhead was made of local erratic flint, but the style of retouching on the ventral surface resembles Mesolithic points of a Pulli type (e.g. Fig ). Other tools were used as knives, scrapers and perforators on materials of a wide range of hardnesses, from soft to medium hard (leather, wood; Figs. 11.2, 6, 9, 17, 18; 13-19). There was no one definite use wear sign detected on the products of the bipolar-on-anvil technique. Most traceologically identified flint tools were made from good-quality imported raw material and on freehand percussion blanks. Therefore, they should be dated to the Mesolithic or the Neolithic rather than to the Bronze Age or Iron Age. Bulky flint pieces with a crude retouch of presumably human origin did not demonstrate any use wear, and therefore must be recognised as natural flints (Fig ). Detailed results are presented in appendix No. 1. Discussion Flint materials from the Kernavė settlement and Naudvaris cemetery, as well as assemblages obtained from some recent excavations on the lake dwelling site Luokesai I (Late Bronze Age) and the Iron Age settlement at Žardė (Pranckėnaitė et al. 2008; Masiulienė 2009), presented enough data to confirm flint use during the first millennium BC and the first millennium AD in Lithuania. The provision strategy of sedentary farmers of metal periods seems unsophisticated and very different compared to Neolithic and Early Bronze Age strategies. Small-size locally available erratic flint of different quality was used. In the case of eastern Lithuania (Kernavė, Luokesai I), moderate needs in siliceous raw materials were considerably supplemented by reworking Stone Age flints, collected in eroded or blown sandy sites. The gathering and reusing of Stone Age tools by later people has also been confirmed in Poland (Zalewski, Melin 1991, p.38; Dąbrowski 1997, p.73 and p.76). The most spectacular argument for the gathering of Neolithic flint artefacts in the Bronze Age and the Iron Age is their presence in the wooden con-

117 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 10. Flints from the Iron Age settlement cultural layer found at the Kernavė site: 2, 6, 14 possibly natural pieces with hard damage (drawing by G. Piličiauskas). 117

118 GYTIS PILIČIAUSKAS AND GRZEGORZ OSIPOWICZ The Processing and Use of Flint in the Metal Ages. A Few Cases from the Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites in Lithuania Fig. 11. Microscopically analysed artefacts from the Kernavė Iron Age settlement, with Mesolithic-Neolithic admixtures (drawing by G. Piličiauskas). 118 structions of the Lusitian (Łużyce) culture defensive settlement in Biskupin (Piotrowska 2000, pp , Figs. 5; 6; 7). However, old provisional strategies, such as flint mining, were not abandoned in metal periods in Poland (Lech, Lech 1997; Piotrowska 2000, p.299ff). The custom of reusing Stone Age flint can be explained in several ways. A rational explanation would consider particular economic factors as being responsible. Both discarded Stone Age tools and knapping waste seemed to be quite attractive raw materials, due to the better quality compared to local erratic pieces. Maybe some forms of Stone Age flints were of use to metal period farmers also? (Figs. 3.9; 11.9; see Plate IV). However, Stone Age tools have been found in graves of later epochs, and they actually had a specifically magic meaning for Iron Age people. That could be a reason for collecting them also. Typological and technical research clearly showed the bipolar-on-anvil technique to be the predominant or even exclusive way in flint processing in Late Bronze Age and later times in Lithuania. In Poland, flint working is directed mostly at flake production and the splintered technique in the first millennium BC (Zalewski, Melin 1991, p.38; Dąbrowski 1997, p.73 and p.76). Bipolar percussion was not an invention of the metal periods. It has been well known since the Palaeolithic period all over the world. The bipolar-on-anvil flaking technique represents not a cultural tradition but rather a form of adaptation behaviour. In Lithuania, it correlates with a sedentary way of life, poor-quality and small raw materials, and, as a consequence of these factors, with poor knapping skills. Bipolar cores and tools are seldom found in Stone Age sites in west and northeast Lithuania; moreover, they are extremely rare in southeast Lithuania, which is rich in good-quality flint. Bipolar cores are commonly found only in coastal sites of Neolithic Pamariai (Rzucewo) culture, where only poor-quality and small flint was available on beaches. Despite confusion in some cases, bipolar-on-anvil products can be qualified as bipolar cores and flakes.

119 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 12. Striations visible on artefact 3 (x65, ob. 5) (photograph by G. Osipowicz). Fig. 13. Cratered polish and filled-in striations visible on artefact 10 (x250, ob. 20) (photograph by G. Osipowicz). Fig. 14. Spread, generic weak polish visible on artefact 17, edge B (x65, ob. 5) (photograph by G. Osipowicz). There are almost no use wear traces on splintered flakes (Osipowicz 2010). This is no surprise, because they are usually very small and thin, and it would be very difficult to do something more complicated with them. Bipolar flakes often do not fit the requirements of so-called functional flakes exhibiting a straight cutting edge of more than one centimetre and with an edge of up to 60 (Callahan 1987, p.17). Traces of unknown origin were observable with the naked eye on some bipolar cores and reused Stone Age tools straight after finishing the excavation, i.e. during work on the excavation report. A yellow (metallic) sheen was distributed as a pattern of very thin but dense lines. Striations were visible more clearly on wet surfaces. The patterns were not of an accidental character. The striation was situated along the edge and approximately zero to five millimetres from it (in 12 cases), sometimes perpendicular to the edge covering the largest part of bipolar cores (two cases) and sometimes both along the edge and perpendicular to it (five cases). Dense lines of a yellow (metallic) sheen Fig. 15. Domed polish visible on artefact 17, edge A (x125, ob. 10) (photograph by G. Osipowicz). were observed on flints Nos. 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 27, 28 and 29. On the contrary, no Stone Age tools or freehand flakes demonstrated any striations. It is strange, but in 2008, when a collection for microscopic analysis was being compiled, the same artefacts lacked the aforeseen metallic striations. Nothing similar to such a kind of damage or adhesions was confirmed by subsequent microscopic analysis either. Bipolar cores both from Naudvaris and Kernavė revealed no use wear traces. Nevertheless, we cannot rule out the possibility that bipolar cores are desirable products of bipolar flaking or tools exhausted in some kind of household activity. Some use-wear studies performed outside Lithuania demonstrate splintered or bipolar cores as being tools used for bone, wood and dry hide processing (Hayden 1980; Vaughan 1985, p.91ff). The use of splintered cores as wood-working chisels during the Stone Age was also confirmed in Poland (Małecka- Kukawka 2001, p.139ff; Osipowicz 2010). However, examinations of splintered pieces dated to the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age did not provide such II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 119

120 GYTIS PILIČIAUSKAS AND GRZEGORZ OSIPOWICZ The Processing and Use of Flint in the Metal Ages. A Few Cases from the Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites in Lithuania Fig. 16. Flat polish visible on artefact 17, edge B, (x250, ob. 20) (photograph by G. Osipowicz). Fig. 17. Domed polish visible on artefact 17, edge B (x250, ob. 20) (photograph by G. Osipowicz). 120 Fig. 18. Cratered/domed polish visible on rise of artefact 25 (x250, ob. 20) (photograph by G. Osipowicz). results: no traces of use wear were observed (Osipowicz 2009, p.169). We can speculate that they could have been used as wood chisels, or for other quite destructive activities. use-retouch is very invasive and multi-stage. It destroys other types of traces. So we cannot say what the cause of retouch on bipolar cores from Naudvaris and Kernavė was, work or hard hammer technique. They could be wood chisels, but clearer arguments for it should follow in the future. Fig. 19. Cratered/domed polish visible on artefact 26 (x250, ob. 20) (photograph by G. Osipowicz). Today, a third way of understanding bipolar percussion seems possible. Irrational flaking with no intention of using flint flakes could be suspected on some occasions. However, it is difficult to prove a certain knapping activity is some kind of ritual act. The absence of use-wear traces on some Kernavė and Naudvaris flints should not be an argument in this matter. Very few pieces were microscopically examined. No flints were found in graves at Naudvaris cemetery. Flints from both the cemetery and the settlement there could have been deposited during flaking or in activities fulfilling very practical needs. unlike the case of Naudvaris, flints have been identified in cremation graves in Poland, and some ideas have been developed about a symbolic connection between flints and firecremation (Piotrowska 2000, p.305 and p.318). Some people think that they could have been used in rituals. Of course, flints were used in everyday life also. Conclusions Small scale use-wear research has not provided strong arguments to make the intentions of people using flint during the metal periods clearer to us. Of course, they used flint in making fires, but not only that. Some woodwork could have been done with the help of flint tools too. Today, we can only speculate on small-scale flint processing at a household level, and for some very specialised and trivial activity, or activities to be the case in Late Bronze Age and Iron Age Lithuania. It is possible to add some concluding remarks:

121 Fig. 20. Domed, linear polish visible on artefact 30 (x125, ob. 10) (photograph by G. Osipowicz). Fig. 21. Tar-like substance identified on artefact 30 (x10) (photograph by G. Osipowicz). ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA Lithuanian archaeologists have never been interested in studying flint processing or use in the metal periods; 2. The Neolithic flint industry finally vanished during the Early Bronze Age, though flint processing continued in a very different mode by the beginning of the Roman Period at least. A shift to the use of solely locally available raw materials and to the bipolar-on-anvil technique occurred; 3. The phenomenon of reusing old flint tools collected at sandy Stone Age sites is evident in eastern Lithuania, as well as in Poland; 4. There are some indications that some flints were used as strike-a-lights. However, no bipolar pieces from the Naudvaris and Kernavė sites showed clear micro-traces of utilisation. A hypothesis stating that bipolar cores were used as wooden chisels has not been confirmed, and the main task of bipolar flaking and its outcomes should be examined in the future. New research applied on assemblages coming from stratified sites or closed structures will also be welcome. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the archaeologists Associate Prof A. Luchtanas, Dr R. Vengalis and R. Šiaulinskas for their permission to use flint material from the Kernavė and Naudvaris sites, as well as for useful information about these sites. We are also grateful to the Lithuanian National Museum and the State Kernavė Museum Archaeology and History Reserve. Translated by the authors Appendix 1. Use wear analysis of flint artefacts from Naudvaris (Nos. 1-8) and Kernavė (Nos. 9-30) sites (analysed by Grzegorz Osipowicz, of the Archaeological Institute of Nicolaus Copernicus university in Toruń) No. 3 Use-retouch: not identified Use polish: Location: B/A (ventral more polished) Distribution: ventral side snow-landscape polish, band along edge, dorsal side spread polish, streaks of polish, Shape of polished area: irregular Degree of intrusion: >1mm (invasive) Topography: generic weak polish domed Brightness: ventral side very bright, dorsal side dull Texture: not applicable (quite rough) Striations (Fig. 12): Location: dorsal side Type: dark striation Directionality: parallel Interpretation: Considering the lack of wear retouch and limited range of other types of wear and tear (around 0.5 mm), it can be assumed that probably they were formed as a result of post-depositional processes. Seeing that the registered damage is of a very regular character, it cannot be ruled out that it is a strongly deteriorated tool, with wear signs preserved only partially No. 10 Working edge: Contact surface: A/B Contact angle: high Edge rounding: slightly rounded Use-retouch: Distribution: close/regular Intensity: single-stage Form: scalar, dentated Termination: feather II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 121

122 The Processing and Use of Flint in the Metal Ages. A Few Cases from the Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites in Lithuania GYTIS PILIČIAUSKAS AND GRZEGORZ OSIPOWICZ 122 Use polish (Fig. 14): Location: both sides B/A Distribution: thin line along edge Shape of polished area: irregular Degree of intrusion: marginal Topography: cratered Brightness: bright, greasy Texture: rough Striations: Type: filled-in striations (single Fig. 13) Directionality: perpendicular Interpretation: The object was probably used for processing soft material, possibly leather. Characteristics of the working edge show that scraping was its basic activity, though it was probably also used sporadically for cutting. The intensity of visible signs of wear suggests a short period of the tool s utilisation No. 14 Working edge: Contact surface: A/B Contact angle: low-high Edge rounding: slightly rounded Use-retouch: Distribution: close/regular Intensity: single-stage, two-stage Form: scalar, dentated, lamellar Termination: feather, step, hinge Use polish: Location: both sides B/A Distribution: thin line along edge Shape of polished area: irregular Degree of intrusion: marginal Topography: generic weak polish Brightness: - Texture: - Striations: not identified Interpretation: The tool was probably used for processing a not-too-hard material, possibly wet wood (the lack of glossing makes a precise designation impossible) No. 17: the tool has two working edges (A right, B left) on which traces of a slightly different character were identified Working edge: Contact surface: A/A Contact angle: high, 90º Edge rounding: edge A slightly rounded; edge B from slightly to very rounded Use-retouch: Distribution: close/irregular Intensity: edge A two stage, multi-stage; edge B varied Form: edge A scalar, dentated; edge B scalar-bevel, dentated-bevel, square-bevel Termination: edge A step, hinge; edge B feather, step Use polish: Location: both sides A/A Distribution: isolated spots, spread (Fig. 14) Shape of polished area: irregular Degree of intrusion: marginal Topography: domed (Figs. 15; 16), edge B additionally very reflective flat polish (Fig. 16) which is the result of contact with an organic handle Brightness: dull Texture: quite smooth Striations: not identified Interpretation: The object was probably used as a planing wood tool/saw for processing material of average hardness, possibly wood; it was fitted into an organic handle No. 25 Working edge: Contact surface: A/B Contact angle: high Edge rounding: sharp, slightly rounded Use-retouch: Distribution: close/regular Intensity: multi-stage Form: lamellar, dentated Termination: hinge Use polish: Location: both sides, arises Distribution: isolated spots Shape of polished area: irregular Degree of intrusion: marginal Topography: cratered/domed (Fig. 18) Brightness: bright, metallic Texture: rough Striations: not identified Interpretation: The tool was probably used for making holes in a not-too-hard material, probably wood No. 26 (truncated blade with no wear signs) Working edge: Contact surface: A/A Contact angle: 90º Edge rounding: sharp Use-retouch: Distribution: close/irregular Intensity: single-stage Form: scalar Termination: feather Use polish (poorly preserved, identified only in one small point): Location: - Distribution: isolated spots Shape of polished area: - Degree of intrusion: marginal Topography: cratered/domed (Fig. 19) Brightness: dull Texture: quite smooth Striations: not identified Interpretation: Some weakly developed wear signs were observed on the tool. It was probably used as a saw/knife for a moderately hard material (soft wood, or maybe hard leather) No. 27 Working edge: Contact surface: A/B Contact angle: low-high Edge rounding: sharp Use-retouch: Distribution: close/regular Intensity: multi-stage Form: varied Termination: hinge, step

123 Use polish (generic weak): Location: - Distribution: isolated spots Shape of polished area: - Degree of intrusion: - Topography: - Brightness: bright Texture: - Striations: not identified Interpretation: The tool was definitely used for processing hard material. The type of work that was performed is uncertain. Severe retouch eliminates activities such as scraping or sawing. Its spread and character suggests that a rather short section had contact with the processed material. Similar crumble marks can be observed on flint hammer-stones and retouchers, or tools for starting a fire. But these last mentioned also show areas of bright, metallic glossing, which are not present in this case. However, this could be the result of post-depositional processes, or of the way in which the tool was utilised, causing its rapid deterioration No. 30 Few signs of utilisation were noted on this tool. Its edge is broken off, though there is a characteristic Ω shaped breakoff, in literature called a spin off (Fischer, Hansen, Rasmussen 1984, p.25, Fig. 7). This type of retouch is a characteristic of arrowheads. There are also delicate linear marks of a gloss of a domed topography on the object (Fig. 20). These could be of a utilitarian character, though they could also be of a post-depositional origin. In the part near the shaft, on some of the ridges between negatives, there are bright glossy areas of a flat topography, which were probably formed as a result of contact with the organic material of the shaft. This is also confirmed by marks of a tar-like substance (Fig. 21) preserved between retouch negatives (remnants of adhesive used for the tool s binding?) Interpretation: The tool probably functioned as an arrowhead; it is uncertain because of few traces of utilisation registered on the object Abbreviation ATL Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje. Vilnius. References CALLAHAN, E., An evaluation of the lithic technology in Middle Sweden during the Mesolithic and Neolithic. AUN, 8. uppsala. DąBROWSKI, J., Epoka brązu w północno-wschodniej Polsce. Prace Białostockiego Towarzystwa Naukowego, 36. Białystok: Ossolineum. FISCHER, A., HANSEN, P.V., RASMuSSEN, P., Macro and micro wear traces on lithic projectile points. Journal of Danish Archaeology, 3, GIJN, A.L. VAN., The Wear and Tear of Flint Principles of Functional Analysis Applied to Dutch Neolithic Assemblages. Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia, 22. Leiden: University of Leiden. GIRININKAS, A., Žeimenio ežero 1-oji gyvenvietė. Kultūros paminklai, 4, GRIGALAVIčIENė, E., Žalvario ir ankstyvasis geležies amžius Lietuvoje. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla. HAyDEN, B., Confusion in the Bipolar World: Bashed pebbles and splintered pieces. Lithic Technology, 9 (1), 2-7. HO HO NOMENCLATuRE COMMITTEE, B. HAyDEN, ed. The Ho Ho Classification and Nomenclature Committee Report. 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In: ATL 2003 metais, MAŁECKA-KuKAWKA, J., Między formą a funkcją, traseologia neolitycznych zabytków krzemiennych z ziemi chełmińskiej. Toruń: Wydawnictwo uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. MASIuLIENė, I., Bandužių (Žardės) neįtvirtinta gyvenvietė. In: ATL 2008 metais, OSIPOWICZ, G., Wyroby krzemienne i kamienne z osady obronnej ludności kultury łużyckiej w Grodnie, gm. Chełmża (stanowisko 6) w świetle analizy traseologicznej (materiały z lat ). Archeologia epok brązu i żelaza, Studia i materiały, 1, OSIPOWICZ, G., 2010 (forthcoming). Narzędzia krzemienne w epoce kamienia na ziemi chełmińskiej. Studium traseologiczne. OSTRAuSKAS, T., Šiek tiek apie Lietuvos ankstyvojo mezolito gyvenviečių mikrolitinio medžioklės inventoriaus paskirtį. Trasologinių tyrinėjimų duomenys. Lietuvos archeologija, 29, PIOTROWSKA, D., Krzemienie w grobach z pól popielnicowych: przypadek czy rytuał? In: B. GEDIGA, D. PIOTROWSKA, eds. Kultura symboliczna kręgu pól popielnicowych epoki brązu i wczesnej epoki żelaza w Europie Środkowej. Warszawa-Wrocław-Biskupin, PRANCKėNAITė, E., BAuBONIS, Z., KVEDARA- VIčIuS, M., Luokesų ežero polinė gyvenvietė I. In: ATL 2007 metais, TAMuLyNAS, L., Naudvario kapinynas. In: ATL 2001 metais, ŠIAuLINSKAS, R., 2005a. Naudvario kapinynas. In: ATL 2002 metais, ŠIAuLINSKAS, R., 2005b. Naudvario kapinynas. In: ATL 2003 metais, ŠIAuLINSKAS, R., 2006a. Naudvario kapinynas. In: ATL 2004 metais, ŠIAuLINSKAS, R., 2006b. Naudvario kapinynas. In: ATL 2005 metais, ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 123

124 The Processing and Use of Flint in the Metal Ages. A Few Cases from the Kernavė and Naudvaris Sites in Lithuania GYTIS PILIČIAUSKAS AND GRZEGORZ OSIPOWICZ 124 VAuGHAN, P.C., Use-wear analysis of flaked stone tools. Tucson: university of Arizona Press. VENGALIS, R., Grublėtoji keramika Rytų Lietuvoje. Lietuvos archeologija, 32, VENGALIS, R., Rytų Lietuvos gyvenvietės I-XII a. Daktaro disertacija. Vilnius: Vilniaus universitetas. WHITTAKER, J.C., Flintknapping: making and understanding stone tools. university of Texas Press. Z BADAń J. LECH, D. PIOTROWSKA, eds. Z badań nad krzemieniarstwem epoki brązu i wczesnej epoki żelaza. Materiały sympozjum zorganizowanego w Warszawie października 1994 r. Warszawa. ZALEWSKI, M., MELIN, I., Wykorzystanie krzemienia we wczesnej epoce żelaza w Polsce północno-wschodniej. In: H. JuDZIńSKA, ed. Archeologia Bałtyjska, Materiały z konferencji, Olsztyn, kwietnia 1988 roku. Olsztyn, Received: 21 February 2010; Revised 30 April 2010; Accepted: 22 June Gytis Piličiauskas Lithuanian Institute of History, Kražių street 5, LT-01108, Vilnius, Lithuania, Grzegorz Osipowicz Archaeological Institute of Nicolaus Copernicus university in Toruń Szosa Bydgoska 44/48; , Toruń, Poland TITNAGO APDIRBIMAS IR NAuDOJIMAS METALŲ EPOCHOJE. KERNAVėS IR NAuDVARIO ATVEJAI GYTIS PILIČIAUSKAS, GRZEGORZ OSIPOWICZ Santrauka Titnago apdirbimas ir naudojimas vėlyvajame bronzos amžiuje, taip pat ir geležies epochoje iki šiol nesulaukė deramo archeologų dėmesio Lietuvoje ir yra nauja tyrimų kryptis, kitaip nei Lenkijoje. Šio straipsnio autoriai pabandė atsakyti, kaip ir kodėl buvo naudojamas titnagas, kai metalo gamybos ir apdirbimo technologijos buvo išplitusios. Tyrimams buvo pasirinktos Naudvario kapinyno (Jurbarko raj.) ir Kernavės geležies amžiaus gyvenviečių Pajautos slėnyje (Širvintų raj.) titnago kolekcijos (1 pav.). Titnago radiniai buvo analizuojami žaliavos ir tipologiniu-technologiniu aspektais, trisdešimties iš jų Torūnėje, Mikalojaus Koperniko universiteto Archeologijos institute buvo atlikta mikroskopinė darbo žymių analizė (2 3 pav.; IV įklija). Naudvario kapinynas buvo atrastas 2001 m. ir R. Šiaulinsko tyrinėtas metais m. buvo atkasta 12 kapų: 11 degintinių urnose arba duobėse ir 1 griautinis. Neaptikus geležies įkapių ir datavus vieną degintinį kapą C14 būdu, kapinynas datuotas vėlyvuoju bronzos amžiumi. Kai kurie lenkų archeologai įsitikinę, kad bent dalis kapų turėtų būti skiriami romėniškajam periodui, todėl kapinyno chronologija turėtų būti kasinėjimų autoriaus patikslinta ateityje. Gausi titnago kolekcija buvo surinkta tiek kapinyne, tiek greta esančioje smėlio kopoje, spėjamos gyvenvietės teritorijoje. Kernavės geležies amžiaus gyvenvietės Pajautos slėnyje intensyviai buvo tyrinėtos doc. dr. A. Luchtano vadovaujamos archeologų grupės 2003 metais. Ištyrus daugiau nei 2000 m² dydžio plotą buvo surinkta apie 1000 skaldytų titnagų. Pasak R. Vengalio, didžioji keramikos dalis (brūkšniuotoji ir grublėtoji) iš kultūrinio sluoksnio turėtų būti priskiriama I VII a. po Kr., tačiau kartu pasitaikė ir daug ankstesnių, ir vėlesnių radinių. Naudvaryje naudotas įvairios kokybės vietinis eratinis titnagas. Visi titnagai dvipolio skaldymo technikos produktai, skaldytinį laikant ant kieto pagrindo ir smūgiuojant kietu muštuku tiesiai iš viršaus. Vienu smūgiu gaunamos kelios nuoskalos ir dvipolis skaldytinis (ankstesnis terminas kaltelis ); skaldymas chaotiškas. Labai smulkios nuoskalos ir 1 nuoskala, sutapusi su dvipoliu skaldytiniu, įrodo, kad titnagas skaldytas vietoje. Trys dvipoliai skaldytiniai ir penkios nuoskalos buvo tyrinėtos mikroskopiškai, tačiau neabejotinų naudojimo žymių nepastebėta (7; 12 pav.). Kernavėje kultūriniame sluoksnyje su geležies amžiaus keramika rasta mezolitinių ir neolitinių akmens amžiaus dirbinių, pagamintų iš geros kokybės nevietinio kreidos titnago (8 pav.). Visgi didžioji dalis titnagų turėjo dvipolio skaldymo žymių (9 10 pav.). Jie buvo pagaminti iš prastos kokybės vietinio eratinio titnago, taip pat perdirbti iš senų akmens amžiaus dirbinių. Paprotys perdirbti ir (ar) naudoti akmens amžiaus dirbinius buvo užfiksuotas Lenkijos bronzos ir geležies amžių gyvenvietėse ir kapinynuose, Luokesų I polinėje gyvenvietėje. Tai galėjo būti racionalus būdas apsirūpinti titnago žaliava, tačiau simbolinę titnago reikšmę metalų epochoje liudija jų radimvietės kapuose Lenkijoje. Dvidešimt du titnago radiniai iš Kernavės buvo tyrinėti mikroskopiškai (11; pav.). 6 iš jų buvo pripažinti įrankiais ugniai skelti, odai ir medžiui gremžti, pjauti, o vienas strėlės antgaliu su dervos liekanomis įkotėje. Kai kurie jų buvo pagaminti iš geros kokybės titnago nuoskalų, nuskeltų minkšto mušimo būdu laikant skaldytinį rankoje ar ant kelių, ir turi

125 būti pripažinti esantys akmens amžiaus priemaišomis geležies amžiaus kultūriniame sluoksnyje. Nė viena dvipolio skaldymo nuoskala ir nė vienas dvipolis skaldytinis neturėjo mikroskopinių darbo žymių. Šios nuoskalos yra labai mažos bei plonos ir netiko darbui, tuo tarpu dvipoliai skaldytiniai galėjo būti naudojami trumpalaikiams medžio darbams, tačiau darbo išskalos galėjo sunaikinti silpnas nusidėvėjimo žymes, o šių išskalų dabar neįmanoma atskirti nuo dvipolio skaldymo, t. y. gamybinių išskalų. Iki šiol nepavyksta aptikti darbo žymių ant vieno tūkst. pr. Kr. ir vieno tūkst. po Kr. datuojamų dvipolio skaldymo produktų ir Lenkijoje, nors analogiškų akmens amžiaus dirbinių mikroskopiniai tyrimai įrodė juos buvus naudotus odoms, kaului, medžiui apdirbti. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Bronzos ir geležies amžių titnago radinių tyrimų metu nustatyta, kad titnagas toliau naudotas 1 tūkst. pr. Kr. ir 1 tūkst. po Kr., nors metalų epochoje gerokai pasikeitė apsirūpinimu žaliava strategija ir apdirbimo technika. Išimtinai vietinis eratinis titnagas, taip pat ir akmens amžiaus dirbiniai (9 pav.), surinkti erodavusiuose ir vėjo išpustytuose smėlynuose, buvo skaldomi. Apdirbant titnagą vyravo arba buvo vienintelė dvipolio skaldymo technika (5 6 pav.). Tai racionalus mažų gabaritų žaliavos gabalų skaldymo būdas, nereikalaujantis daug žinių ir patirties. Titnagas naudotas ugniai įskelti, turbūt ir kitoms specializuotoms ūkio veikloms, tačiau vis dar trūksta duomenų joms įvardyti tiek Lietuvoje, tiek Lenkijoje. Ritualinio skaldymo ir naudojimo įrodymais gali būti pripažįstamas akmens amžiaus dirbinių rinkimas, titnago radiniai kapuose. II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 125

