FACTBase Bulletin 23 October 2011

Transcription

1 Managing Boomtown Perth: Policy Challenges for Adequate Housing Provision Steffen Wetzstein Introduction On the back of strong Asian demand there is a prospect of 300 billion dollars being invested into Western Australia s resource sectors in coming years. For the State s capital city Perth, this colossal commitment of capital at its doorstep is likely to result in the second boom period of this century. Within this high- growth scenario, the city- region s population is expected to increase rapidly to an estimated 3.5 million people by mid- century (Western Australian Planning Commission, 2009). While Boomtown Perth promises the hope of prosperity and a good life for many, it also raises serious questions about the constraints and issues associated with accelerated wealth- creation for achieving broader and balanced economic, social, environmental and cultural urban development objectives (Weller, 2009). Housing, in particular, is a sector that may face multiple problems under high- growth conditions. By reviewing the international academic and policy literature, and informed by domestic empirical research, this FACTBase Bulletin focuses on the provision of adequate housing for all residents in Perth. The emphasis on the effectiveness of the residential housing sector is warranted for at least two reasons. First, because the boom showed clearly the mounting pressure on adequate and affordable housing provision during time of rapid economic expansion. Second, because housing - as an asset, basic human need, resource consumer and contributor to vibrant urban life - cuts across and influences the economic, social, environmental and cultural performances of cities. This report briefly reviews academic work on boomtown dynamics, indentifies multiple policy performance areas for a liveable Perth, and comments in more depth on the issue of adequate housing provision for an again rapidly growing Perth. Making Sense of Boomtown Dynamics Resource boomtowns have received increasing academic attention in recent years. Gramling and Brabant (1986), for example, developed a boomtown model for energy- related development in the US. Their framework emphasised the sudden increase in demand for labour and migration, the inability of housing supply and social infrastructure to keep up with sharply rising demand, the pressure on prices and inflation as a result of higher demand for general goods, increasing social problems such as alcoholism and mental illnesses as well as conflicting 1

2 norms between migrants and host communities, and finally declining employment opportunities leading to outmigration during economic downturns. The socially problematic nature of resource- dependent growth has been conceptualised in the social disruption thesis, whereby rapid economic and demographic changes associated with large- scale resource development was understood to lead inevitably to social and psychological dislocation and a breakdown of established community social structures (Smith et al, 2001, in Lawrie et al, 2011, 141). In the Australian context, for example, Haslam- McKenzie et al (2009) highlight the diverse social and economic impacts of housing pressures on the well- being of boomtown communities, in particular on low- income earners and local Indigenous people. They also point to the inability of non- mining sectors to attract and retain labour and provide essential services. More recently, the rise and fall of Dubai has triggered renewed international interest in understanding boomtown dynamics. Bloch (2010), for instance, outlines how urban development during the boom years was accelerated as state- backed real estate companies borrowed heavily on capital markets and designed and constructed an extraordinary array of commercial, industrial, retail, residential and tourism facilities to cater for a planned population increase on the basis of growing economic activity. He also shows that with the boom s end in the wake of the global economic crisis, the local elite re- emphasized the city s regional trading and service- centre role based on strong investment in aviation, shipping and logistics infrastructure. It is noteworthy that throughout its recent economic history Western Australia s economy has had successive waves of growth and consolidation. This includes the discovery of gold (1890s and 1900s), accelerated investment in agriculture (from 1900 onwards), the mining of iron ore ( ) and the combined focus on iron ore and liquid natural gas (LNG) from the mid- 1980s onwards (Cusworth, 2011). As the state s political heart, premier business centre and population hub with valued environmental qualities, Perth has generally reaped the economic, social and cultural fruits of expanding economic activity at its doorstep. However, the mid- 2000s boom also revealed the unsustainable facets of rapid growth. Liveable Perth: Performing in Multiple Policy Domains Fast economic growth and the associated strong population increase during this first boom of the twenty- first century resulted in a number of policy challenges for metropolitan Perth that make it even more important to think, plan, regulate and incentivise ahead of the next phase of growth. In regards to economic performance, the key issue is the 2