126 Exchanges Between Syncretic Groups from The Mazury Lake District in Northeast Poland And Early Bronze Age Communities in Central Europe DARIUSZ MANASTERSKI EXCHANGES BETWEEN SYNCRETIC GROUPS FROM THE MAZURY LAKE DISTRICT IN NORTHEAST POLAND AND EARLY BRONZE AGE COMMUNITIES IN CENTRAL EUROPE DARIUSZ MANASTERSKI Abstract At the end of the Neolithic and during the Early Bronze Age, trans-regional exchange networks were already functioning in Europe, many of them covering the entire continent. One consequence of them was the rise of multi-directional ties between groups, and exchange on a scale which transcended individual culture groups. One exchange route that was in existence at the end of the Neolithic was associated with the distribution of amber. It followed the line of the River Vistula, from the Bay of Gdańsk to its headwaters. During the Early Bronze Age, this situation underwent a change. Drawing on older and more recent findings from the Mazury Lake District, I have tried to make the case for the existence during this period of an alternative communication route which traversed the Mazury region of northeast Poland. Key words: Early Bronze Age, Mazury Lake District, routes of exchange, culture syncretism. 126 Introduction There is no longer reason to doubt that the Early Bronze Age was a period of the emergence of a trans-regional network of exchange, with many routes running across the entire continent (Clark 1957, pp ; Gimbutas 1965, p.32ff; Machnik 1978, p.19ff, Fig. 7; Kośko 1979, p.152; 2001, p.283ff; 2002, p.66ff; Fogel 1983, p.149ff, Fig. 1-2; Bukowski 1998). It was associated mainly with a general demand for metal ores needed to make bronze, obtainable from unevenly distributed deposits (Fogel 1983, Fig. 1), salt, an essential foodstuff and curing agent (Kaczanowska 1989, p.354), and prestige objects made of, for example, stone, flint and amber. A consequence of this situation was the rise of multi-directional ties between groups and, with time, usually changes on a scale which transcended individual culture groups (Kadrow 2001, p.19ff). However, it remains an open question whether during the Early Bronze Age this development included the region to the east of the middle and lower reaches of the River Vistula, areas on the periphery of the agrarian world at the time. 1 General questions There is evidence of mutual ties which linked Rzucewo culture with Złota culture and made use of the Vistula as an artery of communication (Mazurowski 1983; 1987; 1987a, 1989; 2006, p.105ff; Bukowski 2002). 1 As posited by J. Dąbrowski (1997, p.88), in NE Poland the Early Bronze Age is confined between ca and ca BC. Also observed during the Early Bronze Age is a shift in the direction of contact between the late Rzucewo culture communities settled on the Bay of Gdansk who supplied the amber, and the people who were recipients of this resource. There is ample evidence in archaeology on exchanges between late Rzucewo culture and Unetice (Únětice) culture (Okulicz 1973, p.162ff; Kośko 1979, p.183ff; Cofta-Broniewska, Kośko 1982, p.1291ff; Bokiniec 1995; Czebreszuk 1996, p.197ff; Makarowicz 1998, p.253ff; Mazurowski 2006, pp ), and also on the role of Iwno culture as an intermediary in this exchange. The most likely equivalent exchanged for amber would have been Unetice bronzes, in particular ingot torcs, axes and halberds. If we are to accept this assumption, we would also have to recognise that most of these bronzes remained with the major intermediaries, and only a small portion reached the lesser intermediaries and the communities which supplied the raw amber. This is suggested by the distribution of these finds in the littoral zone: from the mouth of the Vistula as far as Sambia, and their corresponding distribution on Iwno culture territory (Dąbrowski 1968, Map 1; 2004, Map 1-2; Sarnowska 1969, pp ; 1975, pp ; Blajer 1990). The essence The archaeological material in question and its distribution suggest potential directions of the influx of objects associated mainly with the Unetice culture and Iwno culture environment, that is, produced in the Early Bronze Age style, corresponding to objects

127 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 1. Finds of Early Bronze Age prestige objects (in bronze 1-9; flint 11, 15-20; stone 11; 21, 22; amber 10-14), and pottery vessels (11, 23-30) from the same period. Location sites: 1 Rybitwy, Pisz commune; 2 Sterławki Wielkie, Giżycko commune; 3 Kętrzyn; 4 Stare Kiejkuty, Szczytno commune; 5 Mażany, Kętrzyn commune; 6 Lipińskie, Miłki commune; 7 Malinka, Wydminy commune; 8 Grunajki, Banie commune; 9 Połapin, Kiwity commune; 10 Domkowo, Gierzwałd commune; 11 Ząbie, Olsztynek commune; 12 Nidzica; 13 Kruklanki; 14 Sąklity, Mragowo commune; 15 Czerwonka, Biskupiec commune; near Ostróda; 18 Zełwągi, Mikołajki commune; 19 Szczytno; 20 Trękus, Purda commune; 21 Barkweda, Dywity commune; 22 Barczewo; 23 Szestno, Mrągowo commune; 24 Wyszembork, Mrągowo commune; 25 Pluski, Stawiguda commune; 26 Woryty, Gietrzwałd commune; 27 Gołdap; 28 Motule Stare, Filipów commune; 29 Skaje-Balcer, Szczuczyn commune; 30 Grajewo. II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME manufactured in the Proto-Mierzanowice phase of Mierzanowice culture. The small number of finds attributed to this environment (Fig. 1), bronzes, worked amber, insignia objects of flint and stone, intimate the existence of an alternative route of exchange linking Iwno culture communities with late Rzucewo culture groups in the eastern area of its distribution range. The existence of economic exchange of this sort is admitted by E. Šturms (1936, p.123ff), A. Kośko (1979, p.183ff; 2002, Fig. 22), A. Cofta-Broniewska and A. Kośko (1982, p.129ff), P. Makarowicz (1998, p.253ff), and, more recently, D. Manasterski (2009, p.145ff). An important point in this discussion is to establish the details of the exchange in question. Bronze, as one of the standard equivalents for amber, 2 in this case should not really be taken into account, although this does 2 For more on this subject, see Kośko (1979, p.129ff); Bokiniec (1995); Czebreszuk (1996, p.197ff); Makarowicz (1998, p.253ff). not mean to say that, on rare occasions, exchange of this sort could have taken place. On one hand, this is supported by the scarcity of bronze finds in the study area; on the other, by the fact that, according to universal opinion, it was the Iwno culture community that received payment from Unetice culture in the form of bronze objects. Therefore, it appears unlikely that these valuable objects, with some exceptions, would have been allowed to leave the community. This leaves open the question of payment. It seems rational to suppose that it could have been made in salt, which was prized as much as amber. This resource was available in the lowland zone in the Kujawy region (Kośko 1979, p.152; Bukowski 1988, pp ; Kaczanowska 1989, p.356). Despite the lack of conclusive evidence on local salt extraction during prehistory, we can consider the existence of saline springs, for example in the region of today s Inowrocław (Kośko 1979, p.152). These could have been used to obtain salt in a process 127

128 DARIUSZ MANASTERSKI Exchanges Between Syncretic Groups from The Mazury Lake District in Northeast Poland And Early Bronze Age Communities in Central Europe Fig. 2. Flint dagger finds from the Mazury Lake District (1-3 Ostróda; 2 Czerwonka, Biskupiec commune; 4 Zełwągi, Mikołajki commune; 5 Szczytno; 6 Trękus, Purda commune. After: 1-5 Gaerte 1929; 6 Bargieł, Libera 2004). 128

129 Fig. 3. Unetice bronze finds from the Mazury Lake District (1, 2 Sterławki Wielkie, Giżycko commune; 3 Stare Kiejkuty, Szczytno commune; 4 Kętrzyn; 1, 2, 4 after Okulicz 1973; 3 after Dąbrowski 1997). ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 4. The network of culture exchange in Poland during the Early Bronze Age (after A. Bokiniec, supplemented by Manasterski). UC Unetice culture, IC Iwno culture, MC Mierzanowice culture, SC Strzyżów culture, TC Trzciniec culture, PG Płonia group, LG Linin group, ZS Ząbie-Szestno type. II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 5. Stone (1, 2) and flint (3) sickle-knives and a small fluted mace (4) from the Mazury Lake District (1, 3 Ząbie, Olsztynek commune; 2 Barkweda, Dywity commune; 4 Barczewo; 2 after Mazurowski, 4 after Kośko). 129

130 DARIUSZ MANASTERSKI Exchanges Between Syncretic Groups from The Mazury Lake District in Northeast Poland And Early Bronze Age Communities in Central Europe Fig. 6. Anthropomorphic amber idols and assorted amber button-shaped beads with a V and W-shaped hole from the Mazury Lake District (1 Nidzica; 2 Kruklanki; 3-13 from a set of 50 [three round and 47 quadrangular buttons] discovered in a male grave at Ząbie site X, Olsztynek commune); 1, 2 after Ritzkowski, Weisgerber

131 of evaporation in shallow pottery pans, 3 the residue and salt crystals obtained in this process would have been consumed locally, and, in the event of a surplus, used as an export commodity. It is less easy to establish what could have been the object of exchange with Proto-Mierzanowice and Mierzanowice culture communities. A small number of finds of flint daggers and vessels from this environment would confirm the existence of exchange and its directions. Perhaps amber was also at stake here, passed on to the south and the southeast in exchange for daggers of Volhyn flint, for example, or some valuable mineral commodity, such as rock salt from the Carpathian foothills, 4 traces of which are not tangible using archaeological methods. Unfortunately, for the time being, this question has to remain in the sphere of speculation. The existence of mechanisms of interaction between communities in the Mazury Lake District and the emergence of a stratified society is also documented by finds of prestige objects made of bronze, 5 flint and stone. Bronze included axes, daggers, spearheads and ingot torcs. Flint and stone objects are represented by daggers, sickle-knives and fluted maces. For prestige objects made of flint and stone, it is possible to identify three source provinces: western, southwestern and southern. Płonia-type daggers (Fig ) originating from the western province suggest exchange with the late Single Grave culture environment, and the impact of syncretising features of Bell Beaker culture, and/or testify to the direct impact of the northern province of the Beaker environment (Czebreszuk 2001a, p.130ff; Libera 2001, p.128; Bargieł, Libera 2004, p.56ff). However, this phenomenon does not end in the Mazury Lake District, because the easternmost find of a Płonia-type dagger is from Mesha in Belarus (Czebreszuk, Kryvaltsevitsch 2003, p.51ff, Fig. 2). Next to this direction of contact, another source of flint daggers is the southwestern province, the area of Unetice culture. It is considered the most likely source of a dagger find from Zełwągi in the Mikołajki commune (Fig. 2.4). Also in this case, we may suspect the intermediary role of Iwno culture. The assumption that this indeed was the itinerary of the communication-distribution route is confirmed by finds of Unetice bronzes (Fig. 3) recorded in the Mazury region, and a halberd from Veliuona in Lithuania 3 A process known to schoolchildren, whereby salt crystals are allowed to form in a saline solution exposed to sunlight. 4 The oldest finds associated with salt extraction from saline springs in the region are from the Early Neolithic (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1979, p.131ff; Kaczanowska 1989, p.354ff). 5 Discussed in detail by J. Dąbrowski (1968; 1997; 2004) and W. Blajer (1990). (Dąbrowski 1968, p.47, Map 1). Moreover, in the middle basin of the Nemunas, we find a distinct concentration of stone fluted maces, associated with another distant exchange route running along the Dnieper to the lands on the Black Sea (Kośko 2001, Fig. 2; 2002, Figs. 16, 22). On the itinerary of this particular route, at a Middle Dnieper culture cemetery at Stralitsa, a copper lunula together with 21 amber pendants was discovered (Loze 2000, p.68, Fig. 1.4; Czebreszuk 2001, p.333, Fig. 1; Klochko, Vasina 2004, p.175, Fig. 7). This find united the Bell Beaker culture tradition 6 of crescent-shaped pendants with the tradition of the woodland west Baltic/Balt zone represented by amber pendants, which may be considered an example of syncretism and distant exchange (Kośko, Kločko 1998, p.397ff; Czebreszuk 2004). The last of the provinces mentioned is the southern one, which is regarded as an area for the provenance of Czerniczyn-Torczyn-type flint daggers (Fig ), made of Volhyn flint and universally linked with Proto-Mierzanowice and Mierzanowice cultures (Bargieł, Libera 2004, p.57; Libera 2001, p.80ff). An analysis of a map of their distribution reveals them spreading northwards, with the northernmost finds recorded in Proto-Mierzanowice culture assemblages in a settlement at Słochy Annopolskie, and a grave in the locality of Grodzisko in the Podlasie district (Machnik 1978, p.40ff, Plate XIII.14; Libera 2001, p.80, Map 11). Unfortunately, finds of Czerniczyn-Torczyn daggers from the Mazury Lake District (Fig ) all lack a context. But if we take into consideration daggers from Sośnia, in the Podlaskie voivodship, which are similar to them, we may suspect the existence of an eastern offshoot (Narew-Bug) of the exchange route. It ran along the rivers Bug, Narew, Orzyc and Omulew, to the area of present-day Szczytno and Olsztyn (Fig. 4). This route would be supported by sites harbouring Proto-Mierzanowice and Mierzanowice culture finds discovered in the Northern Podlasie Lowland (Maślińska-Marcinkowska 2005, p.177ff, Map V). Another artefact which validates the existence of the branch route is a flint sickle-knife (Fig. 5.3) in a greycoloured flint of the Krasne Selo variety 7 discovered at Ząbie, in site X, in the Olsztynek commune. The question of its provenance is another matter, because 6 For more on the impact of Bell Beaker culture on the woodland cultures of Eastern Europe, see Czebreszuk (2001) and Czebreszuk, Kryvaltsevich (2003a). 7 Flint of a superior quality, grey in colour, often confused with erratic or cretaceous flint (Barska 2002), its mines and workshops were identified in 1925 at Krasne Selo in western Belarus (Gurina 1976; Charniauski 1995) and, starting from the mid-1990s, in the basin of the River Czarna in the Białystok region in eastern Poland (Migal 1997; Sałaciński et al. 1997). ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 131

132 DARIUSZ MANASTERSKI Exchanges Between Syncretic Groups from The Mazury Lake District in Northeast Poland And Early Bronze Age Communities in Central Europe Fig. 7. Selected pottery exhibiting the presence of component attributes of Bell Beaker/Iwno culture from the Mazury Lake District (1, 2, 4, 5, 8, 9, 11-18, 20 Ząbie site X, Olsztynek commune; 3, 6, 7, 10, 19 Szestno site II, Mrągowo commune). 132

133 the production of sickle-knives is documented both at Krasne Selo in Belarus and at Rybniki near Białystok in Poland (Charniauski 1995, p.262ff; Migal 1997, pp ; Sałaciński et al. 1997, p.115ff, Fig. 1). An observation made by M. Kryvaltsevitch (1997, p.88) on the pronounced similarity of sickle-knife finds from Belarus to forms made of Volhyn flint may be helpful in the discussion of mutual ties and exchange in this part of Europe. Stone sickle-knife finds from Mazury (Fig ) find an analogy in a region even more to the south, beyond the Carpathians (Budziszewski 1998, p.324; Kopacz 2001). They fit the general tendency observed in the case of these forms discovered in Trzciniec culture assemblages from southern Poland, where they are considered to be imports from the area south of the Carpathians and interpreted as an expression of distant exchange (Budziszewski 1998, p.324; Kopacz 2001, p.97; Waluś, Manasterski 2004, p.36). For Mazury, the same phenomenon is validated by finds of anthropomorphic amber idols from Nidzica 8 and Kruklanki (Fig ), but in their case it was more the style and ideology which was imported, associated with the function of these objects, while their raw material was local, such as amber (Mazurowski 1983, p.38; Manasterski 2009, p.89ff). A further example of a syncretic nature in the Mazury region of attributes distinctive of different cultures is a set of amber ornaments from an inhumation burial at Ząbie, site X (Fig ). They combine techno-stylistic attributes characteristic of Bell Beaker culture and Rzucewo culture, but their number and composition finds an analogy in material known from northern European woodland groups (Manasterski et al. 2001; Manasterski 2009, p.83ff, Tables 11, 17, Plates 55-57, 60-65). The direction of contact indicated here finds full validation in the set of ceramic forms from Mazury groups (Figs. 7-10), which include, on one hand, vessels interpreted as imports, and on the other, numerous imitations of these. What is observed here is a definite influence of the Iwno culture environment (Fig. 7) as well as from Proto-Mierzanowice and Mierzanowice cultures (Fig. 8), which, superimposed on to the local styles, led to the emergence of a local version of ceramic production (Fig. 9). These vessels, recalling the pottery of the Linin group 9 from the Mazowsze and Podlasie region of Poland, have been distinguished as a separate group, named after their type-sites, as type 8 Cf alternative interpretation (Sobieraj 2004, p.72; Manasterski 2009, p. 89ff). 9 Groups defined by Kempisty (1972, pp ; 1973, pp.3-75). This issue was revisited more recently, using new data, by Józwiak (2003, pp , Plates ). Ząbie-Szestno. 10 In many cases, it has also been possible to distinguish a group of vessels with features characteristic of the Trzciniec environment (Fig. 10). This last phenomenon may testify either to the impact of Trzciniec culture, or it may be proof of the emergence of a local culture tradition fitting within the broadly understood Trzciniec tradition (Manasterski 2009, p.148ff). Conclusions Drawing on earlier but mostly on more recent findings (Manasterski 2009), I am ready to postulate the existence of alternative routes of communication and exchange crossing the Mazury Lake District (Fig. 4) down a route blazed earlier by people of Globular Amphora culture (Wiślański 1966, Map 4; 1979, Fig. 154; Nosek 1967, pp.49-65, Map V). One of the branches would have run from Kujawy, by way of the Chełmno region, along the River Drwęca, over the Lubawa fold, and down the water divide of the Mazury Lake District. Here it would have been joined by another route (the Bug-Narew branch), running from the Małopolska region in the south. Further to the north, the Mazury route, continuing in a northeastern direction, would have split into two branches. One of them ran north (to Sambia?), the other northeast, to the region of the lower River Nemunas. The Mazury route, while it was a branch of a Central European communication network, presumably did not have the rank of a principal corridor of exchange, being only an alternative solution in case of temporary inaccessibility or obstruction in the Vistula delta area. This could have been the result of local rivalry between individual Rzucewo culture and/ or Iwno culture groups, manifested by blocking direct contact with the source groups by groups settling, for example, the lake district of Chełmno. 11 A researcher who has drawn attention to the struggle by different culture groups to occupy and control areas with amber deposits is R.F. Mazurowski (2006, pp ). If we accept a different assumption and recognise the Mazury region as a source area of amber supply (Mazurowski 1983, pp.88-90, Table 24-25; Pi- 10 The largest pottery series was recovered at Ząbie, site X, in the Olsztynek commune, and Szestno, site II, in the Mrągowo commune (Manasterski 2009, pp.21-28, 37-81, Plates 1-53, ). 11 It seems that the occupation by late Bell Beaker culture/ early Iwno culture of the region on both banks of the lower Vistula led to the interruption of traditional exchange between late Corded Ware groups, i.e. Rzucewo culture and Złota culture. An attempt to revive this exchange between the people of late Rzucewo culture and post- Corded Ware groups from the south, that is, with Proto- Mierzanowice culture, was most likely made by making a detour of the region on the lower Vistula. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 133

134 DARIUSZ MANASTERSKI Exchanges Between Syncretic Groups from The Mazury Lake District in Northeast Poland And Early Bronze Age Communities in Central Europe Fig. 8. Selected pottery exhibiting the presence of component attributes of Proto-Mierzanowice and Mierzanowice cultures from the Mazury Lake District (2-5, 7-12 Ząbie site X, Olsztynek commune; 1, 6 Szestno site II, Mrągowo commune). 134 etrzak et al. 2002, catalogue item ), we would have to admit that this would have been an offshoot of a route associated with distribution. It only remains to be established what communities settled the Mazury Lake District in the proposed scheme. Unfortunately, we have no conclusive evidence to identify in this area a culture group of Early Bronze Age description (Okulicz 1973, pp ; Dąbrowski 1997, pp.90-92). The material known at present allows us only to conclude that these groups were markedly syncretic in character, combining in their inventories attributes associated with Late Neolithic as well as with Early Bronze cultures of Central Europe (Manasterski 2009, pp.134, ). Consequently, for the time being they (assemblages of Ząbie-Szestno type) are referred to using the name of archaeological sites at the locations which yielded the most characteristic evidence: Ząbie site X and Szestno site II. Translated by Anna Kinecka

135 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 9. Selected pottery exhibiting the presence of component attributes of Horizon Linin 4 from the Mazury Lake District (1-10, 13, Ząbie site X, Olsztynek commune; 11, 12, 14, 19 Szestno site II, Mrągowo commune). 135

136 DARIUSZ MANASTERSKI Exchanges Between Syncretic Groups from The Mazury Lake District in Northeast Poland And Early Bronze Age Communities in Central Europe 136 Fig. 10. Selected pottery exhibiting the presence of component attributes of Trzciniec culture from the Mazury Lake District (1-4, 6-8, 11-14, 16, 17 Ząbie site X, Olsztynek commune; 5, 9, 10, 15 Szestno site II, Mrągowo commune).

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Schyłek epoki kamienia i początek epoki brązu na Warmii i Mazurach, w świetle prac wykopaliskowych prowadzonych na stanowisku X w Ząbiu, gm. Stawiguda, woj. warmińsko-mazurskie. In: Pruthenia Antiqua,

139 WIŚLAŃSKI, T., Kultura amfor kulistych w Polsce północno-zachodniej. Wrocław: Ossolineum. WIŚLAŃSKI, T., Dalszy rozwój ludów neolitycznych. Plemiona kultury amfor kulistych. In: T. WIŚLAŃSKI, ed. Prahistoria ziem polskich. Neolit, vol. II. Wrocław: Ossolineum, Received: 23 March 2010; Revised: 26 May 2010; Accepted: 22 June Dariusz Manasterski Institute of Archaeology Warsaw University Krakowskie Przedmieście street 26/ Warsaw, Poland MAINAI TARP MOZŪRŲ EŽERYNO (ŠIAURĖS RYTŲ LENKIJA) SINKRETINIŲ ŽMONIŲ GRUPIŲ IR ANKSTYVOJO BRONZOS AMŽIAUS VIDURIO EUROPOS BENDRUOMENIŲ DARIUSZ MANASTERSKI Santrauka Transregioniniai mainai Europoje, prasidėję ankstyvajame bronzos amžiuje, buvo susiję su universalių žaliavų ir prestižo objektų paklausa. Tai lėmė plačių įvairiakrypčių mainų atsiradimą ir individualių kultūrinių grupių žmonių įsitraukimą į šiuos mainus, kas žymėjo istorinius ankstyvojo bronzos amžiaus pasikeitimus. Tačiau lieka klausimas, ar šis globalių mainų fenomenas pasiekė ankstyvojo bronzos amžiaus žemdirbiško pasaulio periferiją, t. y. regioną, buvusį į rytus nuo Vyslos vidurupio ir žemupio (1 pav.). Archeologų nuomone, tuo metu tarp Gdansko įlankos Rzucewo kultūros gyvenviečių, turtingų gintaro, ir šios žaliavos gavėjų, Złota kultūros žmonių, vyko mainų krypčių pokyčiai. Šiuos mainus perėmė Únětice kultūros žmonės su Iwno kultūros bendruomenėmis, užėmusiomis šių mainų tarpininkų poziciją. Gali būti, kad į tokią tarpininkų poziciją buvo įtraukti ir Mierzanowice bei Strzyżów kultūrų atstovai. Jeigu mes sutiksime, kad gintaras buvo mainytas į bronzą, turėsime padaryti išvadą, kad didžioji bronzinių dirbinių dalis pasilikdavo šių mainų tarpininkams ir tik nedidelė dalis pasiekdavo bendruomenes, kurios rinko ir tiekė gintaro žaliavą. Ši išvada paremta Únětice kultūros bronzinių objektų paplitimo žemėlapių palyginimu: pajūrio zonoje nuo Vyslos žemupio iki Sembos pusiasalio ir Iwno kultūros teritorijoje. Šis palyginimas leidžia daryti išvadą, kad ankstyvajame bronzos amžiuje egzistavo alternatyvūs mainai tarp pietrytinio Baltijos jūros pakraščio. Tai rodo, kad gintaro gavybos centras iš Gdansko įlankos pasitraukė arčiau Sembos pusiasalio. Šio laikotarpio bronziniai, gintariniai, titnaginiai ir akmeniniai dirbiniai kaip ir keramika (2 10 pav.) rasti Mozūrijos ežeryne, kelia prielaidą, kad egzistavo alternatyvi mainų kryptis, apimanti Iwno, Mierzanowice ir Strzyżów kultūras bei vėlyvosios Rzucewo kultūros žmones (4 pav.). Tarpininkauti šiuose mainuose turėjo sinkretinės žmonių grupės, gyvenusios Mozūrų regione, kurių buvimą liudija Ząbie-Szestno tipo dirbiniai. Viena iš straipsnio autoriaus postuluojamų mainų krypčių ėjo skersai Kujawy kraštą per Chełmno regioną, toliau Drwęca upe, tolyn per Lubawa, iki vandens takoskyros Mozūrų ežeryne. Čia jungėsi dar viena mainų kryptis (kelias), Bugo Narevo upių šaka, kuri ėjo šiauriau Małopolska regiono. Toliau link šiaurrytinių regionų ši mainų kryptis pasidalindavo: viena vedė į šiaurę (Sembos pusiasalis?), kita į šiaurės rytus ir suko link Nemuno žemupio. Šios mainų kryptys, matyt, neturėjo mainų koridoriaus padėties ir buvo laikina alternatyva dėl Vyslos žemupio ir deltos neprieinamumo. Vertė Audronė Bliujienė ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 139

140 Arrowheads, Palisades and an Attack Scenario. Ridala Bronze Age Hill-Fort Revisited UWE SPERLING AND HEIDI LUIK ARROWHEADS, PALISADES AND AN ATTACK SCENARIO. RIDALA BRONZE AGE HILL-FORT REVISITED UWE SPERLING AND HEIDI LUIK Abstract The fortification character of the double-ring palisade-structure of Ridala is discussed here. A crucial factor is the legend of the decline and desertion of the site, due to an outside attack. Bone arrowheads as possible explanations for this attack theory are examined, and the events behind the palisade-structure and inhabitation (formation, duration and break-up) are reconsidered. In the end, the function and purpose of the palisades are regarded as being of a symbolic character (religious and political) rather than sanctioned by military threats. Key words: Bronze Age, warfare, hill-forts, fortification, palisades, arrowheads. Warfare and military ideology were omnipresent during the Bronze Age, as is manifested archaeologically in grave goods, hoards and rock carvings of that time. Other archaeological sources such as settlements, particularly those with fortifications, show warlike actions and conflicts as integral parts of the Bronze Age reality. The existence of battle signs, such as weapons, body injuries and destruction-layers at settlements, are so significant that the critical events during the Bronze Age can only imply historical dimensions (Falkenstein 2006/2007). The reasons for these major defensive strategies, during the final stage of the Bronze Age in particular, are seen in the enormous demographic pressure, in the diminishing of hierarchies in favour of more dynamic societies, and in the intensified use of resources, evoking mercantile competition. Unlike in the Nordic, Lusatian or Late Urnfield cultures of the European Bronze Age, weapons made of metal, stone or bone make up only a minor find category in the eastern Baltic find repertoire of that time. The few known graves and hoards contain mostly ornaments and tools. But the new forms of residential sites, hill-forts or fortified settlements, certainly imply a warrior ideology and military activity. There are indeed indications that the life of Bronze Age people in the eastern Baltic was not always quiet and peaceful (Čivilytė 2007; Vasks 2007). About a hundred hill-forts are known from eastern Baltic territory; of these, around three quarters are in the Latvian part of the Daugava basin. A simultaneous fortification phenomenon could be observed in Central Europe during the Late Urnfield-Hallstatt period (Ha C-D/Montelius V VI). Ridala, on the island of Saaremaa (Fig. 1), is one of the few Estonian fortified sites where the defensive work represents an enormous joint effort by its residents. The traditional explanation for this action is the urgent requirement for protection and safety, eventually leading to the idea that the hill-fort was attacked and destroyed. The site has been investigated only to a minor extent. Therefore, a closer examination of the construction, duration and reasons for the decline of the fort is needed. Why the need for double-ring palisades? What do we know about the domestic remains on the site? Do we have reliable evidence for the violent decline of Ridala? Ridala: the hill-fort The Linnamägi (a hill-fort in the oral tradition) near the village of Ridala is situated on a morainic ridge in the coastal zone of the island of Saaremaa. Now lying several kilometres inland, the entire site (approximately 4,500 sq. m) was once surrounded by the sea. Two sub-areas in three summers (1961, 1962, 1963) were excavated by Aita Kustin and Artur Vassar, up to a total extent of 435 square metres (Figs. 1; 2). That forms only a small part (one tenth) of the settlement. The results of the investigations were never published; there are only manuscript reports on their archaeological work in the archives of the Institute of History of Tallinn University. Harri Moora (1967) remarked first on the particular importance of the Ridala hill-fort to east Baltic prehistory. Formerly, only two prominent residential sites 140

141 in the northeast Baltic area. They all existed more or less simultaneously, and are dated between Montelius periods V VI ( BC). There has never been any doubt about the true fortification disposition of the Ridala settlement, or the existence of insecure warlike times either. In the literature, the security aspect is explained as a reasonable consequence of the adventurous activity and efforts in trade and in seafaring of Bronze Age people at Saaremaa. Thus, it was all about securing and controlling the resources and in-site production. Accordingly, this could have involved steady threats from outsiders, and it could even have caused tribal conflicts (Jaanits et al. 1982, p.159). ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 1. Ridala hill-fort: the excavation areas (map by K. Siitan, plan with excavation areas after Jaanits et al. 1982, Fig. 101). from the Late Bronze Age period were known in Estonia: at Asva (Saaremaa), and Iru (near Tallinn). They both show a similar defensive strategy, as is seen on their location on higher morainic plateaux in the direct vicinity of the coast. But so far, palisades are a significant feature only of Ridala. The intensity and the technical degree of local metal production, bone manufacturing and pottery-making at these sites were advanced and complex compared to other settlements The theory of decline due to attacks It was Vello Lõugas ( 1998) who in the 1960s came up with new ideas and interpretations for the fortified settlement phenomenon in present-day Estonia. Lõugas conducted several expeditions and excavations on archaeological sites from the Bronze Age and Iron Age, including his effective fieldwork at Asva and Kaali (meteorite crater). He published several articles on his archaeological domain, the Early Metal Ages. In his comprehensive dissertation (V. Lõugas 1970), the main part concerns the two Asva and Ridala settlements, focusing on chronological and socio-economic issues. V. Lõugas also knew how to attract public attention by a catchy hypothesis: convinced of the defensive disposition of Ridala, he claimed that the site bears testimony to violent actions and battles over the hill-fort. First the layers of burning indicate a very sudden breakdown, and then the abundance of bone arrowheads from Ridala let us assume an outside attack or siege. Thus, most of the arrowheads recovered from the wall or fence area, some of the scattered fragments, fit together (V. Lõugas 1970, p.38 and p.354). Later on, V. Lõugas explained this very same decline scenario: arrowheads were fired from the outside against the wall. There, they cracked, the pieces fell down, and eventually they remained under the ruins of the collapsed fences (Jaanits et al. 1982, p.146; Lõugas, Selirand 1989, p.202). Not mentioned by Lõugas, but corresponding with a possible attack theory, are some scattered finds of human bones (cranium, pelvis, femur) in the sub-area A (Vassar 1962, p.20; Maldre 2008, p.264, Table 1). Besides arrowheads, there is also a socketed bronze axe, found at Ridala B right beneath the ploughed surface (Moora 1967, p.68, Fig. 4.4). Other finds implying a certain military activity are absent. II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 141

142 UWE SPERLING AND HEIDI LUIK Arrowheads, Palisades and an Attack Scenario. Ridala Bronze Age Hill-Fort Revisited Fig. 2. Ridala A and B. The distribution of arrowheads in the excavated areas with features of stones and postholes (interlinking showing rectangular placement of palisade-foundation): 1 granite; 2 burned limestone plates; 3 limestone; 4 posthole; 5 charcoal, soot; 6 arrowheads (drawing by U. Sperling). 142 The Scythian raid: another inspiring topos? Thinking of V. Lõugas scenario of archer attacks, we are reminded of similar events discussed in archaeology. The debate of the Scythian raid that was very popular among European archaeologists at that time, especially since the early 1960s, should be mentioned in this respect. The issue was about several destroyed and abruptly abandoned Hallstatt-period hill-forts northeast of the Alps. This phenomenon was explained for a long time by the attacks on the settlements of the Scythians, eastern tribes with a Pontic-Caspian origin, in particular because of the huge amounts of arrowheads and other Scythian weaponry left in these hillforts, the only remains bearing witness to this foreign intruding element. Some hill-fort and ring-fort settlements in the southern areas of Late Lusatian culture show clear traces of a sudden decline and desertion, for some of them violent warlike actions have been proved. Anyhow, it has long been a matter of fascination, in Polish and German literature also, and might have influenced V. Lõugas interpretation (Sulimirski 1961; Kołodziejski 1971; Bukowski 1977). In the meantime, chronological-comparative studies on the issue have dated these raids to the seventh and sixth centuries BC, which means at least 100 years earlier than what their historical dating has long been believed to be. Thus, the invasion of Europe by the Scythians, according to Greek sources, cannot always be associated with the destruction layers of the hill-forts (Parzinger, Stegmann-Rajtar 1988). However, what remains is the interesting debate over the actual events at these sites, especially regarding the issue of Scythian weapons, like the two and trefoil winged bronze arrowheads. Hundreds of these projectile points have been found in destruction layers in the settlements, but are missing in local material cultures. One very prominent example is the Slovakian hill-fort of Smolenice-Molpír, investigated in the 1960s and 1970s. In and around its collapsed walls, around 400 intact and broken arrowheads of the Scythian type were found. The remains of a dozen killed people were recovered from the ramparts, evidently buried by the ruins of the fort. However, it is particularly interesting that on the issue of the arrowheads and the killings, there are still different points of view regarding the question whether the arrowheads belonged to the defending residents or to the foreign intruders (Parzinger, Stegmann-Rajtar

143 1988, p.175; Hellmuth 2006, p.194ff). Without going into detail, it is remarkable that the differing opinions also consider the find of a casting-mould of such an arrowhead type from Smolenice. V. Lõugas statement concerning the attacks on the Ridala settlement has never been disputed in literature. Neither have the arrowheads ever been examined from the point of view of being evidence of attacks or battles. Only the defensive character of the Ridala site, the purpose and function of the palisades, was an issue of a recent discussion (Lang 2007; see below). The bone arrowheads ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Thirty-one fragments of bone arrowheads have been found at the Ridala fortified settlement site (Figs. 2-4). Similar arrowheads are known from other Late Bronze Age sites in Estonia as well. At Asva, more than 30 bone arrowheads and pieces of them have been discovered, including some blanks and unfinished objects (Luik 2006, p.133, Figs. 2-5; Sperling 2006, p.112ff, Plates LI.1-2, LIV). Only three arrowheads and pieces of them dating from the Bronze Age have been found at Iru; a couple of bone pieces are also known which may have been blanks for making bone arrowheads. One arrowhead was found at Kaali, and another one at Peedu in southeast Estonia (Luik 2006, p.133, Figs. 2.7, 4; Moora 1939, Fig. 70). Similar arrowheads are also numerous among archaeological finds at fortified settlements in Latvia (Graudonis 1989, p.34ff, Plates XVI-XVIII) and Lithuania (Grigalavičienė 1995, p.113ff, Fig. 62). Bone arrowheads from the Bronze Age also occur in other countries around the Baltic, in Poland, Sweden, Finland and Russia (Durczewski 1985, Plate ; Harding et al. 2004, Plate , 18; Ikäheimo et al. 2004, pp.8-10, Fig. 3; Sperling 2006, p.114; Luik 2006, p.134). The overwhelming majority of Late Bronze Age arrowheads in the eastern Baltic region are made from the diaphysis of long bones. A cross-section of an arrowhead blade is either triangular, lozenge-shaped or lenticular; barbed specimens occur alongside plain ones. An arrowhead tang was cut in a specific tapering triangular shape, which was inserted into a slit cut into the shaft of the arrow (Luik 2006, p.136ff, Figs. 2, 4). The lengths of arrowheads vary greatly. The arrowheads from Ridala are so fragmentary that only two of them could be measured: one small triangular arrowhead is 5.1 centimetres long, and the length of an almost complete specimen without barbs is 8.2 centimetres (Fig. 4.15,19). Measurable arrowheads from Asva have a length from 5.2 centimetres to 16.5 centimetres (Luik 2006, p.137). Fig. 3. Fragments of arrowheads from excavation area A (AI 4261): 1-102; 2-135; 3-520; 4-688; 5-214; 6-2; 7-9; (photograph by H. Luik). Were such arrowheads meant for hunting, or for warfare? Richard Indreko (1939, p.24) and Artur Vassar (Vassar 1955, p.118) regard bone arrowheads as hunting tools. It is also possible that although they were primarily hunting tools, they may have also been used for warfare (Sperling 2006, p.120). The majority of faunal remains from the eastern Baltic region from the Bronze Age consist of the bones of domestic animals; hunted game is less represented among faunal remains (Graudonis 1989, p.101; L. Lõugas 1994; Vasks 1994, p.118, Tables 7 9; Grigalavičienė 1995, p.268; Sperling 2006, p.125ff; Maldre 2008). In Asva and Ridala, which were located on the coast, seals prevail among the bones of game; antler harpoon heads were probably used for seal hunting (L. Lõugas 1994, p.90; Sperling 2006, p.127 and p.128; Maldre 2008). In Ridala, seal bones make up 19%, and the bones of oth- II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 143

144 UWE SPERLING AND HEIDI LUIK Arrowheads, Palisades and an Attack Scenario. Ridala Bronze Age Hill-Fort Revisited Fig. 4. Fragments of arrowheads from excavation area B (AI 4329): 1-159; 2-10; 3-706; 4-634; 5-114; (2 fragments glued together); 7-837; 8-707; (2 fragments glued together); (2 fragments); 11-84; ; ; ; ; (2 fragments glued together); ; ; (photograph by H. Luik). er game animals only 3% of the faunal remains. Most of the bones of wild animals come from elk. Nearly a third of elk skeletal parts are antler fragments, which do not necessarily indicate hunting, because they may have come from shed antlers as well. Besides antler fragments, a few cranial bones and teeth, and bones from distal parts of extremities, were identified. Some bones belong to beaver, wild boar, squirrel and hedgehog. Hence, according to the archaeozoological data, there was little hunting on land (Maldre 2008, p.271). Jaak Mäll (in a personal communication), the researcher into prehistoric and medieval weaponry, believes that the long and slender barbed arrowheads from the Bronze Age in Estonia were used as weapons. Missile weapons in military conflicts are usually aimed at the thorax, where a long and sharp arrowhead was most likely to hit the internal organs. On the basis of the shape of the tang, it can be said that arrowheads were hafted so that on an attempt to remove the arrow from the wound, the arrowhead would be detached and, due to the barbs, it would remain stuck in the wound. The wound need not be fatal, but the removal of the arrowhead would take time, and the pain would immobilise the enemy. On the other hand, arrowheads with a shorter, wider and thinner blade, causing heavy bleeding, would be more suitable for hunting. A hunting arrowhead should also be firmly hafted: movement by the animal would move it, thus enlarging the wound and causing pain (Luik 2006, p.142). But there are also opinions that stone arrowheads were better suited for warfare, and bone arrowheads for hunting (Ikäheimo et al. 2004, p.15). Of course, it is possible that hunting arrowheads could be used in battles, and vice versa, although some shapes or materials were more suitable for hunting, and some for military purposes (Mäesalu 1989, p.28; Luik 2006, p.241ff). The occurrence of bone arrowheads primarily in Bronze Age fortified settlements, their standardisation, and the greater skill required for their manufacture compared to most contemporaneous bone artefacts, indicate their essential place, significance and meaning in the society of the eastern Baltic in the Late Bronze 144

145 Age (Luik 2006, p.144). Considering the shape and properties of bone arrowheads, as well as the absence or scarcity of arrowheads made from other material at these sites, it is probable that the carefully elaborated bone arrowheads were used for warfare (Luik 2006, p.143). It is a feature of bone arrowheads from Ridala that most of them are preserved fragmentarily, only some specimens are almost complete (Figs. 3; 4). Seven pieces bear traces of burning (Figs. 3.7; 4.1-5,8). Eight fragments were found in excavation area A, and 23 pieces in excavation area B. According to V. Lõugas, several compatible fragments of bone arrowheads were found beneath the remains of what is presumed to be a stone wall (V. Lõugas 1970, p.354; Jaanits et al. 1982, p.146). In two cases, two fragments were very strictly fitted together; these pieces were glued, and have the same find number (Fig. 4.6, 9, 16). Two other fragments (Fig. 4.10) which could belong to one specimen also have a common find number, but these do not have a fitting fracture. A few other pieces could be fragments of one arrowhead, but neither in these cases is it possible to fit the fractures (Figs. 3.1, 5; 4.13, 14, in both cases these fragments were found quite close to each other; Fig. 4.3, 8, these fragments are both burnt and were found at the edge of the same hearth). Eight arrowheads from excavation area A were located sparsely over the whole area; in excavation area B, the arrowheads were also located in different places (Fig. 2). Ten fragments of arrowheads were found in a stony area, believed to be a collapsed stone wall; two of these have the same find number and are glued together (Fig. 4.9), and two others could belong to one arrowhead (Fig. 4.13, 14). As has already been mentioned, most of the arrowheads are preserved fragmentarily. Six of them are longer or shorter pieces of the tip part of an arrowhead (Figs ; 4.1, 6), nine fragments are from the blades of arrowheads (Fig , 7, 9-11), and seven are from the tangs (Figs ; 4.2, 8, 12, 14). Seven arrowheads are preserved more completely. One arrowhead without barbs has a blade with a lenticular cross-section, the blade is preserved complete, but a small part of the tang is broken (Fig. 4.15). Two arrowheads are small triangular specimens with a short tang, one of them has only a very small fragment missing at the edge of the tip (Fig. 4.19). The other has the entire tip broken (Fig. 4.18), but on the basis of the fresh fracture, it seems that this arrowhead was broken only during excavations or even later. Two arrowheads have a barbed blade with a lozenge cross-section; both have the tip and the tang missing (Figs. 3.5; 4.13). Most of the tip and blade fragments probably also belong to similar arrowheads. Two arrowheads have a triangular crosssection; they also have barbed blades and their tips and tangs are both broken (Fig. 4.16, 17). One of them is split longitudinally, the pieces are glued together (Fig. 4.16). In this case, some doubt also arises that it could have been broken during the excavations; but since the pieces are glued together, it is not possible to ascertain whether this arrowhead was broken recently or not. One burnt blade fragment also belongs to an arrowhead with a triangular coss-section (Fig. 4.3). Comparing arrowheads from Ridala with specimens found at the approximately contemporaneous Asva fortified settlement site, we can observe that arrowheads from Ridala are much more fragmentary. Does the fragmentariness of these finds indicate that they were broken during an attack on the site? Several experiments have been carried out using copies of stone, bone and antler arrowheads, and spearheads from different periods (Tyzzer 1936; Arndt, Newcomer 1986; Odell, Cowan 1986; Titmus, Woods 1986; Knecht 1997; Pokines 1998; Ikäheimo et al. 2004). Although the projectile points used in these experiments were of different shapes and sizes compared to the Late Bronze Age arrowheads from Ridala, and usually the aim of experiments has been to ascertain how the projectile points break on hitting the target animal, certain conclusions can be drawn about the hardness and the durability of different materials. Experiments have proved that, as bone and antler are rather resilient and durable materials, bone and antler arrowheads break less frequently than arrowheads made of stone; antler is even more durable than bone (Arndt, Newcomer 1986, p.166; Knecht 1997, p.206). The results of experiments indicate that arrowheads of bone and antler would not always break, even when hitting a stone (Knecht 1997, p.203). The most frequent damage is the breaking of the tip (Tyzzer 1936, p.267; Arndt, Newcomer 1986, p.167; Pokines 1998, p.877ff); the other weak point is immediately outside the bound haft (Barton et al. 2009, p.1709). Presumably, the damage to the arrowheads from Ridala was not caused by hitting a stone wall; but their fragmentariness must have other causes, including post-depositional processes. In some cases, an arrowhead could have been broken during excavations, or even later. It should be mentioned here that the other finds in Ridala are also preserved more fragmentarily than, for example, in Asva. The number of arrowheads also seems too small to interpret them as evidence of any particular military attack (cf Mercer 1999, Fig. 3), although their occurence at the site probably indicates the possibility of military conflicts. Undoubtedly, their finding context should be regarded as more important than the number of arrowheads (Lõhmus et al. 2010). ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 145

146 Arrowheads, Palisades and an Attack Scenario. Ridala Bronze Age Hill-Fort Revisited UWE SPERLING AND HEIDI LUIK 146 The palisades The former existence of palisades is indicated by postholes only. No beams or planks could be detected that could possibly have belonged to palisade structures. Nevertheless, the number and placing of the posts is clear-cut. More than 80 postholes are located all over the two excavated settlement areas (Fig. 2). The posts formed linear rows that seem to surround the settlement. Some of them are difficult to relate to this presumed structure; obviously, these belonged to houses. A very regular arrangement of posts can be observed at Ridala B. Here, the majority of about 53 posts are in five parallel lines. Most are placed in pairs, with a regular span of about two metres, placed one after the other at more or less regular intervals (2 to 4 m). Apparently, wooden poles or logs were erected with a certain connection to each other, probably to form a base for some kind of palisade. They all go in the same direction, northeastwards, along the edge of the settlement plateau. At Ridala B, two of these circle-like palisade structures can be seen, separated by a gap of about six metres. The diameter of the pits varies between 20 and 40 centimetres. Some postholes (7/i NW; 8/j) in the outer palisade are in a sloping profile position; they are described as bending inwards, in a northwest direction (Vassar 1963, p.28). One documented profile on the northeast side of Ridala B depicts a palisade-section with two postholes (with a 2 m span) that are dug up to 50 centimetres under the brownish humus level into the morainic ground (Fig. 5). Contrary to expectations, no burnt layer or trace of fire was found here. In Ridala A, the settings of the posts (about 28) differ only slightly from this in the eastern sub-area. Again, some posts are placed in two rows, running in a northeast-southwest direction. An outer, rectangular and linear palisade-like structure can tentatively be reconstructed by only approximately ten posts. The intervals or sections between the crossbeams were probably larger, or some posts may have remained undetected. What is remarkable is the dense placement of the two post rows (3 by 4) in the northeastern section of Ridala A, both running crosswise to the palisade in a northwest-southeast direction. Behind this setting of postholes, there must have been a functional explanation, perhaps indicating a passage or a gateway through the rampart. In order to stabilise the wall and angles at this narrow part, the posts obviously had to be placed closer. The structure leaves the impression that the two palisades approached one another, forming an angle at the gateway. Perhaps they constituted a special defensive element, which was meant to hinder the attacker by forcing him to approach the fort with his unprotected side towards it. This interesting feature could determine the true fortification character of the palisade construction, but it is only hypothetical, due to the fact that its main part extends outside the investigated area. All things considered, the site must have been surrounded by two parallel palisades deriving from a ringfort construction, an endeavour that was planned and carried out systematically. But what about the double palisades? Were they built contemporaneously, both being part of the same rampart concept? How were they constructed? The construction and setting of the palisades H. Moora (1967) was the first to mention two fences that surrounded the settlement. There is no comment on their possible purpose, or on the way they were constructed. Interestingly, Moora avoided the term palisade by speaking of walls or fences (Wände), probably because of the rather modest dimensions of the supposed woodwork. In speaking of fortified settlements like Asva and Iru that are located on higher terrain, exploiting good natural defensive positions, he admitted that during the Bronze Age the effort in building defences in Estonia was generally moderate, judging by their height and size (Moora 1967, p.65ff). V. Lõugas described the fence construction in greater detail. Not only did he mention two parallel walls, and pointed to the remarkable distance of six metres between them, he also noted a fifth row of smaller postholes placed at about one metre to the south. He suggested that the post settings derived from a wooden fence construction, and of house remains too (V. Lõugas 1970, p.351ff). He also mentioned the stone heaps outside the fence barrier, which could derive from the filling of the rampart (V. Lõugas 1970, p.353), an opinion that he later exchanged for the idea that it could have been a separate stone wall to complement or to reinforce the (cracked?) palisade. This gave rise to a simplified idea of a rampart construction of vertical wooden poles, forming sections of interlinked rectangles that were filled up with earth, stones or rubble. Valter Lang has explained this lately as a palisade type that consisted of horizontal crossbeams, linking each pair of posts, and thus forming consecutive wooden chambers or cassettes that may have been filled with stone material that was scattered in the vicinity of the collapsed wall (2007, pp.64ff, 68ff, Fig. 26). This question concerning the building technique remains unclear, but there is an interesting analogy to the Ridala palisade from the Late Bronze Age/Pre-Roman Iron Age ring-fort at Havor on Gotland. The fortification consisted of a palisade and a stone wall. The

147 postholes, their size, their intervals and even their rectangular placement correspond remarkably to Ridala (Nylén et al. 2005, p.102ff, Fig. 4). Like Ridala, the only rationale for the existence of the palisade construction there was the placement of postholes. Only a few wood samples were preserved in the postholes. At Ridala, stone constituted one of the most likely building materials. Here, local limestone slabs and granite were used for paving and for supporting the poles of the palisade. Considering the huge amount of stones within the two sub-areas, it seems likely that at least some of them had also been used in the stonework of the walls that surrounded the settlement. While the postholes functioned as vertical cores, as palisade poles, the gap between the walls needed to be filled either with earth or stones (or both). We know defensive walls made of stonework filling of the Celtic type, the so-called Pfostenschlitzmauer (post-slot wall), that was used for several Central European hill-forts from the Early La Tène period onwards. In the east Baltic, there is no definite evidence of this type of fortification from the Bronze Age/Early Iron Age. From the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age contexts, Lusatian fortifications from East Germany are known that were apparently built in two-row palisades similar to that at Ridala. There, the wooden chambers built of trussbeams were filled with either wooden planks and/ or soil. The outside walls were formed of horizontal planks (Podrosche-settlement; Buck 1982, p.98, Fig. 1. D-F). The height of the rampart construction at Ridala probably reached two to three metres, and maybe even supported a guardwalk (Lang 2007, p.68). As has already been mentioned, there are a few scattered postholes at Ridala A and B that do not relate to the palisades, but to supposed buildings. But the heaps and stone paving do not fit with the palisade foundations (see Ridala A). Summing this up, both V. Lõugas and V. Lang wondered about habitation complexes both in and outside the two palisades, as indicated by several fireplaces and findings there (ceramics, bone artefacts). The understanding that the fortification area between the palisade rings could actually have been covered with buildings seemed difficult to accept. So it was explained by different periods of habitation and fortification (V. Lõugas 1970, p.353). Lang suggests rectangular houses, one with limestone paving (Ridala A) that was located on the interior of the palisade, and another, two-aisled longhouse beside the outer palisade (at Ridala B). Therefore, it seems possible that one of the two concentric circles is of a younger date, but due to the small excavated area, this must be treated with caution (Lang 2007, p.64). Nevertheless, Lang mentions other double-ringed enclosures on Saaremaa (from Iron Age periods). Concerning the palisades and the dwellings at Ridala, a different interpretation for the events around the fortification is possible. The palisades and the houses: two different periods? The peculiar disparity between the palisade rows and the rectangular stone paving becomes evident already at Ridala A, where during the excavations most of the posts did not become visible before the larger stone plates of the house had been removed. Neither the stone plates nor the underlying posts were placed at random. But the rectangular stone paving was apparently oriented in the opposite direction to the palisade posts. They even seem to cross each other diagonally. On the previous excavation plan shown by Moora, this detail is not presented accurately. This may be because Ridala was always considered to be a single-phase settlement (Moora 1967, p.67). Apparently, most of the southern palisade rows at Ridala A were covered by the stone paving, a fact that was actually mentioned and documented in the excavation files (Vassar 1962, p.23, Plates 5-6, levels cm). How the palisades and the dwellings possibly relate to each other is demonstrated by the most numerous settlement finds, the ceramics. Both from Ridala A and B (435 sq. m), a total of around 4,200 pieces of ceramics were recovered, mostly small and fragmentary, with a total weight of only 25 kilograms (Fig. 6). That is in contrast to Asva, where from around 572 square metres, 413 kilograms of ceramics (up to 30,000 pieces) were collected. Judging by the shape and stylistic features, the pottery indeed represents one single period only. The Ridala ceramics contain both the coarse storage ware type and the fine-grained pottery that are known from the Asva and Iru settlements, attesting to the simultaneity between these sites (Moora 1967, p.69, Figs , 7-9; Lang 2007, p.127ff, Figs. 58, 59). Particularly burnished and profiled bowls are new and outstanding among the local pottery repertoire, representing Central European eating and drinking habits that are absent in other east Baltic settlements from that period. In spite of the fact that the upper surface layer of the settlement has been ploughed, the distribution pattern of the ceramics is distinct. At Ridala A, they cover in particular the zone of the inner palisade, and seem to contour the house feature with the stone paving. It seems that the ceramics accumulated along the house walls, obviously because the centre of the living rooms was mostly kept free of waste. In conclusion, this fits with the missing relation between the dwelling and the palisade. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 147