3 coordination and balancing of multi- speed economies, rising cost of living as well as a number of difficult labour market impacts such as the pull of construction workers and tradespeople into the well- paying resource sectors that leaves gaps and rising costs in other sectors of the urban economy. A perhaps even more challenging problem is the decreasing ability to attract and retain the so- called key workers: the essential workers that include police officers, teachers, nurses, not- for- profit community workers, carers, cleaners, providers of everyday services (such as retail) and tradespeople like hairdressers and butchers (Department of Housing WA, 2010). It is particularly alarming that nearly ninety per cent of Perth real estate is currently out of reach for this group of the population from both a purchasing and renting viewpoint (Bankwest, 2011). Not surprisingly, economic stress linked to unemployment, welfare and income correlated strongly with vulnerable population groups such as people born overseas, those employed in manufacturing, hospitality and retailing as well as people with mortgages (Tonts, 2009). Perth s recent social performance has been shaped by an increasing gap between the haves and the have nots. Data on spatial inequality confirm that between 2000 and 2007, a time period that includes most of the boom years, the gap between those suburbs in Perth earning the highest incomes and those earning the lowest incomes widened significantly. This means that in the context of the renewed investment in the Western Australian resources industry issues of inequality are not about to disappear, but likely to increase (Tonts, 2009). Inequalities are also increasing between the generations as younger people and families increasingly find it difficult to access affordable housing, or housing in relative close proximity to jobs and amenities. As a result, time spent in cars commuting, driving from and to shopping outlets, and taxiing children to multiple activities all over Perth, is increasing. Importantly, the opportunity cost and financial burden associated with these household coping practices is adding to pressure on families and communities and impacting on mental health and wellbeing (Robinson and Adams, 2008). People without close networks of support are particularly exposed to those impacts. Perth can also be evaluated in terms of its environmental and cultural performance. In regards to the former, its large urban footprint, serious water shortage and conservation problems and car- dependent transport system made it Australia s most unsustainable city in a recent survey (ACF, 2010). Considering how new housing developments constantly destroy valuable agricultural and bush land on Perth s urban fringe, controls and incentives to urgently change land- use practices become imminently important. The latter performance category is undoubtedly a more subjective measure. As the cultural maturity of Perth has been challenged through the recent Dullsville debate, current efforts to make 3

4 this city more vibrant include waterfront and stadium developments and a vision for a World Centre for Indigenous Culture. Another way of defining cultural success is the openness towards newcomers and the willingness to extend help to integrate them in local communities. Both these characteristics matter even more during rapid and largely migration- based population growth. The Key Challenge of Adequate Housing Provision One policy domain that cuts across all four performance areas is housing. Residential housing is central to household wealth accumulation and to the city- region s capacity to accommodate rising numbers of workers (economic), it provides basic physical and ontological security to people (social) and shapes energy consumption and natural resource use through dwelling types and construction standards as well as the travel patterns that its form and location creates (environmental). In addition, it can add to the vibrancy of this place in the form of better urban design and attractive neighbourhood lay- outs (cultural). The remainder of this Bulletin highlights a number of significant contemporary policy issues around housing in Perth and poses new questions for housing policy to be better able to respond adequately to a likely boomtown scenario in coming years and decades. One way of dealing with contemporary housing policy and planning issues for Perth is to categorise, analyse and subsequently evaluate them. This Bulletin suggests seven categories: (1) housing development process and key providers (supply- side), (2) housing consumption and household choices (demand- side), (3) incentive structures and regulatory environment (intervention landscape), (4) industry capacity and construction workers (housing sector capacity), (5) housing affordability and vulnerable residents groups (political intervention objectives), (6) spatial and functional mismatches (ineffective and unjust outcomes) and (7) cross- policy linkages and strategic planning (broader policy coordination). Some particularly pressing issues for each category are briefly outlined, potential intervention tools suggested, and associated policy- relevant questions summarised (Table 1). These are not designed to be comprehensive policy solutions, but are aimed simply at stimulating debate and exploring options. Housing Development Process and Key Stakeholders The key issue is the current annual shortfall between dwelling demand and supply in Perth. The current shortfall from population growth alone amounts to around 25,000 dwellings (Westpac Property, 2010), and in the next 5 years a further annual undersupply of 3000 to 4000 is predicted (Yardney, 2011). These numbers are even likely to increase if further rapid economic and population expansion does indeed occur over the next few years. An immediate implication of Perth s unbalanced 4