148 UWE SPERLING AND HEIDI LUIK Arrowheads, Palisades and an Attack Scenario. Ridala Bronze Age Hill-Fort Revisited Fig. 5. A profile of the palisade-section: 1 cultural layer; 2 natural moraine soil; 3 contours of trapezoidal pit with brownish humus-like soil; 4 margin contours of trapezoidal pit (drawing by U. Sperling, after Vassar 1963, Plate 13). Fig. 6. The weight distribution of ceramics at Ridala and the interlinked palisade-poles (drawing by U. Sperling). 148 The eastern sub-area offers another interesting detail. Here, the concentration of ceramic finds is notable in the southeast part, beyond the palisade lines, where they cover the linear stone heap. As has been mentioned above, this part outside the fences is thought to have belonged to the palisade construction, whether as stone filling or its reinforcement. It was A. Vassar who remarked in his notes that the linear stone heap was stuffed with ceramics and casting debris and located directly by the slope, a feature that reminded him of a terrace (Vassar 1963, p.11). This interesting comment has been ignored so far, but could imply a meaningful explanation for this feature. Does it not seem reasonable to believe that these stone heaps were used for terrain gradation, in order to stabilise and level the surface? Do they not remind us of a pathway or an access road along the palisade, rather than a collapsed stone wall? The very similar archaeological situation known from the Late Bronze Age hill-fort at Vīnakalns in Latvia confirms this interpretation. The slope that surrounded the entire site was reinforced by a chain of stones that was covered by a broad strip (up to 5 m) of

149 rubble and clay. Their purpose is explained in the same way, in terms of terracing the frontier (Graudonis 1989, p.58, Figs. 35 and 38). Given the dense concentration of ceramics and other finds, the stone bed mentioned at Ridala B was presumably placed at the beginning and during the period of the palisades. That applies to the interpretation of the bone arrowheads found here, as well. This feature obviously has nothing to do with the remains of a collapsed wall, as has been supposed. The finds simply gathered outside the palisades and dwellings, together with the settlement s other waste and rubbish. The stratigraphical record suggests different periods of fortification and (open) habitation. The palisades were removed for unknown reasons, and the settlement continued to be used. Regarding the mentioned burnt layers at Ridala and some fire-damaged finds, the arrowheads for instance, there seems to be another discrepancy. So far, the burning is said to have caused the collapse of the walls or palisades, which supports the attack theory. It has already become clear that definite evidence of carbonised palisades or planks is absent. Instead, the sooty layers originate from the burnt-down dwellings. There are only a few postholes known with traces of charcoal-soot, although they do not belong to the palisade foundations. Vassar already noted for Ridala A that an extensive burning layer, from one or two to three or four centimetres thick, partly covers the area of the house feature where some stones were burnt, too. Taking this fact into consideration, he supposed that the remains of the collapsed wooden walls belong to an old house, while other charcoal-rich spots in the southwest part (10-8/c-e) were the remains of a bronze-casting complex (Vassar 1962, pp.7ff, 11, 15ff, 18, 24). At Ridala B, the traces of charcoal or soot were modest, appearing only where they could be associated with former fireplaces or hearths. No indications of the burning-down of a palisade could be detected here. In speaking of two different periods of habitation at Ridala, it appears strange that both the fortification and the open settlement existed for a relatively short time. The chronological criteria for the local ceramic material and bronze work indicate that the settlement was built and abandoned during period VI (after Montelius; approximately 750 to 550 BC). That includes the initial settlement phase with ramparts, followed by the dwellings (including stone paving, and so on), and their later desertion due to fire. Not only did the palisades exist for a short time, but neither is there any indication on previous occupation. Vassar remarked that ceramics and bone artefacts, an awl, for instance, came to light from postholes that were dug deep into the base moraine. He suggested that the finds fell into the pits during or after the posts were removed. Other postholes, he states, have been stuffed with stone material, perhaps due to the same course of events (Vassar 1963, p.19). Conclusion The investigation has given us some new insights into the formation process of the Ridala hill-fort and the character of its fortification. But due to the insufficient excavation methods and documentation, there is still some uncertainty concerning events and circumstances around the settlement. Undoubtedly, the suggestion of the decline of Ridala due to outside attacks may be disproved. There is no trace of a destruction layer indicating burning and the violent breaking-down of the fences. It seems, rather, that posts and beams were removed voluntarily, as is indicated by finds of ceramics and bone artefacts from postholes of the palisade foundation. The sporadically recorded charcoal-sooty layers that partly cover the palisade area relate to the walls and postholes of houses. A closer study of the bone arrowheads from Ridala does not support the attack theory. The suggestion that they were found under the ruins of collapsed fences or stone walls does not hold true, either. Also, the fragmentation patterns of the points do not suggest cracking due to the collapse of walls. Comparisons with results from experimental archaeology suggest other ways of breaking arrowheads, for instance postdepositional processes. Bone arrowheads are indeed a unique category of find from Ridala that seem to represent not only the warrior but also the defensive strategy of this residential site. In the end, the number of about 30 specimens, their find contexts and their recorded state of preservation cannot be taken as direct evidence of military conflict. Concerning the question of the significance of the palisade construction, some doubt remains in explaining the events at Ridala. Looking at the short-term use of the palisades, the idea of the requirement for urgent protection, causing a defence strategy, loses its plausibility. The situation here somehow resembles two sites known from Gotland, and Havor and Vistad in east central Sweden. The Havor site is mentioned because of its analogy in the distinct placement of postholes. The entire place at Havor was surrounded by a two-row palisade erected some time between the Late Bronze Age and the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Nylén et al. 2005). In Late Bronze Age Vistad, one single-row palisade encircled the site, and another crossed the inner, central part and divided the settlement into different sections. Both sites are considered exceptional, not only because fortifications were rare in southern Scandinavia at that ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 149

150 Arrowheads, Palisades and an Attack Scenario. Ridala Bronze Age Hill-Fort Revisited UWE SPERLING AND HEIDI LUIK 150 time. What is remarkable is that the pottery from both places resembles a southern origin, from the Lusatian Culture area. It is even assumed that both places could occasionally have been visited (and fortified) by people from the south of the Baltic Sea (Nylén et al. 2005, p.138; Larsson, Hulthén 2004, p.52). Interestingly, military threats as reasons for erecting palisades are not considered at all. Their purpose and function are seen rather as economic and political matters: first by explaining enclosures as a basic necessity for local husbandry (horse and cattle rearing, Havor) and for special metalwork activities ( secret iron processing, Vistad); then as an administrative procedure, in forming a place for meetings and religious events (Nylén et al. 2005, p.138; Larsson, Hulthén 2004, p.54ff). Thus, there is a consensus that transformations both in the interregional-cultural and in the socio-political sector led to the erection of the settlement enclosures we know on the island of Saaremaa. According to Andrejs Vasks (2007), east Baltic hill-forts should not necessarily be judged solely from a military point of view, but the psychological-symbolic aspects (as powerful and/ or religious centres) should also be considered. This certainly applies to Ridala, too. Acknowledgements The research was supported and financed by the Gerda Henkel Stiftung, the Estonian Ministry of Education and Research (SF s08), and the Estonian Science Foundation (grant No. 6898). The authors would also like to thank Helle Solnask and Liis Soon for their help with the English. Translated by Uwe Sperling and Liis Soon English edited by Helle Solnask Abbreviation AI Archaeological collections of the Institute of History, Tallinn University. 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151 LARSSON, T.B., HULTHÉN, B., Vistad 88 Revisited. Ceramological Analyses and Lusatian Connections. Archaeology and Environment, 17. Umeå. LÕHMUS, M., ORAS, E., VELDI, M., Kaks rauast nooleotsa Jägala Jõesuu linnamäelt: arheoloogiline ja ajalooline kontekst. In: Ü. Tamla, ed. Ilusad asjad. Tähelepanuväärseid leide Eesti arheoloogiakogudest. Muinasaja teadus, 21. Tallinn, LÕUGAS, V., SELIRAND, J., Arheoloogiga Eestimaa teedel. Tallinn: Valgus. LÕUGAS, L., Subfossil vertebrate fauna of Asva site, Saaremaa. Mammals. In: V. LANG, ed. Stilus, 5. Eesti Arheoloogiaseltsi Teated. Tallinn, LUIK, H., For hunting or for warfare? Bone arrowheads from Late Bronze Age fortified settlements in Eastern Baltic. Eesti Arheoloogiaajakiri = Journal of Estonian Archaeology, 10: 2, MALDRE, L., Karjakasvatusest Ridala pronksiaja asulas. In: L. JAANITS, V. LANG, J. PEETS, eds. Loodus, inimene ja tehnoloogia, 2. Interdistsiplinaarseid uurimusi arheoloogias. Muinasaja teadus, 17. Tallinn, MERCER, R.J., The origins of warfare in the British Isles. In: J. CARMAN, A. HARDING, eds. Ancient Warfare. Archaeological Perspectives. Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing, MOORA, H., Peedu Kerikmägi. In: H. MOORA, ed. Muistse Eesti linnused a. uurimiste tulemused. Tartu: Õpetatud Eesti Selts, MOORA, H., Einige Ergebnisse der Burgbergforschung im Ostbaltikum. Suomen Museo, 74, MÄESALU, A., Otepää linnuse nooleotsad ajalooliste seoste ja sündmuste kajastajatena. In: Allikaõpetuslikke uurimusi. Eesti ajaloo küsimusi, XI. Tartu Riikliku Ülikooli Toimetised, 851. Tartu, NYLÉN, E., LUND HANSEN, U., MANNEKE, P., The Havor Hoard. The gold the bronzes the fort. Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademiens handlingar: Antikvariska serien, 46. Stockholm. ODELL, G.H., COWAN, F., Experiments with spears and arrows on animal targets. Journal of Field Archaeology, 13: 2, PARZINGER, H., STEGMANN-RAJTÁR, S., Smolenice-Molpír und der Beginn der skythischen Sachkultur in der Südwest-Slowakei. Prähistorische Zeitschrift, 63, POKINES, J.T., Experimental replication and use of Cantabrian Lower Magdalenian antler projectile points. Journal of Archaeological Science, 25, SULIMIRSKI, T., Die Skythen in Mittel- und Westeuropa. In: Bericht über den V. internationalen Kongreß für Vor- und Frühgeschichte Hamburg Berlin: Mann, TITMUS, G.L., WOODS, J.C., An experimental study of projectile point fracture patterns. Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 8, TYZZER, E.E., The simple bone point of the shellheaps of the Northeastern Algonkian area and its probable significance. American Antiquity, 1:4, VASKS, A., Brikuļu nocietinātā apmetne. Lubāna zemiene vēlajā bronzas un dzelzs laikmetā (1000. g. pr. Kr g. pēc Kr.). Rīga: Preses Nams. VASKS, A., Weapons and warfare during the Bronze Age in the area of present-day Latvia. Archaeologia Baltica, 8, VASSAR, A., Ukreplennoe poselenie Asva na ostrove Saaremaa. In: H. MOORA, L. JAANITS, eds. Muistsed asulad ja linnused. Arheoloogiline kogumik, 1. Tallinn: Eesti Riiklik Kirjastus, Received: 8 April 2010; Revised: 5 May 2010; Accepted: 22 June Uwe Sperling Institut für Prähistorische Archäologie Freie Universität Berlin Altensteinstr. 15, Berlin Germany Heidi Luik Department of Archaeobiology and Ancient Technology Institute of History, Tallinn University Rüütli street 6, Tallinn Estonia STRĖLIŲ ANTGALIAI, STATINIŲ TVOROS IR UŽPUOLIMO SCENARIJAI. DAR KARTĄ PERŽIŪRĖJUS RIDALA BRONZOS AMŽIAUS PILIAKALNIO MEDŽIAGĄ UWE SPERLING, HEIDI LUIK Santrauka Ridala Saremos (Saaremaa) salos (Estija) gyvenvietė buvo atrasta XX a. 7-ojo dešimtmečio pradžioje. Anksčiau ši vieta (apie 4500 m 2 ) buvo visiškai apjuosta jūros, o dabar Ridala yra keli kilometrai nuo kranto. Per 3 vasaras ( ) Aita Kustin ir Artur Vassar ištyrė iš viso 435 m 2 plotą (1 2 pav.). Tyrinėjimų rezultatai ir ataskaitos niekad nebuvo skelbti, o ir pati medžiaga nebuvo kruopščiai peržiūrėta. Gyvenvietė atskleidė įdomią statinių tvoros struktūrą, didžiulį dvigubo žiedo gynybinį įtvirtinimą. Tokie piliakalniai kaip Ridala yra būdingi vėlyvojo bronzos amžiaus Rytų Baltijos arealui ir siejami su kultūriniais pokyčiais, kuriuos lėmė vėlyvųjų laidojimų laukų ir Lužitėnų kultūros. Bronzos amžiaus žmonių konfliktai ir būtinybė gintis yra rizikingos prekybos ir jūreivystės vystymosi padarinys. Auganti žaliavos šaltinių svarba ir žemdirbyste paremtos ekonomikos vystymasis, metalo ir kaulo apdirbimo bei puodininkystės tobulėjimas tikriausiai darė įtaką prekybai, konkurencijai ir poreikiui užtikrinti saugumą. Saremos Ridala ir Asva ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 151

152 Arrowheads, Palisades and an Attack Scenario. Ridala Bronze Age Hill-Fort Revisited UWE SPERLING AND HEIDI LUIK 152 piliakalnių pagrindine paskirtimi visada buvo laikoma gynyba nuo įsibrovėlių ar gentinių konfliktų. Vello Lõugas, estų archeologas ir Rytų Baltijos priešistorės tyrinėjimų specialistas, visą laiką gynė smurtinio ir staigaus Ridala piliakalnio žlugimo idėją. Pasak jo, gyvenvietė nukentėjo ir krito nuo išorinio puolimo. Ši teorija buvo grindžiama nugriautomis sienomis, degėsių sluoksniais ir gausiais kaulinių strėlių antgalių prie gynybinių sienų radiniais. Pasak Lõugas, strėlių kotai buvo padegti, kad sunaikintų statinių tvoras ir/ ar akmens įtvirtinimų medines konstrukcijas, ir dėl to išliko po pylimo likučiais. Lankininkų atakos ir pražūtingo gyvenvietės žlugimo teorija paplito plačiai, bet niekada nebuvo įrodyta ar patvirtinta faktais. Nesenoje diskusijoje apie tikrą statinių tvoros paskirtį Valter Lang iškėlė kai kuriuos klausimus. Kodėl gyvenvietė apsupta dviguba dviejų eilių statinių tvora ir kodėl būstai buvo statomi tarp jų? Ar tai įvyko dėl skirtingų įtvirtinimų įrengimo laikotarpių? Norint patikrinti Lõugas pasiūlytą užpuolimo scenarijų, Ridala gyvenvietės medžiaga buvo iš naujo peržiūrėta. Ypač daug dėmesio buvo skirta piliakalnio formavimo procesui ir statinių tvoros bei pastatų stratigrafijai ir jų sugriovimui. Taip pat didelis dėmesys buvo skirtas visų piliakalnio statinių ir jų sugriovimo aprašymui ir pažymėjimui tyrimų ataskaitose (2 pav.). Kalbant apie strėlių antgalius, Ridala jų rasta iš viso 31, daugiausia tik fragmentai (3 4 pav.). Didžioji jų dalis rasta vakarinėje tirto ploto dalyje (B), kur ant piliakalnio pakraščio gulintys akmenys buvo palaikyti sugriautos sienos likučiais. Dauguma strėlių antgalių iškart buvo priskirti ginklams, net nesvarstant jų panaudojimo medžioklei galimybės. Kaip potencialus kario atributas strėlių antgaliai nediskutuojant buvo susieti su gynybine gyvenvietės paskirtimi. Tačiau dėl palyginti mažo jų kiekio, ne iki galo ištirtų radimo aplinkybių ir blogos būklės šių strėlių antgalių negalima vertinti kaip karinio konflikto įrodymų. Tokie pavyzdžiai kaip Halštato piliakalnių griuvėsių sluoksniuose rasti šimtai skitų strėlių antgalių tik dar kartą atskleidžia skirtingus karinių konfliktų ir lankininkų atakų mastus. Kaulo skilimo pobūdis taip pat nepatvirtina minties apie skilimą dėl smūgio į sieną. Eksperimentinės archeologijos rezultatai taip pat nesiderina su žlugimo scenarijumi. Atrodo, kad Ridala strėlių antgalių būklę labiausiai bus paveikusios saugojimo sąlygos. Apie statinių tvoras galima spręsti tik iš stulpaviečių liekanų: apie 80 jų rasta abiejuose tirtuose plotuose (1; 6 pav.). Stulpavietės išdėstytos skirtinga tvarka; dvi gyvenvietę juosiančias statinių tvoras galima atskirti nuo stulpų struktūrų, besijungiančių į tvarkingus stačiakampius. Reikia pabrėžti, kad tyrimų metu nerasta nei lentų, nei sijų, nei rąstų, tik medžio anglies prisotinti sluoksniai, kurie buvo susieti su sunaikintomis būstų sienomis. Atidesnis žvilgsnis į statinių tvoros struktūrą, akmenų sankaupą ir pastatus aptvaro vidinėje pusėje atskleidžia skirtingus apgyvendinimo etapus. Tyrimų ataskaita ir stulpų įkasimo į moreninį (5 pav.) pagrindą liekanos rodo, kad statinių tvora buvo pašalinta. Kai kurios ankstesnių tvorų dalys buvo uždengtos vėlesnių namų akmeniniu grindiniu (žr. Ridala A; 2 pav.) ar vėliau sunaikintos, įrengiant židinius ir ugniavietes (plotas B). Keramikos (6 pav.), rastos abiejuose plotuose, paplitimas įgalina lengvaiu suvokti šį gyvenamosios vietos pakeitimą. Pietvakarinio pakraščio sluoksnių kaita (plotas B) buvo klaidingai interpretuojama kaip akmeninės sienos griuvėsiai. Nors užpuolimo scenarijus yra paneigtas, kai kurie kiti dalykai lieka neaiškūs. Ridalos radinių (metalai, keramika) chronologija apima trumpą laikotarpį, visa gyvenvietė (įskaitant gynybinius įtvirtinimus) tikriausiai gyvavo tik VI periode (pagal Montelijų: apie m. pr. Kr.). Piliakalnio pobūdis ir funkcija, kaip ir trumpalaikis statinių tvoros naudojimas, lieka iki galo neaiškūs. Kita vertus, Ridala piliakalnio statinių tvoros struktūra primena kitus žiedo pavidalo įtvirtinimus (Vistad, Havor). Statinių tvoros, kurių liekanos daugiausia yra stulpavietės, vargu ar gali būti siejamos tik su ilgalaike gyvenviete; radiniai skurdūs ir jų nedaug, kartais nežinomos kilmės ar paskirties. Todėl konfliktai ir užpuolimai ne visada gali būti vienintelės tokių konstrukcijų atsiradimo priežastys. Tokie kaip Ridala dvigubo žiedo įtvirtinimai gali rodyti ekonomines (žemdirbystė, metalo apdirbimas) ir/ar politines administracines funkcijas (susirinkimai, religinės apeigos ir t. t.). Vertė Audronė Bliujienė

153 LATVIA AS PART OF A SPHERE OF CONTACTS IN THE BRONZE AGE ANDREJS VASKS Abstract This paper discusses Bronze Age exchange contacts in Latvia. Changes in the directions of contacts and the nature of the exchange are investigated, looking back at the Neolithic for comparison, and at developments in the Early and Late Bronze Age, focussing on the routes by which bronze arrived and the mechanisms by which objects spread. In the Late Neolithic, directional commercial trade is observable, something that is no longer characteristic of the Early Bronze Age, but which appears again in the Late Bronze Age, when bronze-working centres, which had an important role in the regulation of social relations, developed along the River Daugava. During all of these periods, a prestige chain remained in existence. Key words: Latvia, Bronze Age, exchange contacts, bronze-working, social relationships. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Introduction As is indicated by the distribution of amber, flint and slate artefacts, by the Middle Neolithic ( BC Cal) there was a development of exchange connecting present-day Latvia with the surrounding areas. In the Bronze Age ( BC Cal), such contacts are most clearly reflected in the distribution of bronze artefacts, and in the presence of bronze-working centres. In view of this, the small number of bronze objects from Latvia, compared with northern Europe or the southeast Baltic, along with evidence of bronzeworking on a large scale at a string of Late Bronze Age hill-forts, poses several questions. In the first place, there is the question of whether and how the direction of contact and exchange shifted at the beginning of the Bronze Age, compared with the Neolithic. Secondly, there is the question of the possible routes of the influx and spread of bronze objects in the area of present-day Latvia in the Early and Late Bronze Age. Thirdly, there is the issue of the role of bronze exchange in the economic and social relations of local societies. In the literature on the Early Bronze Age or the Early Metal Period, exchange contacts, bronze objects and bronze-working have been discussed as separate phenomena, noting that exchange contacts were not sufficiently well developed and exchange was not a full-time occupation (Latvijas 1974, p.90; Graudonis 2001, p.177ff). Issues relating to the organisation of exchange contacts, and likewise the influence of exchange contacts and bronze on social complexity, have not been discussed. Evidently, the lack of attention to these issues is a consequence of the paradigm accepted in Soviet historical studies that the Bronze Age was characterised by the social relations of the so-called primitive community, in which there was no place for greater complexity. At the same time, in Western archaeology, particularly within the framework of processual archaeology since the 1960s, considerable attention has been paid to exchange in prehistoric societies, to the role it played and the mechanisms by which it operated. Applying ethnological and ethnoarchaeological parallels, exchange mechanisms have been studied in huntergatherer, agrarian and urban societies, and in terms of the core-periphery-margin paradigm (Sherratt 1993; Renfrew, Bahn 1996, p.335ff, pp and bibliography pp ; Harding 2000, p.187ff; Lavento 2001, p.172ff and references therein). In describing the mechanisms of exchange and trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, Colin Renfrew distinguishes four models: down-the-line exchange, the prestige chain, freelance commercial trade and directional commercial trade (Renfrew 1972, p.465ff). These models have been applied creatively in research on Neolithic and Bronze Age exchange in northern Europe (e.g. Vuorinen 1984; Lavento 2001, p.172ff), and they can serve as a basis for characterising exchange in the eastern Baltic. As regards the terms exchange and trade, the former is more appropriate to northern Europe and the eastern Baltic, since trade is closely connected with a particular kind of good accepted by all the parties involved as an equivalent for the value of all other kinds of goods, namely money. There is no indication that such an equivalent was in use among the societies of these areas. II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 153

154 Latvia as Part of A Sphere of Contacts in the Bronze Age ANDREJS VASKS 154 The Neolithic background In the Middle and Late Neolithic ( BC), the most important items of exchange (but not the only ones) were amber and flint. This can be traced clearly at the Neolithic settlements of Sārnate and Siliņupe, located near the coast, and especially at the extensively studied settlements of the Lake Lubāns Depression. There is evidence of large-scale amberworking on at least 12 sites in the vicinity of Lake Lubāns (Loze 1979, p.117, Table 11; 2003), which serves to characterise this lowland area as one of the largest amber-working centres in the east Baltic. A centre could continue to exist over a long period only if there was a regular supply of amber. Since the Lake Lubāns Depression lies 300 to 400 kilometres from the source areas of amber, along the shores of the Baltic (Litorina) Sea, amber would probably have been supplied in the framework of a directional commercial trade model, or else through freelance commercial trade. Evidently, the Rivers Aiviekste and Daugava, and perhaps also the River Lielupe and the smaller rivers of this basin, served as communication routes with the source areas. From the amber workshops of the Lake Lubāns Depression, finished products were taken to areas further north and east, hundreds of kilometres away. It seems that exchange in an easterly direction, to the Valdai Uplands and the Upper Volga area, may have been particularly important, because of the flint sources in these areas. Since the Neolithic sites of the Lake Lubāns Depression characteristically have rich sources of flint, and since flint-working also took place there, it may be that the high-quality Valdai flint in particular was the exchange equivalent for finished amber artefacts in this exchange with the east. This is indicated quite unequivocally by the several thousand amber artefacts, analogous to those from the Lubāns area, that have been found with burials in the cemetery at Konchansk in the Msta Basin in the northern part of the Valdai Uplands (Zimina 2003). It seems that in the contacts between the sites of the Lubāns Depression and the Valdai area, the same models of exchange apply as in the contacts with the Baltic coast. This does not exclude the possibility that, alongside these models of exchange, down-the-line exchange or a prestige chain also existed, operating on a local scale, among the settlements of the Lake Lubāns Depression, and with settlements outside this area. In recent times, some publications on amber exchange in neighbouring areas have appeared. Mirja Ots examined Stone Age amber finds in Estonia, and came to the conclusion that amber ornaments came to Estonia from the west coast of Lithuania and from Lubāna Depression amber-processing centres (Ots 2003). In her comprehensive monograph on Lithuanian amber in prehistory, Audrone Bliujiene, concerning the Neolithic and Bronze Age, notes the existence of several exchange models in parallel in the whole eastern Baltic region (Bliujiene 2007, p.531ff). In his turn, Alexander Zhulnikov discusses the driving forces and mechanisms of the spread of amber adornments in northeast Europe, and especially in northern Russia. He stresses the connection between the spread of amber and changes in the social strategies of huntergatherer communities (Zhulnikov 2008, p.13). The earliest evidence of bronze, and exchange in the Early Bronze Age The first bronze objects appeared in the area of presentday Latvia in the Early Bronze Age. So far, the oldest finds, from Montelius Period II, are a spearhead from Bārta and a small flanged axe from the environs of Lake Lubāns. Traces of the earliest bronze-working activities, in the form of clay crucibles, have been found at the Lagaža site in the Lake Lubāns Depression, dated by Loze to the second and third quarter of the second millennium BC (Loze 1972). In Lithuania, the earliest evidence of bronze-working comes from the Kretuonas 1C site, dated by Girininkas, who directed the excavation there, to BC (A. Girininkas, personal communication). Both sites were located in areas that had been densely populated during the Neolithic. These relatively densely populated local areas, population centres, had already become nodes of exchange by the Neolithic. Exchange routes were very important, not only for the maintenance of various social contacts, including marriage, between close and distant neighbours, but also for the spread of new materials and techniques. Such developments find a particularly clear expression in the areas around the nodes of exchange routes, such as the above-mentioned Lake Lubāns Depression. It is precisely here that the earliest pottery has been discovered (at the Osa and Zvidze sites), and likewise the earliest evidence of animal husbandry (the Zvidze site). The pottery finds characteristic of Funnel Beaker Culture and the working of amber from the Baltic coast at sites in the Lubāns Depression indicate that stable long-distance contacts had already been established in the Neolithic. In this context, the appearance of the new bronze-working technology in the Lake Lubāns Depression appears quite logical. However, in the Early Bronze Age, significant changes took place in the range of exchange items. We may compare some of the statistics for the settlements from the Late Neolithic and the beginning of the Bronze Age, namely Abora I and Lagaža, with those for the Late Bronze Age hill-forts of Brikuļi and Ķivutkalns. At Abora I, 22% of the 3,907 artefacts found were flint

155 tools, and 31% were amber artefacts. For Lagaža, the figures are 19% and 8%, respectively, out of a total of 464 artefacts (data after Loze 1979, Table 1.3). It is possible that the relatively low proportion of amber artefacts at Lagaža marks the decline of the Lake Lubāns Depression as a centre of amber-working. By comparison, out of 1,000 artefacts found in the course of excavations at Brikuļi hill-fort by Lake Lubāns, flint artefacts constituted 9% and amber artefacts were absent altogether (data after Vasks 1994, Table 1). At Ķivutkalns hill-fort on the lower Daugava, flint artefacts made up 3% of the 2,700 artefact finds, with a similar number of amber artefacts (data after Graudonis 1989, Table 1). As these figures indicate, in the period from the end of the Neolithic and the beginning of the Bronze Age up to the Late Bronze Age, the volume of exchange in amber and flint artefacts fell drastically. What could be the reasons for the almost total disappearance of amber and flint exchange? It seems that the initial reasons for these changes must be sought outside the eastern Baltic, in a setting where amber, brought from afar, acquired the status of a highly prestigious material, namely, in the hierarchical societies of Central and southern Europe (Shennan 1982, p.34ff). On the other hand, in the societies of the east coast of the Baltic, bronze artefacts from Central Europe evidently became very prestigious. As a result, in the coastal areas that were the source areas for amber, the main direction of contacts shifted to the south and southwest, to the centres of bronze metallurgy. There is another factor that must have influenced the mechanisms and content of exchange contacts in Latvia. The Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age was a time of transition to a food production economy. This brought with it changes in settlement patterns and social organisation. Some excavated Early Bronze Age cemeteries provide evidence of the latter, but archaeological evidence of the settlement sites of this period is scarce. There is reason to believe, however, that in the Early Bronze Age small family farms, open settlements, became characteristic, periodically relocated under the conditions of an extensive clearance farming system. Thus, a strongly expressed cultural layer was not formed at such settlement sites, which is why they are difficult to identify (Vasks 2005, p.83). Thus, it may be suggested that in the Late Neolithic and at the beginning of the Bronze Age, a situation had developed where two subsistence strategy models existed side by side. One of these was the previous model of hunting, fishing and gathering, well attested to in the archaeological material, which gradually declined until it finally ceased altogether. The second was the new, ascendant model, the strategic direction of which was connected with the adoption of animal husbandry and agriculture as the main activities. Each of these models functioned in an ecological setting appropriate to its economic priorities. Judging from the distribution of finds of battle-axes and certain other artefacts, in the Late Neolithic the new economic model was connected with upland areas covered by glacial till and with large river valleys. In the Early Bronze Age, the distribution of barrow graves, stray finds of bronze objects, and especially simple stonework axes points to these same areas. The new settlement structure, based, as described above, on a network of small autonomous farms, also determined the character of exchange. An indication of the direction of contacts in the Early Bronze Age is provided by the distribution of bronze objects. There are 37 bronze objects dating from the Early Bronze Age, the majority of them found in western Latvia. That analogies for bronze artefacts (axe and spearhead forms) can be found to the southwest has been pointed out already, in the 1930s, by Eduards Šturms (1931), and in fact the very earliest forms have more distant analogies than the later ones. Thus, for example, the spear from Bārta that has already been mentioned has its closest parallels in Denmark and northern Germany (Šturms 1931). The same is true of a Period I halberd found in western Lithuania: the closest analogies are in Poland, between the Vistula and the Oder (Grigalavichene, Miarkiavichius 1980, p.27). Analogies in the structure of grave barrows also provide some indication of contact with Central and northern Europe in the Early Bronze Age (Vasks 2003, p.134). However, starting from Period III, a local cultural area developed in the eastern Baltic, centred on the former East Prussia. Accordingly, from this time onwards, as in the area of present-day Lithuania, the forms of bronze objects reflect the contact with this centre. The distribution of bronze artefacts of the Early Bronze Age shows that the number for find spots decreases from west to east, and from south to north (Fig. 1). Considering the prestige status of these bronze artefacts (there are no finds that might be regarded as raw material intended for re-casting), it might be suggested that they reflect gift exchange between individual leaders of local communities. This kind of exchange is referred to in anthropological literature as reciprocity, involving independent individuals of similar social status (Renfrew, Bahn 1996, p.338). This kind of exchange is not directed towards material gain, but rather has the diplomatic purpose of maintaining goodneighbourly relations. Apart from this, as has been put ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 155

156 ANDREJS VASKS Latvia as Part of A Sphere of Contacts in the Bronze Age Fig. 1. The distribution of bronze artefacts and bronze-working centres: a Early Bronze Age bronze artefact; b Late Bronze Age bronze artefact; c hill-fort where bronze-working equipment has been found; d open settlement where bronze-working equipment has been found; e the boat-shaped stone settings. Residential sites where bronze-working equipment has been found: 1 Tērvete; 2 Klosterkalns; 3 Saulieši; 4 Ķivutkalns; 5 Klaņģukalns; 6 Vīnakalns; 7 Ķenteskalns; 8 Dievukalns; 9 Mūkukalns; 10 Asote; 11 Dignāja; 12 Baltkāji; 13 Madalāni; 14 Brikuļi; 15 Sārumkalns; 16 Lagaža. most aptly by Goldman, Exchange is the code through which status information is communicated (quoted from Kristiansen 1987, p.77). Such a mechanism of exchange can be described as a prestige chain, although, considering the fall, described above, in the number of find spots as we move eastwards and northwards, down-the-line exchange is also possible. Although the sparseness of Early Bronze Age archaeological material precludes a more detailed analysis of exchange contacts, it does seem that the directional commercial trade or freelance commercial trade, observed in Late Neolithic amber exchange, was not characteristic of this period. Since the finds of bronze objects from the Early Bronze Age indicate the use of the Daugava and Aiviekste waterways, along which bronze reached the Lake Lubāns Depression, we may conclude that the routes for contact established in the Neolithic, at least the main ones, continued to function in the Bronze Age. Finds of four bronze artefacts in the Lielupe Basin indicate that the river network of this basin was used for communication. There is no evidence that contact was maintained across the Baltic Sea in the Early Bronze Age. The direction of contacts and exchange in the Late Bronze Age Judging from the distribution of bronze artefacts, in the Late Bronze Age the earlier communication routes remained in use and were extended. Thus, in addition to the routes mentioned above, we have clearer evidence of the use of waterways such as the River Venta in western Latvia and the River Gauja in eastern Latvia. The increased number of bronze objects (249 pieces have been recorded) also points to the intensification of exchange. Although, as before, contact in a southwesterly direction, with the southeastern shore of the Baltic, was still important, a new feature was the development of direct contact with Scandinavia across the Baltic. This is indicated by the so-called Devil s Boats of northern Kurzeme: burials in boat-shaped stone settings, which are not characteristic of the east Baltic. Burial in stone boats or ships is a typical Scandinavian tradition, particularly on Gotland, where as many as 350 stone boats have been recorded (Vasks 2000). In northern Kurzeme, these symbolic boats, built of large boulders and measuring eight to 24 metres in length, are distributed in a belt about 15 kilome- 156

157 tres long, a very limited area, near the right bank of the River Roja. Only one of these stone boats, at Dundagas Plintiņi, lies somewhat further from the rest: 12 kilometres away. This boat was also the longest example, measuring 24 metres. Altogether, nine such boats are known, in five locations. In view of the parallels with Scandinavia, researchers studying the Devil s Boats of northern Kurzeme have, since the 19th century, traditionally connected them with immigrants from Scandinavia. However, the role of the people buried in the ship settings in the Bronze Age in western Latvia was quite poorly understood. It became somewhat clearer with the discovery in 2001, at Staldzene on the Baltic coast near Ventspils, of a hoard of bronze weighing 5.6 kilograms, an immense amount for the eastern Baltic. It included fragments of bronze neck-rings, armbands, dress-pins and other kinds of ornaments, which had become worn in the course of use and had been broken, along with armband-like bronze rings. The objects in the hoard are typical of Scandinavia, and have been dated to the seventh century BC (Vasks, Vijups 2004, pp.21-34). In terms of its character, the find may be regarded as a founder s hoard, consisting of material intended for re-casting. It seems that this stock of bronze had been brought across the sea, probably from Gotland, for exchange with local bronze-workers. It seems very likely that the people transporting the material were professional seafarers, people who would have been buried in symbolic stone ships near the place where they lived, in the vicinity of the River Roja. The location of the ship graves, near the River Roja, also indicates the route that the mariners could conveniently have used to reach the sea quickly. However, their settlements by the Roja were remote, and apparently also isolated in terms of contacts, from the rest of western Latvia, south of the Venta-Abava line. It is characteristic that in western Latvia the distribution of bronze objects does not reach further north than this line. Apart from this, among the bronze artefacts found in western Latvia, there is only one socketed axe, from Strazdenieki, which may be of Scandinavian origin; the remaining objects representing forms traditional in the eastern Baltic. This suggests that the interests of the people buried in the ship settings were mainly connected with long-distance exchange contacts in an east-west direction, between Scandinavia and the Volga-Kama metallurgy centre. The Daugava waterway may also have been a branch of this direction of communication. The Irbe Straits form a kind of western gateway to this route. On the southern side of this gateway is northern Kurzeme, with Cape Kolka; while on the northern side is the Sõrve Peninsula of Saaremaa (which was actually still a separate island in the Bronze Age). It is important to note that seafaring people also lived on the northern side of this gateway, on the Sõrve Peninsula. Two ship settings here were excavated in 1967 by Vello Lõugas (1970). It is interesting that in the early 20th century, a couple of dozen kilometres north of the two ship settings, at the village of Tehumardi, another founder s hoard was discovered, consisting of broken bronze objects (fragments of two swords, a fibula, a razor, a neck-ring and a spearhead), also considered to be of Scandinavian origin (Jaanits et al. 1982, p.154). The fact that contact with Scandinavia was maintained via the River Daugava is indicated by finds of a few objects of Scandinavian origin along this river (Šturms 1936, p.77ff). The existence of long-distance contact between Scandinavia and the Volga-Kama region via the Daugava is also indicated by finds of four Mälarentype socketed bronze axes by the Daugava and in the Daugava Basin (Vasks 1994, p.63ff). Who were the seafarers buried in these stone ships? They are traditionally regarded as newcomers from Gotland who established a colony here (Graudonis 1967, p.73 and references therein). However, the possibility cannot be excluded, as noted by V. Lõugas (1970), that they were seafarers of local origin, who, taking advantage of the exchange in bronze, became involved in contacts across the sea. This possibility is suggested by local traits observable in the construction of the stone boats and the form of the burial urns. In the first place, the area enclosed by the boulders representing the sides of the boat was covered in a spread of smaller stones, something that is not characteristic of the boats on Gotland. Also uncharacteristic of the latter is the arrangement of urns in stone chambers on two levels. Secondly, although the urns are typically Scandinavian in form, the striated surface of some of them is an east Baltic pottery tradition, not characteristic of Scandinavia. Unfortunately, no settlement sites corresponding to the ship settings have so far been found. Such sites could provide a better insight into the material culture of these people. Dangerous sea voyages, regular long trips away from home and contact with alien peoples were evidently elements of the way of life of these mariners. This could have been a sufficient basis for the development of a common religion, culture and ideology, regardless of the place of origin of the people belonging to it. The mechanism of exchange connected with the Staldzene Hoard and the seafarers of northern Kurzeme might best be described as directional commercial trade. In this model (Renfrew 1972, p.470), it is generally raw materials that are exchanged, in this case scrap bronze. Secondly, exchange is a regular activity, evidently maintained by the professional seafarers. Thirdly, some of the locations lying at a considerable ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 157

158 Latvia as Part of A Sphere of Contacts in the Bronze Age ANDREJS VASKS 158 distance from the areas of origin (in this case, Gotland) are better provided than areas lying closer by. The main bronze-working centres along the Daugava and in the Daugava Basin could have been places of this kind. Apart from this, in this kind of exchange, the items of exchange may not be brought from the point of origin to the destination directly, but instead may be conveyed by intermediaries. The available archaeological material does not tell us whether bronze, as a raw material, was brought to its users from Scandinavia by the intermediaries of northern Kurzeme themselves, or whether it was carried further by other intermediaries (for example, from northern Kurzeme to the Lower Daugava area and beyond). Exchange contacts and bronzeworking centres Now let us look at exchange contacts and their significance from the point of view of the local bronzeworkers. There are 15 known locations in the area of present-day Latvia where bronze-working was practised in the Late Bronze Age. These include 12 hillforts along the Daugava and in the Daugava Basin, two in the Lielupe Basin, and one in the Gauja Basin. Bronze-working took place on the largest scale in the Lower Daugava area, where the largest centre was Ķivutkalns on Dole Island. Of the 2,094 artefacts found there, 33.5% were fragments of clay crucibles and moulds. The corresponding figures are 23.7% for Klaņģi hill-fort, and 10.4% for Vīnakalns. At hill-forts further upstream along the Daugava, the proportion of crucibles and moulds within the total artefact assemblage is smaller, and at hill-forts outside the Daugava Valley (including Tērvete and Klosterkalns in the Lielupe Basin, and Sārumkalns in the Gauja Basin), the number of such finds is quite insignificant, just one or a few mould fragments. An exception in this regard is Brikuļi hill-fort by Lake Lubāns. Here, out of 1,000 artefacts, crucible and mould fragments constituted 41.8% (Vasks 2005, pp.84-86). So far, no evidence of bronze-working has been found in western Latvia. Several hill-forts have been excavated in this region, and at four of them, Matkule, Padure, Paplaka and Milzukalns, there is evidence of occupation in the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. Although the artefact material is not particularly extensive, the finds include four fragments of armbandlike rings from Paplaka hill-fort, and a bronze razor fragment with a loop handle from Milzukalns (Vasks 2005, p.89). The number of stray finds of Bronze Age bronze artefacts is larger in western Latvia than that obtained from the rest of Latvia, and this, together with the mentioned bronze objects within the numerically small artefact assemblages from both hill-forts, indicates that the metal was more widely used in western Latvia. At the same time, there are no finds of crucibles or moulds from these hill-forts. However, the lack of bronze-working evidence in western Latvia could be explained in terms of insufficient archaeological investigations in the region. Thus, judging from the finds of bronze-working equipment and bronze products, there were some major bronze-working centres along the Daugava and in the Daugava Basin (Ķivutkalns, Klaņģukalns and Brikuļi hill-fort), as well as several smaller centres (Vīnakalns, Ķente, Asote and other hill-forts). The artefacts made and used at these hill-forts (ornaments, weapons and toiletry articles), with rare exceptions (tools), were intended to assert the elite status of particular individuals. It should also be borne in mind that bronze-working was a technically complicated process, which required special knowledge and could appear to the outsider like a magic ritual, which gave the people who understood the process a special elite status. Thus, these hill-forts, and the bronze-workers active there, had an important role in regulating social relations. This provides some basis for regarding these bronze-working hill-forts also as centres for maintaining the social hierarchy. They can be regarded as the power bases of separate polities (independent communities), with lower-level hill-forts and open settlements under their control. A precondition for the existence of such bronze-working centres was a regular supply of bronze, which could only be provided through regular exchange contacts. Since bronze-working had an important role in maintaining the social status of the elite and the regulation of social relationships, elite control over exchange contacts was also very important. As is shown by research in Central Europe, long-distance exchange took place between one central fortified settlement and another, across areas with lower-level settlements, sometimes spanning distances of 100 to 150 kilometres (Kristiansen 1998, p.98). Evidently, it is precisely in this way, on the basis of a model of directional commercial trade, that we can explain the long-term existence of Ķivutkalns and Brikuļi as the largest bronze-working centres in the Lower Daugava area and the Lubāns Lowlands. However, there was another precondition for the existence of such centres, namely the capacity for obtaining the resources needed for maintaining the long-distance contacts. This could be ensured by a form of exchange known as redistribution, where the flow of exchange goods within the polity is determined by the authority (elite) of a central place (Renfrew, Bahn 1996, p.338). In this case, the exchange goods could be products of local origin. By obtaining these from the surrounding open settlements in exchange

159 for bronze articles or other local products, the elite at a centre such as Ķivutkalns or Brikuļi hill-fort could maintain a degree of specialisation in bronze-working, using part of the local products obtained for longdistance exchange in order to secure bronze as a raw material. It is quite hard to say what the local communities exchanged for bronze. In Central and southern Europe, Baltic amber, of course, had already been popular since the beginning of the Bronze Age. However, amber exchange can explain only those bronze objects that ended up in the Baltic littoral zone. Other products commonly suggested include furs, dried fish, agricultural produce and stock (Kristiansen 1987, p.83). This could have been so in the area of present-day Latvia as well. Beaver pelts were evidently particularly significant. At Ķivutkalns, 55% of all wild animal bones were from beavers; at Vīnakalns they made up as much as 65%, at Mūkukalns 37%, and at Asote 29%. On the other hand, at Brikuļi hill-fort, beaver is only the third most common, at 13%, after elk and wild boar (Vasks 2005, p.93). However, directional commercial trade and redistribution were not the only exchange mechanisms and probably not the main ones in Late Bronze Age Latvia. In the distribution of stray finds of bronze artefacts, as in the Early Bronze Age, we see a reduction in the number of find spots from south to north, and from west to east. Thus, there is reason to believe that in the Late Bronze Age, the earlier prestige chain model continued to exist, that is, gift exchange for maintaining various kinds of contacts between independent partners of equal status. Conclusions A growth in exchange activity began in the Middle Neolithic and continued in the Late Neolithic. In archaeological material, this is most clearly indicated by the spread of objects made of amber and flint. Items made from both materials have been found at all Middle and Late Neolithic settlements. This indicates the existence of a stable network of contacts, which was evidently based on a need to maintain inter-community marriage contacts and other social contacts. The movement of amber and flint within this network can be characterised as ceremonial gift exchange between communities, as down-the-line exchange or else as a prestige chain. 1 However, as is shown by the development of 1 Of course, this does not mean that these gift-giving activities serving diplomatic purposes did not involve items made from materials of local origin, such as bone, antler, stone, etc, in addition to amber and flint. It is particularly through the exchange of such items that it is an amber-working centre in the Lake Lubāns Depression, the existence of which was only possible if there was a regular supply of amber, another mechanism of exchange was also in operation, directional commercial trade. At the beginning of the Bronze Age, the earlier directions and routes of contact continued to exist, but there was a marked shift in the kinds of objects being exchanged: the exchange of amber and flint ceased almost entirely, while bronze objects became the most visible kind of exchange item. The decline of amber exchange in the area of present-day Latvia (and in the east Baltic as a whole) can be explained in terms of a shift in the direction of exchange, which now linked the source areas of amber on the southeast coast of the Baltic with Central and southern Europe. In the Early Bronze Age (Period III), the southeast Baltic developed as a local cultural centre, from which bronze articles also reached the area of present-day Latvia. The number of recovered bronze objects from the Early Bronze Age is small, so it is hard to assess the character of exchange mechanisms. It seems that the spread of these bronze items can best be explained in terms of a prestige chain model. The bronze-working evidence from the Early Bronze Age settlement of Lagaža indicates that the Lake Lubāns Depression had not lost its significance as a node of communications routes, and thus also as an area where technical innovations were adopted. In the Late Bronze Age, contact with the southeast Baltic continued. The unequivocal evidence for contacts across the Baltic, between Scandinavia and northern Kurzeme, is new in this period. Bronze, as a raw material for exchange, evidently played the main role in these contacts. At this time, a string of bronze-working centres developed along the River Daugava and in the Daugava Basin, and these could have been the users of the bronze coming from across the sea. The elites of these centres had an interest in maintaining the regular flow of bronze as a raw material for prestige items, and thus also in the maintenance and control of longdistance exchange. The continued existence of these centres could most likely be ensured only through directional commercial trade, with one or more intermediaries. At the same time, the prestige chain between local communities, which had become established earlier, continued to exist. Translated by Valdis Bērziņš possible to explain the degree of homogeneity of material culture over a fairly large area. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 159

160 Latvia as Part of A Sphere of Contacts in the Bronze Age ANDREJS VASKS 160 Abbreviation Amber in Archaeology C.W. BECK, I.B. LOZE, J.M. TODD, eds. Amber in Archaeology. Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Amber in Archaeology, Talsi Riga: Institute of the History of Latvia Publishers. References BLIUJIENĖ, A., Lietuvos priešistorės gintaras. Vilnius: Versus aureus. GRAUDONIS, I., Latviia v epohu pozdnei bronzi i rannego zheleza. Riga: Zinatne. GRAUDONIS, J., Nocietinātās apmetnes Daugavas lejtecē. Rīga: Zinātne. GRAUDONIS, J., Agro metālu periods g. pr. Kr. In: Ē. MUGURĒVIČS, A. VASKS, eds. Latvijas senākā vēsture. 9. g.t.pr. Kr g. Rīga: Latvijas vēstures institūta apgāds, GRIGALAVICHENE, E., MIARKIAVICHIUS, A., Drevneishie metallicheskije izdelia v Litve (II-I tysiacheletia do n. e.). Vilnius: Mokslas. HARDING, A.F. European Societies in the Bronze Age. Cambridge: University Press. JAANITS, L., LAUL, S., LÕUGAS, L., TÕNISSON, E., Eesti esiajalugu. Tallinn: Eesti Raamat. KRISTIANSEN, K., Center and periphery in Bronze Age Scandinavia. In: M. ROWLANDS, M. LARSEN, K. KRISTIANSEN, eds. Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World. Cambridge: University Press, KRISTIANSEN, K., Europe before history. Cambridge: University Press. Latvijas PSR arheoloģija Rīga: Zinātne. LAVENTO, M., Textile Ceramics in Finland and on Karelian Isthmus. Nine Variations and Fugue on a Theme of C. F. Meinander. Helsinki. LÕUGAS, V., Sõrve laevkalmed. In: M. SCHMIE- DEHELM, L. JAANITS, J. SELIRAND, eds. Studia Archaeologica in Memoriam Harri Moora. Tallinn: Valgus, LOZE, I., Stoianka Lagazha (Lubanskaia nizmennostj). Latvijas PSR Zinātņu Akadēmijas Vēstis, 6, LOZE, I., Pozdnii neolit i ranniaia bronza Lubanskoi ravnini. Riga: Zinatne. LOZE, I., Middle Neolithic Amber Workshops in the Lake Lubāns Depression. In: Amber in Archaeology, OTS, M., Stone Age Amber Finds in Estonia. In: Amber in Archaeology, RENFREW, C., The Emergence of Civilisation. The Cyclades and the Aegean in the Third Millennium BC. London: Methuen & Co Ltd. RENFREW, C., BAHN, P., Archaeology. Theories, Methods and Practice. Second edition. London: Thames and Hudson. SHENNAN, S., Exchange and Ranking: the Role of Amber in the Earlier Bronze Age of Europe. In: C. REN- FREW, S. SHENNAN, eds. Ranking, Resource and Exchange. Aspects of the Archaeology of Early European Society (In memory of D.L. Clarke). Cambridge, London, New York, Melbourne, Sydney, SHERRATT, A., What would a Bronze Age world system look like? Relations between temperate Europe and the Mediterranean in later prehistory. Journal of European Archaeology, 1.2, ŠTURMS, E., Die Bronzezeitlichen funde in Lettland. In: Congressus Secundus Archaeologorum Balticorum Rigae, VIII Rīga, ŠTURMS, E., Die Ältere Bronzezeit im Ostbalticum. Berlin und Leipzig: Walter De Gruyter. VUORINEN, I., Torgovlia kremnem i iantarem v Finliandii v epohu neolita. In: B.A. RIBAKOV, ed. Novoe v arheologii SSSR i Finliandii. Leningrad: Nauka, VASKS, A., Brikuļu nocietinātā apmetne. Lubāna zemiene vēlajā bronzas un dzelzs laikmetā (1000. g. pr. Kr g. pēc Kr.). Rīga: Preses Nams. VASKS, A., Rietumlatvija bronzas laikmeta sakaru lokā. Arheoloģija un etnogrāfija, 21, VASKS, A., Bronzas apstrādes centri un bronzas priekšmeti sabiedrisko attiecību sistēmā agro metālu periodā Latvijas teritorijā. Arheoloģija un etnogrāfija, 22, VASKS, A., VIJUPS, A., Staldzenes bronzas laikmeta depozīts. Rīga: Fobo Prints. ZHULNIKOV, A., Exchange of amber in Northern Europe in the III Millennium BC as a factor of social interactions. Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2008, 12. 1,3 15. ZIMINA, M., Amber Ornaments from the Konchanskii Burial Grounds. In: Amber in Archaeology, Received: 6 January 2010; Revised: 23 April 2010; Accepted: 22 June University of Latvia Āraišu street 29 Rīga LV-1039 Latvia LATVIJA KAIP KONTAKTŲ SFEROS BRONZOS AMŽIUJE SRITIS ANDREJS VASKS Santrauka Straipsnyje aptariami bronzos amžiaus mainų kontaktai dabartinės Latvijos teritorijoje. Tiriama kontaktų krypties ir jų pobūdžio kaita, lyginami neolito ir besivystantys ankstyvojo bei vėlyvojo bronzos amžiaus mainai, ypač kreipiant dėmesį į kelius, kuriais buvo atgabenama bronza, ir jos sklaidos modelius (1 pav.). Bronzos amžiaus kontaktų tyrinėjimams autorius pritaikė Colin Renfrew 1970 m. paskelbtus mainų ir prekybos modelius. Autorius juos kūrybiškai pritaikė Šiaurės Europos neolito ir bronzos amžiaus mainų tyrinėjimams. Aktyvūs mainai, prasidėję viduriniame neolite, plėtėsi ir vėlyvajame neolite. Labiausiai tai pastebima iš