5 property market is the significant rent increases tenants currently face (the forecast for 2011 was 11.1 % (Quinn, 2011)); an outcome partly attributable to the fact that an increasing portion of the population is priced out of home ownership. The main policy objective therefore must be to increase the supply of land and dwellings of a type and size that meets the requirements of residents, in appropriate locations and at affordable prices. This goal attempts to curb speculation in the housing system which currently allows a variety of stakeholders rural landowners at the urban fringe, land- banking investors, wealthy individuals and households who can play the real estate market as well as developers and governments which both gain in buoyant markets through increasing profits and tax/rate revenues to increase wealth yet often with a broader set of social and other costs. Those most impacted generally include low income earners, first home buyers, private renters, single parent families and newly arriving migrants that are not employed in the mining sector. The current housing system pushes the latter groups out in far- flung suburban locations, or forces them to live in inadequately small living spaces for the type of household they are. If sprawl, or the outward expansion model, is best suited to boomtown conditions (Pownall, 2011), but infill- housing is to remain a serious policy objective for State and Local Governments, then the current housing system needs to be challenged before the full impact of the next boom will hit. Possible interventions could include: change planning rules to provide incentives for well- designed smaller dwellings in the right locations; greater role of governments and not- for- profit organisations in housing provision; greater state planning and redevelopment intervention to counter reluctant Local Governments, including use of Western Australia s Planning Commission s new Improvement Scheme powers and the new Metropolitan Redevelopment Authority to deliver outcomes; expansion and additional resourcing of public rental housing agency Homeswest, and/or creation of state- owned combined land development/ housing corporation, to deliver larger- scale affordable housing projects; newly established Local Government Housing Trading Organisations as key stakeholders in affordable infill- housing provision; Density by Design (Executive Director, Department of Planning WA, 2010) urban redevelopment projects as best practice tool to educate stakeholders and market; area- specific rent caps as protection tool for renters and supply- boost for housing purchaser market (see, for example, New 5

6 York s rent control (limits the price a landlord can charge a tenant for rent based on the Maximum Base Rent system) and rent stabilisation (maximum rates for annual rent increases) policies; and a new role for employers in providing/supporting housing options for their employees (e.g. by legislating changes regarding fringe benefits tax for companies). Housing Consumption and Household Choices In Australasia, policymakers generally view urban consolidation policies with an emphasis on higher- density urban centres, public transport links and brownfield rather than greenfield developments to lessen urban housing crises (Forster, 2006). Unsurprisingly then, the biggest gap in solving Perth s housing market problems lies in the general population s attitude that cherishes a detached house on a single block and undervalues, or shows outright hostility towards, multi- unit urban consolidation and mixed- use development (Executive Director, Department of Planning WA, 2010). Business interests, on the other hand, often criticise the large amount of red and green tape around housing development in Australasian cities that, in conjunction with urban containment measures such as urban growth boundaries 1, drive up land prices (Haratsis, 2010). The demand- side of the Perth housing market is an important area for intervention, but the question remains what the real effects will be in the context of an ongoing and severe housing supply crisis. Possible interventions could include: planning for sensitive, integrated total redevelopments (not subdivisions) in selected areas and situations (Foley, 2007) in order to encourage a substantial number of smaller dwellings to be built in one redevelopment project (comprehensive redevelopment); effective amendment of Residential Planning Codes to allow ancillary accommodation (currently under way); planning, incentivising and building of Lifecycle Houses that allow parts of a single house to be rented out temporarily (Foley, 2007); strengthening the position of private renters in legislation and public/policy discourse (see also the Western Australia Residential Tenancies Amendment Bill 2011); 1 Urban growth boundaries are set in an attempt to control urban sprawl by mandating that the area inside the boundary be used for higher density urban development. Cities such as Melbourne, Auckland and Portland (USA) have adopted this policy/planning instrument. 6

7 effective First Home Buyer support that will not lead to house price inflation; and more cost and time- effective release of land in the designated growth locations. Incentive Structures and Regulatory/ Planning Environment In order to solve the Australian urban housing crises, economists currently debate the effectiveness of incentives to create the right mix of investment between housing, shares, savings etc. While important, the biggest gap and greatest policy challenge in Australasia appears to be the implementation gap ; the capacity for policy makers to implement well- sounding visions and ambitious strategies for our cities. One of those visions for Perth, Directions 2031 (Western Australian Planning Commission, 2009), talks about a net population increase of around 45,000 people per year up to an estimated 3.5 million residents in Another one uses cutting- edge development scenarios for horizontal and vertical urban consolidation that may trigger debate on a more sustainable future for Perth (Weller, 2009). These well- meaning visions will do little to change, and in fact mask, a reality that sees the current land, housing and planning system increasingly out of sync with public good framed and long- term oriented aspirations for Perth. In other words, individualistic concerns and short- term gains of well- positioned and influential stakeholders in the housing system are overriding the needs for a functioning and just city as a whole. The largely hostile reaction to the suggestion to create financial relocation incentives for older people to downsize and thus free up highly family- suitable housing in Melbourne illustrates this point (Masanauskas, 2011). Possible interventions could include: tax incentives to encourage the provision of smaller lots sizes; partial capital- gains tax for owner- occupied housing in alignment with broader housing objectives (e.g. for dwellings over certain floor space thresholds); focusing planning systems on larger, amalgamated sites in context of comprehensive redevelopment paradigm instead of subdivision- led redevelopment ; creation of an effective non- luxury apartment and townhouse market in Perth; and relocation incentives for downsizing empty- nesters. Industry Capacity and Construction Workers One of the biggest problems in the Perth housing market is the limited availability of workers due to the more attractive wages in resource projects. Put simply, even if there were enough land, capital and willingness to invest there are just not enough construction workers 7

8 and tradespeople around to do the actual work. The ones available split their efforts between a wide variety of building projects that also include the upgrading of the so- called McMansions in Perth s more affluent suburbs. Policymakers have to put their mind urgently to finding innovative solutions to this underlying structural constraint in the sector in order to resolve or mitigate the Perth housing crisis. Dubai and Singapore may serve as an ethically rather doubtful model of bringing in foreign cheap labour largely from the Indian Sub- Continent to build their cities during boom- times. Perhaps a better way is to look for targeted attraction campaigns of interstate and overseas- based construction workers and tradespeople via financial incentives and relaxed visa regulations. Current initiatives aimed at increasing the use of 457 visas for short- term business migrants in Australian s resource sectors may be a policy road to follow. Possible interventions could include: 457 business visa, permanent immigrant and inter- state attraction initiatives geared towards housing construction workers and tradespeople; incentives and regulation to concentrate the housing construction workforce on affordable housing projects; special construction worker trainee contracts (e.g. lucrative trainee package if commitment to three years on affordable housing projects); and financial incentives to construction companies in order to hire staff for affordable housing projects in Perth. Housing Affordability and Vulnerable Residents Groups The provision of adequate housing is closely linked to the question of how affordable homes can be offered to Perth residents. The city shares with other Australian capital cities the experience of rising house prices in response to booming demand and constraints on the supply of dwellings, with the latter largely resulting out of a shortage of land in these cities and skill shortages within the housing industry (Beer et al, 2007). What makes the situation in Perth even more difficult are the significantly higher costs per square metre for 2- storey houses or apartments in comparison to, for example, Sydney. The impact of higher housing costs is most strongly felt by many young and lower- income households, particularly low- income renters for whom home ownership is increasingly out of reach (Yates and Milligan, 2007). This is particularly evident when looking at simple indicators of affordability. With a median multiple (median house price divided by gross annual median household income, also called price- income ratio) of 6.3, Perth is now clearly above the threshold of severe housing inaffordability (Demographia, 2011). This situation is even more severe in Sydney (9.6), Melbourne (9.0) and Adelaide (7.1). It is noteworthy that the house 8