161 gintaro ir titnago dirbinių plitimo. Iš abiejų medžiagų pagamintų dirbinių rasta visose vidurinio ir vėlyvojo neolito gyvenvietėse. Tai patvirtina, kad būta nuolatinio kontaktų tinklo, kuris neabejotinai buvo grindžiamas būtinybe palaikyti tarpbendruomeninius santuokų ir kitus socialinius kontaktus. Gintaro ir titnago plitimą šio tinklo viduje galima apibūdinti kaip tarp bendruomenių vykusius ceremoninius pasikeitimus dovanomis, tai yra linijinius mainus arba dar kitaip prestižinių dirbinių mainų tinklą. Tačiau, kaip rodo Lubāna ežero žemumos gintaro dirbinių apdirbimo centro raida, tokio tinklo gyvavimas buvo įmanomas tik esant nuolatiniam gintaro žaliavos tiekimui, kartu veikė ir kitas mainų mechanizmas kryptinga komercinė prekyba. Bronzos amžiaus pradžioje egzistavo jau anksčiau susiklostę mainų maršrutai, bet pasikeitė mainų objektas: titnago ir gintaro žaliavos mainai beveik nutrūko, o bronzos žaliava tapo pagrindiniu mainų objektu. Gintaro mainų mažėjimą šiandieninės Latvijos teritorijoje (ir visoje Rytų Baltijos pakrantėje) galima aiškinti pasikeitimu mainų krypties, kuri dabar iš gintaro žaliavos sričių pietrytinėse Baltijos pakrantėse pasuko į Vidurio ir Pietų Europą. Ankstyvajame bronzos amžiuje (III periodas) pietrytinė Baltijos pakrantė iškilo kaip lokalus kultūrinis centras, iš kurio bronzos dirbiniai pasiekė ir dabartinės Latvijos teritoriją. Išlikusių ankstyvojo bronzos amžiaus dirbinių skaičius yra menkas, todėl sunku nustatyti mainų modelio pobūdį. Atrodo, šių bronzinių dirbinių paplitimą geriausiai gali paaiškinti prestižinių dirbinių plitimo tinklo modelis. Ankstyvojo bronzos amžiaus dirbinių gamyba Lagaža gyvenvietėje liudija, kad Lubāna ežero žemuma neprarado savo, kaip kelių sankryžos, svarbos kaip ir vietos, kurioje buvo pritaikomos technologinės naujovės, reikšmės. Vėlyvajame bronzos amžiuje ryšiai su Pietryčių Baltijos regionu tęsiasi. Naujas šio periodo reiškinys neabejotini kontaktai aplink Baltijos jūrą, tarp Skandinavijos ir Šiaurės Kuržemės. Bronzos kaip žaliavos mainai buvo svarbiausias šių kontaktų veiksnys. Tuo metu palei Dauguvą ir Dauguvos baseine atsirado bronzos apdirbimo centrų, kurie ir tapo pagrindiniais iš už jūros atkeliaujančios bronzos žaliavos naudotojais. Šių centrų elitas buvo suinteresuotas, kad bronzos žaliavos prestižo dirbiniams srautas nenutrūktų, taigi buvo svarbu palaikyti šią toli siekiančią mainų grandinę. Ilgą šių centrų egzistavimą, labiausiai tikėtina, galėjo užtikrinti tik kryptina komercinė prekyba per vieną ar kelis tarpininkus. Tuo pat metu jau anksčiau susidaręs prestižo prekių tinklas tarp vietos bendruomenių veikė ir toliau. Vertė Audronė Bliujienė ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 161

162 Scapular Artefacts with Serrated Edges from Late Bronze Age Fortified Settlements in Estonia SCAPULAR ARTEFACTS WITH SERRATED EDGES FROM LATE BRONZE AGE FORTIFIED SETTLEMENTS IN ESTONIA HEIDI LUIK AND VALTER LANG HEIDI LUIK AND VALTER LANG Abstract This study focuses on artefacts with serrated edges made of scapulae occurring in assemblages from Late Bronze Age fortified settlements in Estonia. They have usually been interpreted in Estonia as flax-working tools; but recently some doubts have been raised about this use. The article gives an overview of these finds both in Estonia and elsewhere, and discusses possible areas of their use. Key words: Estonia, Late Bronze Age, fortified settlements, tools made of scapulae. Introduction Find assemblages from Late Bronze Age Estonian fortified settlements contain a small amount of artefacts with serrated edges made of scapulae. Since the 1930s, these artefacts have been interpreted as flax-working tools; however, some doubts have recently been raised about this function. One possible alternative explanation is that they might have been used as sickles for grain harvesting (Kriiska et al. 2005; Lang 2007). The idea has not been developed further, however. This article discusses the probable areas of use of these and similar artefacts elsewhere, and, particularly, whether they could have been used for reaping. Tools used either for flax-working or grain harvesting contribute to the further study of the development of subsistence farming in the eastern Baltic region, a topic that has also been a research area of Algirdas Girininkas (Girininkas 1990, p.43ff; 2004; Daugnora, Girininkas 1996; 1998). The idea for writing this article came from two angles. One of the authors, Valter Lang, has been interested in the artefacts in question from the point of view of the history of farming economy (Lang 2007, pp.108ff, 111ff). Heidi Luik has dealt with these finds in the framework of a grant from the Estonian Science Foundation, which funds the study of bone artefacts in archaeological finds from Bronze Age fortified settlements in the Baltic countries (Luik forthcoming). did not occur among the find collections of Lithuanian and Latvian sites, which were inventoried in the framework of the above-mentioned grant project. As for Lithuania, similar items were not discovered even among other published materials. In Latvia, there still are some fragments, one from Ķivutkalns and the other from Klaņģukalns (Graudonis 1989, Plates XXVI.3, XXXI.2), which most likely originate from similar tools. Can we explain the absence of scapular artefacts with serrated edges in fortified settlements in eastern Lithuania and the Daugava basin by the smaller role of agriculture? Or are there some other reasons, which can be explained by different natural conditions, cultural traditions and contacts? 162 The distribution of scapular artefacts in Estonia and beyond In the Baltic countries, scapular artefacts with serrated edges occur mostly in fortified settlements on the island of Saaremaa in Estonia (Fig. 1). Such artefacts Fig. 1. Sites in Estonia and Latvia where bone artefacts with serrated edges are found (by K. Siitan and H. Luik).

163 In Estonia, most artefacts with serrated edges come from Asva. According to Vello Lõugas (1970, p.110), their number was 11; but a more thorough inventory of bone assemblages from Asva added two more fragmentary specimens, thus we can list 13 artefacts altogether, which are mostly broken (Figs. 2-4). The excavations at Ridala have yielded three such tools, and another one has been reported from Kaali (Fig. 5.5,1-3,5). There is also a small piece of an artefact with a serrated edge that was found at Iru, and which is regarded as belonging to the group (Fig. 5.4; Vassar 1939, Fig. 46:3; Lõugas 1970, p.110). This artefact, however, was not made from a scapula, 1 and due to its fragmentation we cannot be certain about its original shape. In addition, two scapulae with traces of processing were discovered at Asva, which in all likelihood were intended to be tools with serrated edges (Fig. 6). The artefact published by Indreko (1939, p.27, Fig. 8) was supposedly made from the scapula of an elk; the rest of the finds in Estonia were made from the scapulae of elk or of cattle, as determined by the archaeozoologist Liina Maldre. By comparison, corresponding tools found at Falkenwalde in Germany were made of horse scapulae (Wetzel 2005, p.80), and the majority of those found at Lohberg were made of cattle scapulae (Feustel 1980, p.9). The scapular tools have one straight and even edge, while the other edge has been made sawlike (Figs. 2-5). The serrated edge could be worn and become wavy. On one side of the tool, where the spine of the scapula (spina scapulae) has been cut off, we can see porous bone tissue (Figs. 2; 3). The cervical margin (margo cervicalis) of the scapula is usually chosen for the back of the tool, at least in Estonia (Fig. 7); elsewhere, the thoracic margin (margo thoracicus) is also sometimes used as the back of the tool (cf Lehmann 1931, Fig. 1.10; Feustel 1980, Fig. 1). Some artefacts are rather wide, while others are narrow; the more intact specimens may reach 16.5 to 18.5 centimetres in length and 7.7 centimetres in width. There is usually one hole in the back of the tool, but sometimes there can be two or even three holes. 1 Determined by Liina Maldre. Fig. 2. Scapular tools from Asva, found during excavations conducted by Richard Indreko (AI 3307: 291; 3799: 307) (photograph by H. Luik). Similar scapular artefacts with serrated edges are known from Germany, Denmark, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and even southern Siberia. They mostly belong to the Neolithic, though some Bronze and Early Iron Age contexts have also been reported (Lehmann 1931; Griaznov 1956, Plate XV.40-44; Hásek 1966; Feustel 1980; Bąk 1985, Fig. 2: 1-11; Furmanek et al. 1991, Fig. 39:19,20; Northe 2001; Wetzel 2005, p.80, Fig. 4). In Central Europe, such artefacts have also been found in some fortified settlements of Lusatian culture (Hásek 1966, pp.250, 257, 258, Plates I: 5, X: 1, 5, 6; Hensel 1980, Fig. 207). Flax combs and swingles? Richard Indreko (1939, p.27ff, Fig. 8) was the first person in Estonia to briefly analyse the artefacts with serrated edges, of which only two were known at the time. Following Ernst Lehmann (1931, p.42), he supposed that the Asva artefacts were used in flax processing. He interpreted the intact specimen with a serrated edge as a flax comb. The other artefact without a serrated edge he labelled as a swingle (a so-called flax sword). Later researchers who studied the site at Asva (Vassar ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 163

164 HEIDI LUIK AND VALTER LANG Scapular Artefacts with Serrated Edges from Late Bronze Age Fortified Settlements in Estonia Fig. 3. A scapular tool from Asva: the side of the tool, where the spine of the scapula has been cut off, reveals porous bone tissue (AI 4012: 94) (photograph by H. Luik). 164 Fig. 4. Scapular tools from Asva (AI 4366: 689, 1391, 1608, 840, 709; 4012: 103; 4366: 1944, 508, 517; 3994: 1599) (photograph by H. Luik).

165 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 Fig. 5. Bone artefacts from Ridala (1-3), Iru (4), and Kaali (5) (AI 4261: 57, 473, 184; 3428: 1274; 4900: 22) (photograph by H. Luik). II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 6. Scapulae with working traces from Asva (AI 3658: 608; 3799: 239) (photograph by H. Luik). 165

166 HEIDI LUIK AND VALTER LANG Scapular Artefacts with Serrated Edges from Late Bronze Age Fortified Settlements in Estonia Fig. 7. The cervical margin (margo cervicalis) of a scapula is usually used as the back of a tool (AI 4012: 94) (photograph and drawing by H. Luik). 1955; Lõugas 1970; Jaanits et al. 1982) accepted these interpretations, and similarly grouped the scapular artefacts into two: serrated flax combs, and swingles with a straight edge. However, Uwe Sperling (2006, p.110) has recently questioned this interpretation, by claiming that wood is a much more suitable material for making flax-working tools. It has also been supposed that scapular artefacts were used as sickles for reaping (Kriiska et al. 2005, p.25; Lang 2007, pp.109, ). It should also be added that an artefact made from a pig mandible 2 was found at Asva; it has been interpreted as a bone sickle (Fig. 8; Vassar 1955, p.120, Plate XXIII.3; Lang 2007, p.109). Indreko also considered textile-impressed ceramics as proof of flax growing in the Late Bronze Age (1939, p.29), because at that time it was thought that textile impressions were made with linen cloth. Recent research into textile-impressed pottery (Kriiska et al. 2005, p.23ff) has shown, however, that such impressions could also have been made with materials of either plant fibres (nettle or hemp) or wool. It has been suggested that the beginning of flax growing in this area was more recent. The oldest linen fragments in Estonia come from the Pilistvere hoard of the sixth century AD (ibid). As for an estimation of the start of flax growing, we have to consider that flax pollen does not spread easily, and therefore we cannot draw any conclusions on the basis of pollen diagrams. The earliest data on flax pollen in neighbouring southern Finland and northern Sweden come from the fifth century AD, despite the fact that some linen fragments were found Fig. 8. A pig mandible bone sickle from Asva (AI 3994: 802) (photograph by H. Luik) Determined by Liina Maldre.

167 at Finnish settlement sites of the Late Roman Iron Age (Lempiäinen 2003, p.330; Kriiska et al. 2005, p.23ff). In Denmark and Sweden, however, flax was known at the end of the Bronze Age at the latest (Henriksen 2009; Henriksen, Runge 2009; Viklund 2009). Thus, at present it is not certain whether flax was grown on the island of Saaremaa in the Late Bronze Age or not. One or two types of artefact? Before discussing the probable functions of scapular artefacts, we have to decide whether we are dealing with one or two different types of artefact. The initial division into two types was made by Indreko on the basis of two artefacts only (Fig. 2), one of which was broken. The one that Indreko called a blunt edge is simply the back edge of the tool, while the side of the cutting edge is broken. On closer inspection, we can observe uneven cutting traces on the edges of the porous part on the back (Fig. 2.2). It is likely that the artefact may have been broken already in the course of processing, and it was therefore never used as a readymade tool. However, when new artefacts were later unearthed, they were adapted to the existing typology. It seems that Indreko followed the examples published by Lehmann (1931, Fig. 1, Plate 4) where artefacts with both serrated and straight edges were presented. And scapular artefacts with straight edges are indeed known in Germany (Feustel 1980, Plates I-II; Walter, Möbes 1988, Plates 34-35). It is difficult to decide on the basis of photographs only whether these artefacts also reveal traces of wear, and yet, according to Rudolf Feustel (1980, p.15), they do. The finds in question do not constitute a uniform group or type, however, but represent different artefacts. Some of them have slightly wavy cutting edges (op. cit., Plate II.1-2) while others have notches on their edges (op. cit., Plate II.3, 5). When comparing the available Estonian material, it seems that we are not dealing with two different types, but instead with specimens of the same type, which are worn to a different extent (Fig. 9). According to Hásek (1966, p.266), the working edge of the tool was worn first wavy, and then serrated. On the basis of the Estonian finds, however, we can suppose the opposite development: during work, the serrated edge of the artefact was worn more and more even, and afterwards it was cut serrated again, worn even again, and made suitable for working again (compare the shape and wearing extent of teeth on the edges of different artefacts: Fig. 10). In this way, mostly the tips of the teeth were worn, and not the intermediate spaces between them. Long-term use resulted in a rather narrow tool. Fig. 9. Tools from Asva revealing various degrees of wear (1 AI 3307: 291; : 94; : 689) (drawing by H. Luik). In this context, we can refer to serrated scapular tools (scapular saws) made by North American Indians, which, according to Norm Kidder (1995), had rather wide blades at the beginning. After the teeth were worn or broken, new ones were cut in, whereas the tools became sickle-like in the course of long-term use, and this is the shape many of the prehistoric tools in question really have. We return to Kidder s experiments for making and using such tools below. There are also holes in the scapular tools, which were supposedly useful either for furnishing a tool with a handle (Indreko 1939, p.27; Northe 2001, p.181) or for strapping it to the belt or around the wrist, which made it easy to let the tool loose for a while and then take it up afterwards again (Lehmann 1931, p.42; Griaznov 1956, p.76; Northe 2001, p.181). While the Estonian artefacts have the hole in the middle section of the back, the German and Polish specimens have it in the handle part. Some of them have no holes at all; the latter usually have one longer end without teeth, which could have been used as the handle (Lehmann 1931; Feustel 1980; Bąk 1985, Fig ). Some artefacts have only a single hole; others have two or even three holes. It is interesting to note that more intact specimens have one hole, while more fragmentary tools may have more. We can suppose that the second hole was made when the artefact broke down, which means that boring the second hole enabled the user to use the tool again. We can claim the same with regard to German, Czech and Polish artefacts with two holes: they are usually fragmentary (Lehmann 1931, Fig. 1.9; Hásek 1966, Plate X; Northe 2001, Fig. 4). The existence of several holes is interpreted as being necessary for fixing a handle to a broken tool in order to use it again (Northe 2001, p.181). It seems that the handle was also purposeful for intact tools that did not have a longer toothless handle part, and therefore even a single hole was probably used for furnishing it with a handle (Fig. 11). ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 167

168 Scapular Artefacts with Serrated Edges from Late Bronze Age Fortified Settlements in Estonia HEIDI LUIK AND VALTER LANG Fig. 10. Various degrees of wear revealed by teeth on the edges of artefacts (AI 4261: 184; 4012: 94; 3307: 291; 4366: 709, 940, 517) (photograph by H. Luik). Probable areas of use More thorough analyses of scapular artefacts include articles by Ivan Hásek (1966), Rudolf Feustel (1980) and Andreas Northe (2001). In addition to scapular artefacts, they also studied tools made from other flat bones, such as costal bones and jaws, which most likely had a similar shape and function. As for scapular artefacts, they were, generally speaking, rather similar in different regions, though some specific features may differ: for example, the location of holes, the presence (or absence) of a handle, a preference for scapulae of certain species, and the shape of the teeth. There are also discussions about how such tools were made, and attempts to group them according to the shape of their edges, the location of the holes, the existence of handles, etc. (Hásek 1966, pp.227ff, 265, Fig. 1, Plate Iff; Feustel 1980, p.9ff, Fig. 1, Plate Iff; Northe 2001, p.180ff, Fig. 1ff). The articles mentioned include overviews of probable spheres of use for these artefacts. Unlike Estonia, where they have been labelled until recently as flax combs and swingles, some other areas of use have been suggested too. The earliest finds discovered in Europe in the early 20th century were dated to the Neolithic, and considered as meat knives and saws. As is mentioned above, Ernst Lehmann (1931, p.42) was the first researcher to connect these finds with flax-working. Like Richard Indreko, many other researchers in Germany accepted this interpretation. It was also supposed that these artefacts were used in the processing of leather, pottery, straps or cords, and meat (Hásek 1966, p.266ff; Feustel 1980, p.7ff; Walter, Möbes 1988, p.245; Northe 2001, p.179ff, and the literature cited therein). Perhaps the most widely accepted idea is the one that connects these artefacts with working leather, particularly fur. According to both Feustel (1980, p.14ff) and Northe (2001, p.181), the traces of wear on the artefacts in question refer to touching with some kind of soft material. We can also find comparisons with ethnographic parallels of tools used by North American 168 Fig. 11. A possible way of attaching the handle to a scapular tool (reconstruction by H. Luik).

169 Indians and Eskimos. Thus, a figure (Feustel 1980, p.17, Fig. 2) shows a leatherworking tool of the Pueblo Indians, which has a serrated edge (cf similar finds from North Dakota: Griffitts 2007, p.98ff, Figs. 6-7) but is made of a long bone and resembles some Mesolithic serrated artefacts made either of antler or long bone in Europe, which have also been interpreted as leatherworking tools (Van Gijn 2005, pp.51, 56ff, Figs. 5, 11). The serrated working part of these tools is not long, as in the case of scapular artefacts, but rather narrow and located crosswise on the cut edge of the bone. In addition, Feustel notes that tools with serrated edges are less suitable for leatherwork than tools with straight and sharp edges. 3 He claims that tools with serrated edges represent a cultural choice characteristic of particular cultural groups (Feustel 1980, p.17). Of course, such a possibility cannot be excluded (cf Lemonnier 1993, p.3). As is pointed out by Ivan Hásek (1966, p.267), it is likely that the artefacts with serrated edges (he has published rather different artefacts made not only of scapulae but also of costal and jawbones) need not have a single narrowly specified function; being distributed rather widely in both time and space, they could have been put to different uses. Neolithic and Bronze Age sickles in Estonia and neighbouring regions It is assumed that the sickle was the main tool for reaping crops. Neolithic sickles were made either from wood inset with stone blades, or they were made completely of flint. In the Metal Age, bronze and iron were used. Thousands of flint or bronze sickles are known from Scandinavia that date from either the Neolithic or the Bronze Age. At the same time, sickles are extremely rare in the eastern Baltic region and Finland until the Early Iron Age (Lang 2007, p.108ff). Neolithic flint sickles are completely absent in Estonia, and there is only one bronze sickle from the Early Bronze Age (Kivisaare: Manninen 1933, Fig. 59; Lang 2007, Fig. 13) and one from the Late Bronze Age (Raasiku: Lang 2007, Fig. 49). They are also rare in Pre-Roman Iron Age material (only one Late Pre-Roman Iron Age iron sickle from Poanse: Mandel 1978, Plate VI.2). A few sickles, sickle-knives, and scythe-knives that can 3 It is worth mentioning that some knife-shaped artefacts with straight edges made of costal bones have been found at Asva and Iru, the probable function of which could have been to dehair hides in leatherwork. However, as similar finds can usually be discovered in Viking Age contexts in Estonia (Luik, Maldre 2005, p.265, Figs. 3-4), we could claim also that the corresponding artefacts from Asva and Iru originate from the later fortification phases rather than from the Bronze Age. be used to reap crops appear in grave finds and hoards only at the very end of the Pre-Roman Iron Age and in the Roman Iron Age (Laul, Tõnisson 1991). The situation is similar in Latvia, where only two bronze sickles from the fortified settlement of Daugmale are known (LSV 2001, Fig. 19; Andrejs Vasks personal communication). In Lithuania, two bronze sickles from period V have been reported (Grigalavičienė 1995, p.162, Fig ). They seem to be absent in Finland until the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age (Meinander 1954). One reason for the rarity of sickles east of the Baltic Sea in the Neolithic and Early Metal Age is that they were not used as grave goods or placed in hoards. In that respect, the countries on the eastern coast of the Baltic Sea contrast with Scandinavia and many other places in Europe (including the southeast coast of the Baltic), where Bronze Age sickles have been recovered from either hoards or graves. As both graves and hoards are directly linked to religious beliefs, the final reason for the differences in question could be explained by prehistoric religion. 4 It is clear, however, that when fields were cultivated and crops were milled (numerous grinding stones testify to this: see Lang 2007, p.109ff, Fig. 50), the crops had to be reaped somehow. Were only the ears of grain picked, or were the cornstalks pulled manually? Or were the common bronze/iron or bone knives used for this purpose? Or could scapular artefacts with serrated edges have served as reaping tools? Could scapular artefacts be used as sickles? One possible argument why the scapular artefacts could have been used as sickles rather than flax combs or swingles is, as stated above, that there is no good reason for making a tool from bone if it is much easier to make it of wood and in a more suitable shape and proportions (Sperling 2006, p.110). Bone-working takes much more time and work, because bone is harder and more difficult to process than wood; moreover, it is also necessary to clear it of soft tissue. 5 But the effort 4 As for comparisons of bronze sickles, we can add that in Germany there are at least two finds with more than one scapular artefact. Thus, in addition to a conical spindle whorl, a potsherd and a fragment of a stone axe, nine scapular artefacts (both with serrated and straight edges) were also found together in one pit, which was located close to the Baalbergen culture burials at Erfurt (Lehmann 1931, p.37ff). Several scapular artefacts, together with three stone axes, other bone artefacts and skulls of dogs and cattle, were also unearthed from a stone setting at Falkenwalde, dated to circa 3000 BC (Wetzel 2005, p.80). 5 It has to be stressed, however, that this kind of logic is not always valid, and there can be a number of cultural ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 169

170 Scapular Artefacts with Serrated Edges from Late Bronze Age Fortified Settlements in Estonia HEIDI LUIK AND VALTER LANG 170 to make such a tool could be worth it if the tool makes work much easier. Although the use of wooden sickles has also been assumed (Harding 2000, p.130), bone as a material results in a harder tool with a sharper blade, which most likely offered some advantages. Later, still harder and sharper metal tools were preferred. Supposing that scapular artefacts were used as sickles, we have to make a reference to an overview by Mikhail Griaznov (1956, pp.45, 76ff, Plate XV ) of scapular artefacts found at the seventh to sixth-century BC settlement site in Blizhnie Elbany, in the region of the upper reaches of the River Ob in southern Siberia. While Griaznov labels these tools as swingles, which were used in the processing of plant fibres, he stresses the similarity between these artefacts and bronze sickles (Tallgren 1926, Figs ; 96). He claims that there were also bronze sickles with wavy blades that are similarly worn and polished as scapular artefacts, which might have been caused by the circumstance that the former, due to the rarity of bronze, were used not only for reaping crops but also for processing staples. The adoption of bone swingles was probably connected with the wish not to waste bronze sickles on this work (Griaznov 1956, p.77). 6 It could also be that many sickles were made of bone due to the scarcity of bronze sickles. Similarities can also be found between the scapular artefacts and ethnographic so-called blunt sickles used on the island of Saaremaa as recently as the early 20th century. Blunt sickles were used to uproot summer crops, such as barley and oats (Manninen 1933, p.80ff; Kriiska et al. 2005, p.25; Lang 2007, p.109). Some ethnographic iron sickles may also have had blades with serrated edges (Manninen 1933, p.81; Viires 2000, p.268; Pärdi 2008, p.87). In northern Europe, bronze sickles with serrated cutting edges were rather common in the Bronze Age, though their teeth are much narrower and located more densely than those on bone tools (which is possible in the case of metal, and senseless on fragile bone artefacts) (Montelius 1906, Figs ; Gubanov 2009, Fig. 13). In principle, serrated edges were also characteristic of the bone or wooden sickles with flint flakes placed in their inner cavity that have been common since the Eneolithic (Skakun 1999, Figs ; Harding 2000, Fig. 4.3: 2; Whittaker 1994, p.40, Figs. 3.12, 3.13; Endlicher, Tillmann reasons why certain artefacts were made in certain ways and from special materials when some other material or method could have been better (Lemonnier 1993; McGhee 1977). 6 Griaznov, however, mentions that bronze sickles in the processing of plant fibres and the adoption of bone tools for the same purpose were not widely known. Previously, various swingles made from cattle and horse mandibles were used in the Ob and the Dnieper regions (ibid.). 1997, p.334, Fig. 1). We can add that even in Early Neolithic Peiligang culture in China (circa 6000 uncal. BC), stone sickles with serrated edges were common. They are assumed to have been rather effective reaping tools (Wang Xing-Guang 1995, Figs ). One more argument in favour of using these tools as sickles comes from the circumstance mentioned by Feustel (1980, p.15): the most worn part of the artefact is rather short (Lehmann 1931, Plate IV; Feustel 1980, Plate IV). According to Northe (2001, p.181), this refers to the possibility that these tools may have been used for cleaning, stretching and smoothing tendons and guts (Walter, Möbes 1988). However, even when reaping crops with a sickle, one part of the blade, the one in contact with the cornstalks gathered into the hand, will be more worn than the others (Bradley 2005, Fig. 5.1). As has been noted, there have been attempts to use ethnographic evidence from North American Indians to prove that the artefacts in question served as tools for leatherwork. Scapular artefacts with serrated edges have been found in various places in North America, and different opinions with regard to their probable function have been voiced; among them are suggestions about processing animal skins and plant fibres. Some experiments have also been carried out, which have led to the viewpoint that the traces of wear on these artefacts can be linked to the processing of plants (such as yucca and agave fibres) rather than animal skins (Griffits 2001, p.190, Figs. 9-10). We have mentioned previously the experiments by Norm Kidder (1995) which were intended to find out how scapular saws were made and used. Kidder describes the processing of scapular artefacts with tools that could have been used by prehistoric people, such as sharp-edged chert and quartz flakes, and pieces of sandstone. He tried to use different methods: first he incised a line with a sharp-edged stone flake, where the bone had to be broken, but it was time-consuming and did not always guarantee the breakage of the bone at the expected place. It turned out to be easier to remove dispensable parts of the bone with a stone anvil of a suitable shape and a hammer, and then to make the required shape by smoothing the artefact with a sandstone. He observed, however, that in problematic places it is safer to incise a sharp line at the intended place of breakage. A serrated edge could be achieved by cutting with a sharp-edged quartz flake, or sawing with a thin sandstone plate. It took 30 to 40 minutes to make such a tool (Kidder 1995). Two scapulae and a piece of an artefact found at Asva reveal incised lines and a groove, which most likely helped to break the bones in a suitable way (Figs. 4.7; 6). It seems that

171 less worn teeth on the edges of some artefacts were sawn with a sandstone plate (Fig. 5.3). The same method was most likely used, for instance, when making the barbs of bone arrowheads in the Bronze Age (Luik 2006, p.141). The ready-made tool was then used for various activities, such as cutting wood, meat, grass or plants (tules and cattails), as well as for combing hair and gutting fish. Experiments showed that this kind of saw cut tule reeds and soft plants well, and was the best and most effective tool among the available tools in that region for cutting these plants. It was particularly suitable, as it tears rather than cuts the tule stems, and therefore does not split them. Kidder (1995) observed that the traces of wear formed by cutting tule stems resembled those on prehistoric artefacts. Native Americans used tule for building their houses, boats, mats, and so on. Clubrush and reed are materials that usually do not leave traces in archaeological evidence; however, they were certainly used, especially in coastal areas, where all the fortified settlements in Estonia are located. The same can be said about sites on the lower reaches of the River Daugava. It is likely that the roofs of houses were made from these materials. Ethnographic evidence reveals tools with serrated surfaces for making reed roofs in order to comb the reed bunches and level the roof outside, but the shape of these tools is different (Manninen 1933, Figs , 325). It has also been suggested that sickle-like bronze tools were used in coastal areas of Sussex to cut clubrush and sedge in the Late Bronze Age (Waller, Schofield 2007, p.379). It is also possible that in the coastal settlements of Saaremaa, where livestock rearing was prevalent, clubrush and sedge were collected for fodder, and perhaps serrated scapular tools were used for this purpose. The same tools could have been used for harvesting where the crop was pulled out by the roots. Therefore, we can assume that they were multi-functional artefacts for reaping crops, clubrush, reed, and so on, and also for doing some other jobs. The distribution of scapular artefacts with serrated edges in the eastern Baltic region (mostly on the island of Saaremaa, and, perhaps, on the lower reaches of the River Daugava) is intriguing. As for artefact assemblages from these fortified sites, it has already been argued long ago that there were cultural contacts with Central European Lusatian culture (Indreko 1939; Lõugas 1970), the tribes of which also made use of scapular tools with serrated edges. These artefacts thus refer to such connections. This might also be one of the reasons why the tools in question are unknown in Lithuanian and other Latvian fortified settlements, because these sites have not yielded much evidence of contacts with Central Europe. Although the scapular artefacts with serrated edges are mostly dated to the Neolithic in Central Europe, there are also numerous artefacts that have been dated to the Bronze Age. It is likely that the abundance of more effective bronze sickles in Central Europe may have overruled the corresponding bone tools in the Bronze Age. Scapular artefacts with serrated edges are absent in Estonian Neolithic assemblages. Therefore, we can assume that we are dealing with an artefact type borrowed from Central Europe during the Late Bronze Age, rather than a locally developed type. Conclusion Although we have questioned the assumption that scapular artefacts may have been used as tools for flax-working, which until recently was a widely accepted view in Estonia, it is still unclear what their real function was. We cannot exclude the possibility that we are dealing with multi-functional artefacts used for different jobs. It is evident that the tools in question were suitable for cutting plants, such as crops, reeds and clubrush. The shape and qualities of scapulae have been considered suitable for making these tools at different times and in different regions (Europe, Siberia and North America). It is likely that the inhabitants of the fortified settlements on the island of Saaremaa may have adopted this type of tool following Central European Lusatian culture. Acknowledgements This study was funded by the Estonian Ministry of Education and Research (SF s08 and SF s08), the Estonian Science Foundation (grant no. 6898), and the European Regional Development Fund of the European Union (Centre of Excellence in Cultural Theory). The authors would also like to thank Liina Maldre for determining bone material, and Enn Veldi for revising the English. Translated by Valter Lang English revised by Enn Veldi Abbreviation AI Archaeological collections of the Institute of History, Tallinn University. 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174 Scapular Artefacts with Serrated Edges from Late Bronze Age Fortified Settlements in Estonia HEIDI LUIK AND VALTER LANG 174 pakraštyje fragmentas buvo rastas Iru gyvenvietėje, bet šis dirbinys pagamintas ne iš mentikaulio (5: 4 pav.). Du mentikauliai su apdirbimo žymėmis, rasti Asva gyvenvietėje, greičiausiai taip pat yra šių įrankių ruošiniai (6 pav.). Įrankiai su dantukais pakraštyje turi vieną tiesią briauną, kita briauna buvo naudota kaip pjūklas (2 5 pav.). Paprastai mentikaulio cervikalinis pakraštys buvo atvirkščioje įrankio pusėje (7 pav.). Dirbant tokiu įrankiu dantytas pakraštys buvo naudotas tolygiai; paskui susidėvėję įrankio danteliai buvo atnaujinami, ir įrankis buvo naudojamas toliau (9; 10 pav.). Šiuose dirbiniuose yra skylutės, manoma, kad jos buvo reikalingos įtverti įrankiui rankeną (11 pav.). Mentikaulio dirbiniai su dantukais pakraštyje yra žinomi Vokietijoje, Danijoje, Lenkijoje, Čekijoje, Slovakijoje ir net Sibire. Sprendžiant iš konteksto, kuriame jie minimi, matyt, tokie dirbiniai priklauso neolito ir bronzos bei ankstyvajam geležies amžiui. Vidurio Europoje tokių dirbinių taip pat buvo rasta įtvirtintose Lužitėnų kultūros gyvenvietėse. E. Lehmann ir R. Indreko nuomone, šie įrankiai buvo naudoti linų apdirbimui. Tačiau šiame tyrinėjimų lygmenyje nėra aišku, ar vėlyvajame bronzos amžiuje linai Saremos saloje buvo auginami ar ne. Taip pat yra kitų nuomonių, kam šie mentikaulio įrankiai su dantukais pakraštyje buvo naudojami, pavyzdžiui, odos ar kailio, diržų ar virvių, puodų gamyboje ar mėsos pjaustymui. Šiuo metu manoma, kad įrankiai su dantukais pakraštyje galėjo būti naudojami kaip pjautuvėliai derliaus nuėmimui. Skandinavijoje žinoma tūkstančiai neolito ar bronzos amžiaus titnaginių ar bronzinių pjautuvų. Iki pat ankstyvojo geležies amžiaus titnaginiai ar metaliniai pjautuvai buvo labai reti rytiniame Baltijos jūros regione ir Suomijoje. Viena iš priežasčių, nulėmusių mažą titnaginių ir metalinių pjautuvų radinių skaičių rytiniame Baltijos jūros regione, buvo ta, kad čia jie nebuvo dedami į kapus kaip įkapės, jų nerandama ir šio laikotarpio lobiuose. Panašių mentikaulio įrankių su dantukais žinoma Saremos etnografinėje medžiagoje, kur dar XX a. pradžioje buvo naudojami vadinamieji buki (neaštrūs) pjautuvai. Tokie buki pjautuvai buvo naudojami nuimti vasarojų, pavyzdžiui, miežius ir avižas. Kai kurie geležiniai pjautuvai taip pat yra su bukais dantytais pakraščiais. Šiaurės Europoje bronzos amžiuje bronziniai pjautuvai su dantukais yra gana gerai žinomi. Iš esmės iki neolito dantyti pakraščiai taip pat yra būdingi kauliniams ir mediniams pjautuvams su įstatytais mažais titnaginiais ašmenėliais. Buvo atliekami eksperimentai siekiant nustatyti, kaip Amerikos čiabuviai gamino ir naudojo iš mentikaulio pagamintus pjūklus. Eksperimento metu buvo nustatyta, kad pjūklai gerai kerta nendres ir minkštus augalus: kertant nendres ant pjūklų dirbamojo paviršiaus atsirado žymės, primenančios randamas ant priešistorinių laikų radinių. Amerikos čiabuviai naudojo nendres namų statybai, laivams, dembliams ir t. t. Meldai ir nendrės tikrai buvo naudojami Estijos pakrančių įtvirtintų gyvenviečių gyventojų. Tikėtina, kad šiais pakrančių augalais buvo dengiami namų stogai. Taip pat įmanoma, kad pakrančių gyvenvietėse meldai bei viksvos buvo naudojami pašarui, ir, matyt, mentikaulio įrankiai su dantukais buvo naudojami jiems pjauti. Šie įrankiai turėjo būti naudoti javams nuimti, matyt, išraunant augalus su šaknimis. Įrankių su dantukais pakraštyje paplitimas rytiniame Baltijos jūros regione yra intriguojantis. Jau anksčiau buvo manoma, kad buvo kultūrinių kontaktų su Lužitėnų kultūra Vidurio Europoje. Vienas iš šiuos kontaktus pagrindžiančių duomenų yra įrankiai su dantukais pakraštyje. Latvijos ir Lietuvos įtvirtintose gyvenvietėse praktiškai tokių įrankių nerandama, matyt, todėl, kad nebuvo daug kontaktų su Vidurio Europa. Net jei ir aptarėme prielaidą, kad įrankiai su dantukais pakraštyje galėjo būti naudojami linams apdirbti, iki šiol neaiški tikroji šių įrankių paskirtis. Negalima atmesti ir prielaidos, kad tai daugiafunkcinės paskirties dirbiniais, kurie buvo naudojami įvairiems darbams. Akivaizdu, kad šie dirbiniai buvo tinkami naudoti augalams nukirsti. Tikėtina, kad Saremos salos įtvirtintų gyvenviečių gyventojai pritaikė šiuos įrankius sekdami Vidurio Europos Lužitėnų kultūra. Vertė Audronė Bliujienė

175 ANTHROPOMORPHIC AND ZOOMORPHIC STONE AGE ART IN LITHUANIA, AND ITS ARCHAEOLOGICAL CULTURAL CONTEXT MARIUS IRŠĖNAS Abstract This article draws a comparison between the Stone Age zoomorphic and anthropomorphic images that have been found in present-day Lithuania and similar finds from across the Baltic region. Both the attribution of these artefacts to archaeological cultures and their dating are discussed. The article raises the question whether the different archaeological culture that each article belongs to is reflected in its form and style. The article also questions if the concept of archaeological culture is necessary when writing about Stone Age art. Key words: zoomorphic and anthropomorphic images, Stone Age, Baltic region, Lithuania, archaeological culture. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 When using the term culture, archaeologists must often consider the sum total of similar artefacts and other features that are characteristic of a certain period of time and geographical location. It is easier to describe the history of the Stone Age using the names of archaeological cultures, as in this case it resembles more closely a written history in which states, nations, tribes and their various unions are mentioned. The concept of an archaeological culture not only summarises archaeological material which at first glance looks chaotic, but also creates an illusion of a social community that existed at one time. In certain periods, specialists have attempted to relate archaeological cultures to ethno-linguistic groups, for example, Comb Ware culture to the Finno-Ugric linguistic group, or Corded Ware culture to the Indo-European linguistic group. However, such connections have often been criticised, and a growing interest in the reconstruction of processes and states has assumed prominence (Hodder 1994). This growth in the interest in reconstruction might be manifested in the study of the organisation of societies, the natural environment, nutritional habits or technologies (Renfrew, Bahn 2008). Art itself could also become such a category of studies. However, when writing about Stone Age figurative art from Lithuania, we inevitably collide with the concept of archaeological culture. Known finds have been attributed to Narva and Baltic Coastal (Pamarių) cultures. This article, therefore, poses the question whether this attribution reflects some kind of stylistic peculiarity of the artefacts under discussion, and helps to explain the origins of these objects and their spread across the Baltic region and its historical development. Elk-head antler staffs The best examples of Stone Age art to be found in Lithuania are the two curved elk antler staffs with figures of elk heads carved at their tops that were found in the third settlement at Šventoji around 1972 (Fig. 1.4,5). We can ascertain the species of the depicted animal only from one staff, as this staff was carved most realistically, with the proportions and details characteristic of an elk s head: a humped nose, protruding lips, nostrils and prominent eyes (Rimantienė 1979, p.106). In 1989, in the Šventoji 4B settlement, one more staff, this time flat, of only 14 centimetres in length, was found (Fig. 1.6). At the curved top of the staff, the schematic silhouette of an animal of the deer family was carved (Rimantienė 1996, p.56). The sites at Šventoji have been dated to cal. BC, and ascribed to Narva culture. Three staffs of the same type, however, were also found in the Olenii Ostrov burial ground in Russian Karelia (Fig ) (Gurina 1956), and these have been dated to the period ranging from late 7000 to mid-5000 cal. BC (Grünberg 2000, p.250). According to an analysis of geological layers and pollen, a wooden elk s head found in the Lehtojärvi site near Rovaniemi has also been ascribed to the Mesolithic Period (Erä-Esko 1958). One further small staff, only this time curved slightly differently, was found in grave in the Zvejnieki burial ground in Latvia (Fig. 1.7). This staff is linked to Comb Ware culture, and has been dated to 4000 cal. BC (Zagorskis 1987, pp.57, 76-77, Fig. 28). All of these finds are undoubtedly related by subject and stylistic similarity, although they are separated by II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 175

176 MARIUS IRŠENAS Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Stone Age Art in Lithuania, and its Archaeological Cultural Context 176 Fig. 1. Elk-head horn staffs: 3 Olenii Ostrov (after Gurina 1956, Figs. 114, 113, 119.4); 4, 5 Šventoji 3B (after Rimantienė 1979, Figs. 85, 86); 6 Šventoji 4 (after Rimantienė 1998, Fig. 43.2); 7 Zvejnieki (after Zagorskis 1987, Table XXX.6); 8 Turganika (after Morgunova 1984).

177 date and cultural dependence. In reference to the staffs from the Olenii Ostrov burial ground which have the earliest attribution, we could surmise that those staffs were already well known during the Mesolithic Period, and that their area of distribution was the northeast coast of the Baltic Sea. This presumption is confirmed by petroglyphs found on Kareckii Nos (Ravdonikas 1939) and Zalavruga (Savvateev 1973) rocks in Karelia, and also on the Nämforsen (Hallström 1960), Bossekop-Bergheim (Tromnau 1993, pp , Fig. 8) rocks in Scandinavia. On these engravings, we see people holding staffs in their hands that are identical to those found during archaeological investigations. The aforementioned petroglyphs have not been accurately dated; however, they are unquestionably related to the Stone Age tradition, while their geographic spread transfers the spread of such staffs to the west coast of the Baltic Sea. A staff of a similar shape, only without zoomorphic elements, which was found accidentally in Vedbæk in Denmark, confirmed the wider spread of such staffs in the Baltic region. It is decorated with geometrical elements characteristic of Maglemose and Ertebølle cultures (Mathiassen 1941, pp , Figs 2;3). Finds which destroy the scheme of a comparatively homogenous spread in the Baltic region are also known. These include the wooden elk head found in the third Ivanovska site in the Yaroslavl district in central Russia (Krainov et al. 1995); two antler elk heads, which may have been parts of curved staffs that were found in the Shigir peat bog in the Yekaterinburg district in the Urals (Eding 1940); a grave found in the southern Urals in the Orenburg district near the River Tok; a staff identical to the finds from both the Olenii Ostrov burial ground and Šventoji that was found between the knees and the chest of a human skeleton in a crouched position (Fig. 1.8) (Morgunova 1984); and a similar, only more schematic and smaller, item that was found in the Krasnoyarsk district in Siberia (Maksimenkov et al. 1974). An explanation for such an extensive geographic range might be sought in older epochs, for example, in the West European Palaeolithic Age. Although the so-called spear throwers from the Mas d Azil, Ariège, Montastruc and Tarn-et-Garonne sites in France (Sandars 1995, Figs 31, 34, 36) do not depict an elk head, their form is rather similar to that of the finds in the Baltic region. Examples of similar finds are the staffs of command (bâtons de commandement in French), which were found in La Vache rock in France (Tromnau 1993, pp , Fig. 10). The examples mentioned show that the curved antler staffs with elk heads from the Šventoji settlement belong to a more ancient cultural tradition, which cannot be related to Narva culture. During the Mesolithic and Palaeolithic periods, staffs of such a type were known throughout the Baltic region, and even further afield. Thus, they reflect common features which are related both to a certain outlook and to a form of subsistence that prevailed at that time, hunting and fishing. Anthropomorphic images Ten figurative human images have been found in Lithuania. According to the circumstances and the form of their discovery, they can be divided into three groups: images from Šventoji, Juodkrantė and Kretuonas. Each group deserves a separate discussion. Šventoji One find from the Šventoji 2B settlement can be called both a sculpture and an idol: it is a small 195-centimetre-long stick with a primitively hollowed head at one end (Fig. 2.1). The archaeologist Rimutė Rimantienė called it a pillar sculpture, and ascribed it to Middle Neolithic Narva culture (4000 cal. BC) (Rimantienė 1979, p.111ff, Figs 90, 91). A small stick of a similar length (167 cm) was found in the Sarnate settlement in Latvia (Fig. 2.2) (Vankina 1970, p.102ff, Figs , Table XXXVII). It is also ascribed to the same period and culture as the Šventoji example. Another sculpture, from the Pohjankuru site in Finland (Fig. 2.3), of which only the head and upper part of the body were found, may have been the same size. Here, samples of pollen were taken from the ground layer, an analysis of which showed that this piece of wooden sculpture might be ascribed to the Littorina Sea period, or even to the middle of the period (Leppäaho 1936, p.38ff, Fig. 1). The Littorina Sea period covers around 6,000 years, from approximately 8800 to 4800 BP. Thus, this sculpture might belong to both the Late Mesolithic and Early Neolithic periods. Sculptures of a similar size are known from the Urals, the Shigir (Dmitriev 1951, p.58 and p.59, Fig. 4.1) and Gorbunov peat-bogs (Eding 1940, pp.66, 67, Fig. 64). A sample taken from the Shigir sculpture was dated to the Mesolithic period (Arkheologicheskie 2001, p.107). Many further similar sculptures, only of a much smaller size, are known. The 14-centimetre-high sculpture that was found at the mouth of the River Malmuta in Latvia should be mentioned here as well (Fig. 2.6) (Loze 1970, pp.9-30). An even smaller wooden pillar figurine was found in the Asavets II settlement in Belarus (Cherniavskii 1967, p.291ff, Fig. 1). Researchers ascribe the Asavets II settlement material to Narva culture, and date it to 3000 cal. BC (Girininkas 1994, p.277, Table 2). Due to its similar shape, I. Loze dates the River Malmuta find to the same period as the Sārnate and Šventoji sculptures ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 177

178 MARIUS IRŠENAS Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Stone Age Art in Lithuania, and its Archaeological Cultural Context 178 Fig. 2. Anthropomorphic figurines: 1 Šventoji 2B (after Rimantienė 1979, Figs. 90, 91); 2 Sārnate (after Vankina 1970, Table XXXVII); 3 Pohjankuru (Skuru) (after Leppäaho 1939, Figs. 1, 2); 4 Besov Nos IV (after Lobanova 1995, Fig. 2.1); 5 Asavets 2 (after Cherniavskii 1967, Fig. 1); 6 Malmute (after Loze 1970, Fig. 3.1); 7 Niskala (after Purhonen 1975).

179 (Loze 1970, pp.9-30, Table 2), although the sculpture may have been made in a settlement near the mouth of the river which has been ascribed to Late Neolithic Narva culture by A. Girininkas (Girininkas 1994, p.138). One more piece of a miniature bone figurine was found in Karelia in the Besov Nos IV site (Fig. 2.4), and this has been ascribed to the Mesolithic period (Lobanova 1995, p.32ff, Fig. 2.1). A pillar sculpture made of sandstone was found at the Niskala site in Finland (Fig. 2.7), together with corded and Pöljä pottery. It has been dated to to 1900 cal. BC, and is related to Comb Ware culture (Purhonen 1975, p.54ff). Pillar sculptures are known to have existed in West European mobile art from the late Palaeolithic Age (Mirimanov 1973, p.121) and in Stone Age La Tène art (Sandars 1995, Fig. 386). The elementary rendering of facial features is also characteristic of Iron Age wooden sculpture from the Grimstad site in Norway, dated to 290 AD (Johansen 1981, pp.69-89, Fig. 2). We can see a face with deep eyeholes in a wooden head from the Nydam Bog in Denmark, which has been dated to around 320 to 350 AD (Hvass 1997, p.7ff). In the early 20th century, similarly formed wooden idols were still worshipped by Samoyedic peoples of the Kanin Peninsula (Ramsay 1906, pp.1-12) and by other northern tribes (Ivanov 1970). Having examined finds from the Baltic region that are similar to the sculpture from Šventoji, it becomes clear that three more similar finds that have been dated to the Neolithic Age may be ascribed to Narva culture, although sculptures of the same type are known from earlier periods and from places which are not related to Narva culture. Thus, there are no specific grounds for envisaging a peculiar style of Narva culture in the Šventoji sculpture, as here we can see the use of an elementary method for rendering human facial features that is common among carvers belonging to a diversity of historical periods and geographical locations. The Juodkrantė hoard The amber anthropomorphic figurines from the Juodkrantė (formerly Schwarzort) hoard were for a long time the only examples of Stone Age art from the eastern Baltic region. The four anthropomorphic images that were found during excavations for amber in the Bay of Juodkrantė, and one image that was found near Nida, were made public by R. Klebs in the late 19th century (Fig. 3) (Klebs 1882, pp.30 and 73, Table IX.4). The two flat amber figurines, which were made in a similar manner and which both depict upright human figures, stand out in the collection. One more figurine from the collection is more rounded and reminiscent of a torso, as instead of legs only small roundish protuberances can be seen. This collection also contains a pendant depicting a human head. As it was made from a large piece of amber, it has a deep relief. The figurine found close to Nida is distinguished by its elongated head and small pierced holes on the surviving upper part of the body. Although the finds from Juodkrantė are traditionally attributed to the Stone Age, it is still difficult to say anything regarding their archaeological context, or to ascribe them to one culture or another. In trying to explain them, it is worth seeking finds that are similar to them in the material from the Baltic region. The same year as Klebs, the St Petersburg professor A.A. Inostrantsev described an anthropomorphic bone figurine which was found near Lake Ladoga (Fig. 4.1) (Inostrantsev 1882, pp.162 and 205, Table. XI: 1). A figurine similar to the latter and dated to the early Neolithic was discovered in a child s grave in the Zvejnieki burial ground (Fig. 4.2) (Zagorskis 1987, pp.41, 43, 75-76, Fig. 25). These figurines, although they are flat, like those from Juodkrantė, are in a completely different style. Figurines with prominently depicted hands were found in the Olenii Ostrov sites (Fig. 4.3,5,6) (Gurina 1956) and Tamula (Fig ) (Jaanits 1965; 1984), and also in the Usviaty IVB settlement (Fig. 4.11), Pskov district (Mikliaev 1967, p.287ff, Fig. 1), and in the Abora I settlement (Fig. 4.4), Latvia (Loze 1979, p.110ff, Table LI.1,5). The latter two are dated to 3000 cal. BC. These figurines bear no stylistic similarity to the finds from Juodkrantė. Only part of a bone figurine found in the Tamula settlement slightly resembles the find from near Nida. Images of an entire human figure have been found in the northwest Baltic region. Three sculptures were discovered in the north of Norway, on the southern shore of the Varanger Fjord. One of them was found on the Advik site (De Første Nordmenn ), the two others in Karlebotn (Fig. 4.12,13) (Schanche 1990, pp.53-71, Fig. 9). In Sweden, a full-figured fragment of an anthropomorphic pendant was discovered in the Korsnäs site (Fig. 4.14) in the Södermanland province (Wyszomirska 1984, pp.56-57, 240, 271, Plate I). The latter find is most similar in form to the figurines from the Juodkrantė collection. Similar images were also found in territories further from the Baltic Sea, for example in the Sakhtysh 2A grave in central Russia in 1991 (Fig. 4.10) (Krainov et al. 1994, p.103ff, Fig. 1), and also in the Gorbunov burial ground in the Urals (Eding 1940, p.66, Fig. 63). The existence of other images resembling the figurines from the Juokrantė collection is so far unknown, although the depiction of the whole human figure was ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 179

180 MARIUS IRŠENAS Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Stone Age Art in Lithuania, and its Archaeological Cultural Context Fig. 3. Anthropomorphic figurines: 1-5 Juodkrantė (formerly Schwarzort) (after Klebs 1882, Tables IX, X); 6 Nida (after Klebs 1882, Table X.6). 180

181 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 4. Anthropomorphic figurines: 1 Ladoga (after Inostrantsev 1882, Fig. XI.1); 2 Zvejnieki (after Zagorskis 1987); 3, 5, 6 Olenii Ostrov (after Gurina 1956, Fig. 134); 4 Abora I (after Loze 1979, Table LI.5); 7-9 Tamula (after Ianits 1954, Fig. 23.1, 2; Jaanits 1965, Fig. 15.4); 10 Sakhtysh (Krainov et al. 1994, Fig. 1); 11 Usviaty IVB (Mikliaev 1967, Fig. 1); 12, 13 Karlebotn (after Schanche 1990, Fig. 9); 14 Korsnäs (after Wyszomirska 1984, Table I). 181