9 price- income ratio for Perth 10 years ago was only 4.0. It is a fact that, compared to the last generation, people of this generation have to spend more than double their household income to afford an average home in Australian cities. The impact of this generational squeeze is felt in multiple ways. Yates and Milligan (2007) outline that experiences common to stressed renters and stressed recent purchasers included the constant stress associated with lack of money and financial hardship. These issues added to health problems and stress in relationships and resulted in children missing out on school activities and adequate health care (Robinson and Adams, 2008, 5). These problems are encountered by vulnerable resident groups in particular; low income groups, families and sole parents, renters and key workers. Regarding the latter group, it is now recognised that one of the significant consequences of the growing gap in affordable housing has been the difficulty encountered in attracting and retaining key workers in the non- resource economy (Department of Housing WA, 2010, 44). Given that during economic booms the income gap between rich and poor people is widening (Tonts, 2009), urgent policy action is required to deal with the issue of affordable housing in Perth. Possible interventions could include: creation of key worker housing options close to their employment through new stakeholder partnerships and incentive structures; increasing protection of tenants in what are likely to be sustained landlord- favouring market conditions under a high- growth scenario; expansion of the National Rental Affordability Scheme (NRAS) and Shared Equity home loan initiatives (Department of Housing WA, 2011) to cover more members of vulnerable resident groups; and establishment of Local Government Enterprises as vehicle in partnerships for affordable infill land and housing developments. Spatial and Functional Mismatches Mismatches relate to spatially or functionally inappropriate outcomes that constrain the effective functioning of housing markets in Perth. In the literature, Berry (2006) emphasised the issue of mismatch between labour and housing markets in large, globally connected cities in the current era of globalisation. He noted the possible existence of a spatial mismatch the spatial disjunction between housing outcomes and labour market demands for Sydney and Melbourne. Dodson (2005) however found that the spatial mismatch was not considered strong in the case study city of Melbourne. Perth s current position as Australia s arguably most globally connected Australian city (Wetzstein, 2010) would warrant a closer look at this issue in Perth. Another spatial 9

10 mismatch, urban segregation (spatial distance between different socio- economic groups), is clearly evident in multiple expressions as illustrated in Perth s Social Atlas (ABS, 2006). However, segregation patterns are much less pronounced than in the US. Updated figures for 2011 (available later 2012) will enable an interesting up- to- date analysis for Perth. Another mismatch concerns the appropriateness of dwelling types for particular housing residents which has been highlighted, for example, as an issue for government employees in remote Western Australia (Prout, 2004). Possible interventions could include: multi- stakeholder employment self- sufficiency initiatives that aim to encourage closer proximity between residential and work locations; social housing developments near jobs and infrastructure; affordable master- planned grouped and multiple unit developments near amenities and public transport by, for example, public- private- not- for- profit partnerships; and combined government housing and office developments in Activity Centres (see Activity Centres Policy in Directions 2031 (Western Australian Planning Commission, 2009). Cross-Policy Linkages and Strategic Planning Housing impacts are influenced by multiple public policy domains such as public transport, economic development, environmental protection, social policies and health policies. Housing markets and interventions can both enable or constrain these other urban processes. Any intervention in the housing sector must therefore be mindful of the interrelated nature of policy issues. Amongst the most crucial areas of interdependencies is the relationship between housing and environmental sustainability. Perth must, for instance, do better in regards to containing its environmental footprint, reducing domestic water consumption, taking increasing advantage of solar heating, reducing and recycling household waste and the use of alternative forms of transport. Policy integration becomes even more important during rapid growth to avoid unbalanced and chaotic developments. Possible interventions could include: better coordinated train and bus- feeder systems and increased car park facilities for train commuters (see Public Transport Plan, Department of Transport); timely and adequate provision of hard and soft infrastructure in alignment with new housing developments; integration of land- use/ housing and transport policies (see Portland and Vancouver); and 10