182 Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Stone Age Art in Lithuania, and its Archaeological Cultural Context MARIUS IRŠENAS 182 common in the Baltic region during both the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods. Kretuonas One head-shaped pendant from the Juodkrantė collection has so far not been discussed (Fig. 3.5). Although the four bone pendants found in the Kretuonas 1C settlement in eastern Lithuania, which have been dated to 1700 cal. BC and are attributed to Narva culture, are typologically closest to this pendant (Fig ) (Girininkas 1994, pp and p.227, Table 2), the Juodkrantė pendant is not similar to them. Thus, when searching for analogies, we should consider the amber pendants from the Finnish sites of Metsäpirtti (Fig. 5.14) (Hackman 1899, pp.1-40, Fig. 12), the Kukkarkoski burial ground (Fig. 5.15) (Torvinen 1978), and Lake Saimaa (Fig ) close to the Astuvansalmi rock paintings (petroglyphs) (Grönhagen 1991, p.73ff). From these sites only grave 1 1a from the Kukkarkoski burial ground has been dated to cal. BC and attributed to Comb Ware culture (Torvinen 1978). The finds from Lake Saimaa have been related to the Astuvansalmi rock paintings, which with the help of geology and archaeology have been dated approximately to both the Stone Age and the Bronze Age. Researchers, however, have not yet succeeded in establishing a clear connection between the amber figurines and rock paintings. A pendant from the Metsäpirtti site has been attributed to the Stone Age by making reference only to a few indirect features. One more amber pendant depicting a head, whose deep relief most resembles that of the Juodkrantė example, was found on the surface of the soil near the Stone Age Romi-Kalnini site in western Latvia (Fig. 5.19). The Romi-Kalnini site had two layers, early and late Neolithic. Unfortunately, however, none of the amber finds can be reliably related to them (Vankina 1983). The number of human head images discovered that were made from antler or bone is no less significant in number. For example, five small discs with schematic head shapes were discovered in a grave and a layer of the settlement of the Tamula site in Estonia (Fig ). L. Jaanits related the Tamula site s extended position burials to late Comb Ware (Jaanits 1957, p.82, Fig ; 1965, p.22 and p.27, Fig. 15.2). However, after establishing a radiocarbon date from a sample of bones from burial XI, the date cal. BC came as a surprise (Lõugas et al. 1996, pp ). It corresponds to the typical period of Comb Ware. Two bone pendants, one of them made from a sturgeon, were found in Latvia, in the Zvejnieki burial ground, in burial 228 (Fig. 5.5,6). F. Zagorskis attributed this burial to Comb Ware culture of the late Neolithic period (Zagorskis 1987, Table XXVIII. 2, 3). After surveying head-shaped pendants and figurines found in the eastern Baltic region, we can see that they are stylistically rather diverse. This diversity is determined by the form and qualities of the material. In most of the examples, facial features such as the eyes and nose are depicted in a manner akin to pillar sculptures: by carving out the material along both sides of the nose up to the curve of the eyebrows (Juodkrantė, Zvejnieki, Kretuonas, Metsäpirtti, Astuvansalmi, Romi-Kalnini). The eyes of one of the Juodkrantė figurines were made more distinct by drilling small round holes. In the schematic pendants of Tamula, the eyes were made with round holes, and we can see the same solution used in the two pendants from the Kretuonas 1C settlement. The majority of the pendants and figurines (Kukkarkoski, Metsäpirtti, Astuvansalmi, Tamula, Romi-Kalnini, Zvejniekai) are related to the cultures of Comb Ware. Individual finds from Norway, Sweden and central Russia have many stylistic similarities with the figurines found in the eastern Baltic region; but there are no grounds to maintain that this was a feature of Comb Ware culture. Zoomorphic pendants In Lithuania, finds of this type are known only from the Juodkrantė hoard (Fig. 6.1) (Klebs 1882, p.28, Table VIII.21) and the Kretuonas 1C settlement (Fig. 6.4) (Girininkas 1994, p.223ff). A figurine from the Juodkrantė hoard with a hole drilled in its tail for hanging is unquestionably of a zoomorphic type, although the object it depicts remains unclear. A pendant from Kretuonas depicts a large cloven-hoofed animal, perhaps a bison or an auroch. A more exact description is not possible, due to the pendant s lack of a head. In the second half of the 20th century, many zoomorphic amber and bone figurines-pendants were found at Tamula (Fig. 6.3,5) and Valma in Estonia (Jaanits 1957, p.85, Fig. 4.19; 1965, p.16ff, p.27, Fig. 7.2,4,5; Fig. 15.3,6), in sites in the Lake Lubāns Depression (Zvidze, Nainiekste, Dzedziekste, Iča, Abora, Malmuta) (Fig. 6.6), eastern Latvia (Loze 1975, pp.49-82, Loze 2000, pp.63-78), and the Sārnate site in western Latvia (Vankina 1970). In the figurines-pendants from these localities, we can discern the semblances of waterfowl, elk, bears, wild boar and beavers. A number of these images are rather schematic, and because of this it is not possible to identify their exact species.

183 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 5. Anthropomorphic pendants: 1-4 Kretuonas 1C (after Girininkas 1994, Fig. 273); 5, 6 Zvejnieki (after Zagorskis 1987, Table XXVIII.2,3); 7-12 Tamula (after Jaanits 1984); 13 Alvared Gabrielsgården (after Almgren 1907, Fig. 9); 14 Metsäpirti (Äyräpää 1945, Fig. 2); 15 Kukkarkoski (after Torvinen 1978, Fig. 11); Astuvansalmi (after Grönhagen 1991, Figs. 1-3); 19 Romi-Kalnini (after Vankina 1983, Fig. 1). 183

184 MARIUS IRŠENAS Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Stone Age Art in Lithuania, and its Archaeological Cultural Context Fig. 6. Zoomorphic pendants: 1 Juodkrantė (after Klebs 1882, Fig. VIII: 21); 2 Solsemhulen (after Petersen 1914, Fig. 6); 3, 5 Tamula (after Ianits 1954, Fig. 12.6; Jaanits 1965, Fig. 15.3); 4 Kretuonas 1C (after Girininkas 1994); 6 Malmute (after Loze 1969, Fig. 3.3). 184 The majority of the zoomorphic pendants from the Baltic region found in the Tamula, Zvidze, Nainiekste, Dzedziekste, Sārnate, Volosov and Popov sites are associated with Comb Ware culture. Wooden vessels with zoomorphic handles The wooden head of a waterfowl which was found in the 23rd settlement of Šventoji (Fig. 7.1) from the late Neolithic period may have served as a handle for a wooden vessel, because in sites in Latvia, Finland and Russia a considerable number of wooden and antler vessels, with handles decorated with carved heads of animals and waterfowl, have been found. The first knowledge of vessels decorated with zoomorphic heads appeared in Finland. In 1912, J. Ailio described a wooden spoon with a handle in the shape of an animal s head found in the Laukaa site (Fig. 7.5) (Ailio 1912). Subsequently A. Äyräpää and later E. Kivikoski presented finds from Pielisjärvi (Europaeus 1929) and Kittilä (Fig. 7.6,8) (Kivikoski 1935, p.8ff, Figs. 1-3). Two zoomorphic ladles and fragments of them were found in the peat-bog settlement of Sarnate (Fig. 7.2,3) in Latvia between 1939 and 1955 (Vankina 1970, p.50 and p.103, Fig. 76, Table. XXXIX). Vessels with zoomorphic handles are also known from Russia: from the Usviaty IV site (Fig. 7.4) in the Pskov district (Mikliaev, Minasian 1968), and the Repishche settlement (Fig. 7.7) in the Novgorod district (Zimina 1983). Similar artefacts were found in the Urals, in the Gorbunov and Shigir peat bogs. Four vessels with waterfowl-shaped handles were even found in the Gorbunov peat bog, and two (one with an elk-shaped handle) in the Shigir peat bog. In the Gorbunov peat bog, two wooden figurine-vessels depicting elk were also found. In both of the aforementioned peat bogs, a significant number of broken zoomorphic heads, which may have been decorated vessels, were discovered (Eding 1940, pp.35-38, 45 and 49, Figs , 47). Only artefacts from Sārnate, Usviaty IV and Repishche were found during the archaeolgical excavations. M.P. Zimina attributes the material from the Repishche site to late 4000 to mid-3000 (Zimina 1983). This corresponds to the dating of the Sārnate site. The finds from Laukaa, Pielisjärvi and Kittilos are chance finds; however, taking into account the technique of their production (stone instruments) and the pollen traces detected in the layers, researchers have attributed them to the Stone Age. Taking into consideration the context of their discovery, the vessels from Sārnate have been attributed to Sārnate or Narva cultures; although it is worth mentioning that buildings attributed to Comb Ware culture have also been discovered in this site. The Usviaty IV site has been also associated with Narva culture (Girininkas 1994, p.15). In a layer of the Repishche site, in which a fragment of a ladle was found, Comb Ware prevails (Zimina 1983). The context of finds similar to that of the wooden handle in the shape of a waterfowl head from Šventoji point towards finds of both Comb Ware and Narva cultures, and also to finds from further afield, such as those from the Urals, for example. From a stylistic point of view, all these finds are similar to each other: this similarity can be explained by the already-mentioned common hunting and fishing economy and the outlook related

185 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 7. Wooden vessels with zoomorphic handles: 1 Šventoji 23 (after Rimantienė 1979, 110, Fig. 14); 2, 3 Sārnate F (after Vankina 1970, Fig. XXXIX.5,2); 4 Usviaty IV (after Mikliaev, Minasian 1968); 5 Laukaa (Ailio 1912, Fig. 6); 6 Pielisjärvi (after Europaeus 1929, Fig. 2); 7 Repishche (after Zimina 1983); 8 Kittilä (after Kivikoski 1935, Fig. 1.2). 185

186 Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Stone Age Art in Lithuania, and its Archaeological Cultural Context MARIUS IRŠENAS 186 to it. The similarity may also have been determined by the function of a utensil, as in northwest Russia waterfowl-shaped wooden ware was manufactured until the 19th century (Kruglova 1983, Figs ) Ceramic images In Lithuania, anthropomorphic images on ceramic ware are known from the Šventoji 3B and Nida settlements. All of them are different. In the fragment of a pot from the Šventoji 3B settlement, we can see the relief of a schematic human figure (Fig. 8.3). Similar anthropomorphic and zoomorphic images have been found only in southern European sites, for example, in Csepa in Hungary (Sandars 1995, Fig. 167A). Relief images and perhaps zoomporphic images may have existed on other pots from the settlements of Šventoji. Rimantienė writes that a rider was depicted on potsherds found in the 23rd and 24th Šventoji settlements, while on another shard it was as if the top of a leg or some animal s tail had been depicted. The Šventoji 3B site has been attributed to Narva culture and dated to cal. BC (Rimantienė 1979, pp.114, 115). Although in the Baltic region there are no analogues, such an elementary linear depiction of a human is known from the graphic images on ceramics from the Zvidze (Fig. 8.4) (Loze 1988), Rääkkylä Nieminen Kylmäpohja (Fig. 8.6) (Taavitsainen 1982, p.13ff, Fig. 2), Lieksan Paaterista (Fig. 8.7) (Huurre 1986, Fig. 1), Reimannsfelde (Gaerte 1927, Fig. 40), Asavets 2 (Fig. 8.5) (Charniauski 1987), Juravichi III (Isaenko 1976, p.126), Kolomtsy (Fig. 8.8) (Gurina 1972) and Nida sites. We will now turn to a discussion of the finds from the latter site (Fig. 8.1,2). While investigating the Nida Baltic Coastal culture settlement, which has been dated to the Late Neolithic period, shards of two pots with images of anthropomorphic figures imprinted with a cord (Rimantienė 1989, p.173ff) were discovered. From a stylistic point of view, the images from Nida form one group. Just as in the majority of anthropomorphic images on ceramics, the depiction of a body is rendered by one line (with an imprint of a cord in this case), although the head is depicted with a circle, as in the example from Kolomtsy. A human image of similar stylistics, unfortunately in poorer condition, is depicted on a shard from the Asavets 2 Late Neolithic Narva culture settlement. If we have not yet found adequate comparisons for the relief image from Šventoji, we can find quite a few analogies for the examples of Nida ceramics in the surviving examples of pottery from Comb Ware culture. The images from Nida are imprinted with a cord, and this is one of the most important decorative elements of the ceramics of Baltic Coastal culture. Zoomorphic clay figurines The extant fragment of a bird figurine from the Žemaitiškė 2 (Fig. 9.1) settlement can be compared to finds from sites in Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Sweden and Russia. Since zoomorphic clay images from Žemaitiškė and other sites are rare, and in many cases fragmentary and very primitive, any natural differences or similarities are difficult to ascertain. The Žemaitiškė 2 site in eastern Lithuania is dated to the Late Neolithic and attributed to Narva culture, but displays a significant influence of Comb Ware culture (Girininkas 1990, p.94ff, Fig ). As an aside, the majority of zoomorphic clay figurines from other Baltic region sites from the Stone Age can be attributed to the latter culture: Väntsi (Äyräpää 1941, p.99 and p.121, Fig. 35), Pothio III (Janzon 1983, Fig. 2.5), Vigainovalok I (Fig. 9.3, 3) (Zhuravlev 1972, p.92, Fig. 1.6). Conclusions Having compared those images found in Lithuania and attributed to Narva and Baltic Coastal cultures, and also anthropomorphic and zoomorphic images from the Juodkrantė hoard, with images found in the Baltic region or even further, we may maintain that those finds from Lithuania which have been attributed to Narva culture of the Neolithic period (the elk-head antler staffs, the anthropomorphic pillar sculpture from the Šventoji settlements and the anthropomorphic and zoomorphic pendants from the Kretuonas 1C settlement, and the clay bird figurine from the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement) are not only characteristic of Narva culture but are also known in Mesolithic settlements in the Baltic region, and also in Neolithic sites of Comb Ware culture. Attention must be drawn to the fact that the distribution of such finds is not confined to the Baltic region, as many have been found in central Russia and the Urals region. Such a wide distribution can only be explained as a phenomenon related to the way of life of hunters and fishermen, and to their common outlook. Stylistic similarities are determined by the primitiveness of the representation, i.e. by the use of the most elementary means of expression such as a dot, a line or a generalised silhouette, and by the lack of such elements as organisation, refinement and technical accomplishment (Rhodes 1994, p.13); while the differences are determined by the variety of the material that was used.

187 ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME Fig. 8. Anthropomorphic images on ceramics: 1, 2 Nida (after Rimantienė 1989, Figs. XXIII, XXIV); 3 Šventoji 3B (after Rimantienė 1997, Fig. 93). 4 Zvidze (after Loze 1988, p.101); 5 Asavets 2 (after Charniauski 1987, p.25ff); 6 Rääkylä Nieminen Kylmäpohja (after Taavitsainen 1982, Fig. 2); 7 Lieksan Paaterista (after Huurre 1986); 8 Kolomtsy (after Gurina 1972, Fig ). 187

188 MARIUS IRŠENAS Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Stone Age Art in Lithuania, and its Archaeological Cultural Context Fig. 9. Zoomorphic clay figurines: 1 Žemaitiškė 2 (after Girininkas 1990, p.94, Fig ); 2, 3 Vigainovalok (after Zhuravlev 1972, p.92, Fig. 1.6). 188 The images of human figures on ceramics associated with Baltic Coastal culture also have analogies in the ceramics of Comb Ware culture, although the cord which was used for their imprinting displays a peculiarity related to the ceramics of Baltic Coastal culture. A search for analogies of the anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines from the Juodkrantė hoard has revealed that stylistically similar finds have not yet been discovered in the prehistoric material of the Baltic region. However, pre-existing amber and bone figurines of the same type do not give grounds for distinguishing the Juodkrantė collection as a separate stylistic group. The forms and the stylistic peculiarities of the figurative anthropomorphic and zoomorphic images found both in Lithuania and in the Baltic region do not support the thesis that they might be attributed to one or another archaeological culture. Also, neither formal nor stylistic differences are reflected in the finds belonging to the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods. Therefore, the concept of archaeological culture is of little value when discussing zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figurative images from the Stone Age in the Baltic region. The commonalities of form and style witnessed in the finds can be explained by way of the same economic structure and primitive technique, which thus created an impression of style. In the context of the last conclusion, the finds which have been attributed to Narva culture and discovered in Lithuania do not differ from finds which have been attributed to Comb Ware culture and found in most of the Baltic region. Translated by Ignė Aidukaitė Abbrevation SA Sovetskaia arkheologiia (from 1957 to 1991; from 1992 Rossiskaia arkheologiia). References AILIO, J., Zwei Tierskulpturen. Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja - Finska Fornminnesföreningens Tidskrift, XXVI, ALMGREN, O., Nordiska stenåldersskulpturer. Fornvännen, 2, ARKHEOLOGICHESKIE, Arkheologicheskie pamiatniki Shigirskogo torfianika. Ekaterinburg. ÄYRÄPÄÄ, A., Die verbreitung des Bernsteins in kammkeramischem Gebiet. Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja - Finska Fornminnesföreningens Tidskrift, XLV, CHARNIAUSKI, М. (CHERNIAVSKII, М.М), Bronzavy vek. Gistoriya Belaruskaga mastatstva, I. Minsk, CHERNIAVSKII, М.М., Figurka cheloveka so stoianki Osovets-II. SA, 4, DE FØRSTE NORDMENN De første Nordmenn. In: G. HENNUM, A. HAGEN, eds. De landet ble befolket. Oslo, DMITRIEV, P.A., Shigirskaia kul tura na vostochnom sklone Urala. Materialy i issledovaniya po arkhelogii SSSR, 21. EDING, D N., Reznaia skulptura Urala. Trudy GIM, X. ERÄ-ESKO, A., Die Elchkopfskulptur vom Lehtojärvi in Rovaniemi. Suomen Museo, LXV, EUROPAEUS, A., Uusia kivikauden taidelöytöjä. Suomen Museo, XXXVI, GAERTE, W., Steinzeitliche Keramik Ostpreußens. Königsberg i Pr.: Gräfe und Unzer. GIRININKAS, A., Kretuonas vidurinis ir vėlyvasis neolitas. Lietuvos archeologija, 7, GIRININKAS, A., Baltų kultūros ištakos. Vilnius: Savastis. GRÖNHAGEN, J., An amber pendant from Astuvansalmi in Ristiina, Finland. Fennoscandia archaeological, VIII, GRÜNBERG, J.M., Mesolithische Bestattungen in Europa. Ein Beitrag zur vergleichenden Gräberkunde. Teil II-Katalog. Rahden/Westf: Leidorf.

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Moskva, SCHANCHE, K., Nye Funn fra yngre steinalder i Varanger. VIKING, LIII, TAAVITSAINEN, J.P., Tikku-ukko Rääkkylästä. Fenoscandia antique, I, TORVINEN, M Liedon Kukkarkosken kivikautinen kalmisto. Suomen Museo, 85, TROMNAU, G., Der Poggenwischstab ein Hinweis auf Schamanismus während des Jungpaläolithikums. Ethnographische-Archäologische Zeitschrift, 34, VANKINA, L.V., Torfiannikovaia stojanka Sarnate. Riga: Zinatne. VANKINA, L.V Yantarnye amulety kamennogo veka iz okrestnostei g. Rigi. In: Iziskaniya po mezolitu I neolitu SSSR, ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 189

190 Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Stone Age Art in Lithuania, and its Archaeological Cultural Context MARIUS IRŠENAS WYSZOMIRSKA, B., Figurplastik och gravskick hos Nord och Nordösteuropas neolitiska fångstkulturer. (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia, series in 4, 18). ZAGORSKIS, F., Zvejnieku akmens laikmeta kapulauks. Riga: Zinatne. ZHURAVLEV, A.P., Skulpturki i nekotorye drugie glinianye izdeliya iz eneoliticheskogo poseleniya Vigainovolok I. In: Arkheologicheskie issledovaniya v Karelii. Leningrad, ZIMINA, M.P., O rabote Severo zapadnoi ekspeditsii. In: Arkhelogicheskie otkrytie 1981 goda, Received: 28 March 2010; Revised: 3 May 2010; Accepted: 22 June Marius Iršėnas Institute of Art History Vilnius Academy of Arts Dominikonų street 15 LT Vilnius Lithuania ANTROPOMORFINĖ IR ZOOMORFINĖ AKMENS AMŽIAUS DAILĖ LIETUVOS TERITORIJOJE IR JOS ARCHEOLOGINIS KULTŪRINIS KONTEKSTAS vaizdavimo primityvumo, o skirtumus lėmė naudotos medžiagos įvairovė. Pamarių kultūrai priskiriami žmonių figūrų atvaizdai ant puodų sienelių taip pat turi analogų šukinės duobelinės kultūros keramikoje, tačiau jų įspaudimui panaudota virvutė rodo su Pamarių kultūros keramika susijusį savitumą. Juodkrantės rinkinyje esančių antropomorfinių ir zoomorfinių figūrėlių analogijų paieškos parodė, kad stilistiškai panašių radinių Baltijos regiono priešistorinėje medžiagoje kol kas nėra, tačiau rastos gintarinės ir kaulinės figūrėlės neteikia pagrindo Juodkrantės rinkinį laikyti atskira stilistine grupe. Antropomorfinių ir zoomorfinių figūrinių atvaizdų, rastų tiek Lietuvos teritorijoje, tiek Baltijos regione, formos bei stilistinės ypatybės nerodo priklausomybės vienai ar kitai archeologinei kultūrai. Taip pat nei formos, nei stiliaus skirtumai neatsispindi ir tarp mezolito bei neolito laikotarpiams priklausančių radinių. Tad archeologinės kultūros sąvoka nereikalinga aptariant zoomorfinius ir antropomorfinius akmens amžiaus figūrinius atvaizdus Baltijos regione. Minėto tipo radinių formos ir stiliaus bendrumas paaiškinamas vienoda ekonomine sankloda ir primityviu atlikimu, kuris ir sukuria stiliaus įspūdį. MARIUS IRŠĖNAS 190 Santrauka Lietuvos teritorijoje rastus Narvos ir Pamarių kultūroms priskiriamus antropomorfinius ir zoomorfinius atvaizdus, taip pat Juodkrantės rinkinio antropomorfinius ir zoomorfinius atvaizdus palyginus su Baltijos regione ar dar plačiau rastais panašiais atvaizdais, galima konstatuoti, kad neolito laikotarpio Narvos kultūrai priskiriami radiniai iš Lietuvos teritorijos, t. y. raginės lazdos su briedžių galvomis (1: 4 6 pav.), antropomorfinė stulpinė skulptūra iš Šventosios gyvenviečių (2: 1 pav.), antropomorfiniai ir zoomorfiniai kabučiai iš Kretuono 1C gyvenvietės (5: 1 4 pav.) bei molinė paukščio figūrėlė iš Žemaitiškės 2-osios gyvenvietės (9: 1 pav.), yra būdingi ne tik Narvos kultūrai, bet žinomi ir mezolito laikotarpio Baltijos regiono gyvenvietėse, taip pat neolito laikotarpio šukinės duobelinės keramikos kultūros paminkluose. Pastebėta, kad tokių radinių paplitimas neapsiriboja vien Baltijos regionu, nes nemažai jų rasta Vidurio Rusijoje bei Uralo kalnų regione. Tokį platų paplitimą galima paaiškinti tik kaip su medžiotojų bei žvejų gyvenimo būdu ir pasaulėžiūra susijusį fenomeną. Stilistiniai panašumai yra nulemti

191 CORRIGENDA TO ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 12 Erratum to the preface, p. 8. column 1, line 16 In her article should read In his article Errata to the article by Indre Antanaitis-Jacobs, Mike Richards, Linas Daugnora, Rimantas Jankauskas, Nives Ogrinc: P. 12, the article s published title Diet in Early Lithuanian Prehistory and the New Stable Isotope Evidence should read Diet in Early East Baltic Prehistory and the New Lithuanian Stable Isotope Evidence. P. 12, the first sentence of the abstract This article reviews current scientific evidence of food resources exploited in the Lithuanian Stone and Bronze Ages and presents the new direct, biochemical stable isotope evidence should read This article reviews current scientific evidence of food resources exploited in the East Baltic Stone and Bronze Ages and presents the new direct, biochemical stable isotope evidence from Lithuania. P. 12, column 2, the end of the page s last sentence regarding human diet in early Lithuanian prehistory should read regarding human diet in early East Baltic prehistory. P. 13, the title of Section 2, line 2, in early Lithuanian prehistory should read in early East Baltic prehistory. P. 14, column 2, the author s name in line 7 from the bottom of the page Palubeckaite should read Palubeckaitė. P. 16, column 1, the name of the site in line 3 Turloji kė should read Turlojiškė. P. 16, column 1, line 4, the radiocarbon date of millet printed as BP (Ua-16681) should read 2590±90 BP (Ua-16681). P. 16, the title of Section 3, The New Stable Isotope Evidence should read The New Lithuanian Stable Isotope Evidence. P. 16, column 1, paragraph 1 under the Materials subsection, the name of the site series in line 3 ventoji should read Šventoji. P. 16, column 1, paragraph 2 under the Materials subsection, the name of the district mentioned in the second line from the bottom of the page Kupi kis should read Kupiškis. P. 16, column 2, lines 1 and 2, the name of the author Tebel kis should read Tebelškis. P. 17, Table 2, blocks 4, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14 of the Archaeological Culture column, the culture name Comb and Pit Pottery should read Comb-and-Pit Pottery. P. 17, Table 2, blocks 11 and 12 of the Archaeological Culture column, the culture name Late Comb and Pit should read Late Comb-and-Pit. P. 17, Table 2, block 5 of Available C14 bp dates column, the years Br should read P. 18, Table 3, all radiocarbon dates in the C14 bp column should have the symbol ± instead of +, for example, (GIN-5569) should read 5020±200 (GIN-5569). P. 19, Figure 2. δ 13 C and bone δ 15 N bone values of A) averages and standard for collagen deviations animals and millet and of B) averages and standard, deviations for animal, millet, and all data for humans. Labels of symbols and part of legend unreadable. See reprint of Fig. 2 below. P. 19, column 1, paragraph 2 under Data Interpretation, the value in line 3-24,1 should read P. 19, column 2, last paragraph, the value in line should read ± 0.7. P. 19, column 2, last paragraph, the value in line should read 4.4 ± 1.9. P. 19, column 2, last paragraph, the value in line to 22.8 should read to P. 19, column 2, last paragraph, the author's name in line 9 Lougas should read Lõugas. P. 20, Table 4, the site name of the sample with lab code 53 ventoji 6 should read Šventoji 6. P. 20, Table 4, column 5, all Latin species names should be italicized, none should be in bold. P. 20, Table 4, the common name of species under the lab code 46 oar should read boar. P. 20, Table 4, the site name of the sample with lab code 71 ventoji 6 should read Šventoji 6. ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 13 II PEOPLE AT THE CROSROADS OF SPACE AND TIME 191

192 Corrigendum of Archaeologia Baltica Fig. 2. δ 13 C and δ 15 N bone collagen values of A) averages and standard deviations for animals and millet and of B) averages and standard deviations for animals, millet, and all data for humans

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