11 an educational campaign to improve household sustainability in Perth (waste, water, energy etc.). The Need for Research Policy questions for adequate housing provision in a rapidly growing Perth presented in Table 1 may trigger debate about different ways of intervening in Perth s residential housing sector. The problem with all interventions, however, is that they produce not just intended results but many non- intended effects. In combination, these effects constitute new challenges for political and policy interventions. In order to maximise intervention effectiveness and to minimise the occurrence of non- intended effects, policy needs to be evidence- based. This requirement puts a premium on effective research that can meaningfully inform policy processes. In essence, all of the discussed seven housing intervention areas rely on knowing how activities are done and practices undertaken at the moment, and on how particular interventions focused on these activities and practices are likely to play out. Key research methods include stock- takes of current practice, policy- learning from other jurisdictions (comparative case- studies), scenario- planning that focuses on the above- average influence of particular conditions and circumstances, studies on stakeholder/ actor perceptions, attitudes and behaviours through qualitative analysis of data generated via interviews, focus- groups, workshops, observations etc. as well as quantitatively based analyses of statistical information and surveys to evaluate dynamics and outcomes. An illustration of how research could help to underpin effective policy solutions is shown for suggested interventions under the label comprehensive redevelopment. To meet the objective of creating well- designed dwellings in existing areas in a co- ordinated and integrated way without ruining the neighbourhood, significant numbers of under- developed blocks of land within local government jurisdictions in Perth could, ideally, be used for new and well executed affordable infill housing projects. New research could undertake a spatial and functional stocktake of such land parcels and categorise them according to multiple criteria. This knowledge could then be used as a basis to discuss new forms of partnership developments between diverse stakeholders in order to develop this land for urgently needed integrated housing developments. Clearly, new and relevant research questions sit behind every policy question raised in Table 1. FACTBase publications will continue to contribute to their development in the future. 11

12 Table 1: Key Policy Questions for Adequate Housing Provision in Boomtown Perth Housing Intervention Area Housing Development Process and Key Stakeholders Housing Consumption and Household Choices Incentive Structures and Regulatory/ Planning Environment Industry Capacity and Construction Workers Housing Affordability and Vulnerable Residents Groups Spatial and Functional Mismatches Cross-Policy Linkages and Strategic Planning Key Policy Questions FACTBase Bulletin 23 How can the release of land be optimised to ensure a constant supply of land in both infill and expansion scenarios? Which stakeholder practices inhibit an effectively functioning land market? Which role has the state at all geographical scales to be a leader on sustainable housing provision? How can Not- for- Profit Housing provision being strengthened? How can large employers become (more) involved in provision? How can democratic principles and check- and balances be ensured for arms- length operating redevelopment authorities? How can comprehensive redevelopment be promoted in activity centres and close to public transport? How can rising demand for rentals be better satisfied? How can demand from newly arriving migrants be better managed? How can cultural preferences and the historical legacy for detached houses and sprawl be influenced in favour of urban consolidation? How can policies and incentives help to increase the supply of land and property construction during rapid growth periods? How can higher density housing, e.g. apartments and townhouses, be built for the mass- market and not just for wealthy people wanting to live/invest in up- market residences? Which policies will make baby boomers leave their often close to urban centres/amenities located older housing for smaller places that would allow families to move in? How can the planning system incentivise/regulate the provision of smaller blocks of land? How can a sufficient number of construction workers be guaranteed to build the necessary number of houses? How can industry focus on projects that are most critical to mitigating the undersupply of housing? How can builders costs be kept down in the context of construction labour shortages? How can housing being kept affordable if around half of new housing developments are intended to be - generally more expensive - infill options? How can First Home Buyers be effectively supported without risking house price inflation? How can tenants rights be effectively protected in landlord- favouring market conditions under a high- growth scenario? How can affordable key worker housing be created close to their workplaces? How can urban segregation be effectively tackled in the face of widening income gaps between rich and poor under a boom- time scenario? How can employment self- sufficiency be increased? How can the provision of adequate housing sizes and types be ensured? How can housing and land- use policies be supported by strategic investment in public transport infrastructure and other alternative modes of transport? How can the housing sector become a champion of environmentally sustainable practices? How can hard and soft infrastructure provision being timely matched with new housing developments? 12

13 Conclusions This FACTBase Bulletin has summarised some key challenges for Perth s next growth period in respect to adequate housing provision. Because of its central position as service hub to the country s rapidly expanding and globalising resource sectors, Perth is likely to act as a testing ground for the whole of Australia of how the urban housing crises can be tackled in the context of a booming export economy. The example of housing in Perth has been used to both highlight some deeply entrenched tensions and contradictions and to offer some food for thought on possible policy interventions to start to respond to these challenges before the full impact of the colossal resource investment hits Western Australia s capital city. At stake is not just Perth s position in international liveability rankings, but the future of its people, families and communities. Will Perth provide the evidence for the slow death the great Australian dream of home ownership with adequate living spaces right in the middle of what promises to be the strongest wealth creation era in Australian history? What will the true social legacy of resource wealth in Perth be (Weller, 2009)? The hope is that this paper will stimulate necessary thought and debate at a crucial time in between economic booms where decisions made today will likely to impact people s livelihoods for decades to come. References ABS, 2006 Perth Social Atlas. Census of 2006, Australian Bureau of Statistics. Available at ACF (Australian Conservation Fund), 2010 Sustainable Cities Index. Available at Accessed 5. Bankwest, rd Key Worker Housing Affordability Report. Bankwest Financial Indicator Series, March Available at centre/financial- indicator- series/bankwest- 3rd- key- worker- housing- affordability- report Beer A, Kearins B and Pieters H, 2007 Housing Affordability and Planning in Australia. Housing Studies 22, 1, Berry B, 2006 Housing affordability and the economy: A review of labour market impacts and policy issues. National Research Venture 3: Housing Affordability for Lower Income Australians, Research Paper 5 authored for the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute RMIT- NATSEM research centre. 13

14 Bloch R, 2010 Dubai's Long Goodbye. Urban and Regional Research 34, 4, Cusworth N, 2011 Panel Address. Presentation at CEDA- workshop Inventing the Future: People, Projects and Productivity: Where to From Here?, Perth, 30 August Demographia, 2011 International Housing Affordability Survey. Available at Department of Housing WA, 2010 Affordable Housing Strategy : Opening Doors to Affordable Housing. Available at Department of Housing WA, 2011 Keystart: Shared Equity Home Loans. Available at Dodson J, 2005 Is There A Mismatch between Housing Affordability and Employment Opportunity in Melbourne? AHURI Final Report 80. Melbourne: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI). Executive Director, Department of Planning WA, 2010 Interview with author on 15 February Foley N, 2007 Size does matter. Unpublished Discussion Paper. Perth: WA Department for Planning and Infrastructure. Available from Author. Forster C, 2006 The Challenge of Change: Australian Cities and Urban Planning in the New Millennium. Geographical Research 44, 2, Gramling B, Brabant S, 1986 Boomtowns and Offshore Energy Impact Assessment: The Development of a Comprehensive Model. Sociological Perspectives 29, 2, Haratsis B, 2010 Australia 2050 Big Australia? Volume 1. Adelaide: MacroPlan Australia. Available at htpp:// Haslam McKenzie F, Phillips R, Rowley S, Brereton D and Birdsall- Jones C, 2009 Housing market dynamics in resource boom towns. Final Report 135. Melbourne: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI). Lawrie M, Tonts M and Plummer P, 2011 Boomtowns, Resource Dependence and Socio- economic Well- being. Australian Geographer 42, 2,

15 Masanauskas J, 2011 Lobby Group calls for older couples to give up family home. Herald Sun, 17 February Available at htpp:// group- calls- for- older- couples- to- give- up- family- home. Pownall M, 2011 Homing in on a systemtic policy failure. WA Business News, 19 May 2011, 35. Prout S, 2004 Deconstructing Consultative Frameworks: the case of staff housing in Burringurrah, Western Australia. Australian Geographer 35, 1, Quinn R, 2011 Rentals may save Perth residential market. PerthNow, 1 February Available at /rentals- may- save- perth- residential- market/story- e6frg2ru Robinson E, Adams R, 2008 Housing stress and the mental health and wellbeing of families. AFRC Briefing Number 12, Australian Family Relationships Clearinghouse. Tonts M, 2009 Boomtimes and Personal Income: Perth s Decade of Prosperity FACTBase Bulletin 3, The University of Western Australia and the Committee for Perth, Perth. Weller R, 2009 Boomtown 2050: scenarios for a rapidly growing city. Claremont WA: University of Western Australia Press. Western Australian Planning Commission, 2009 Directions 2031: Draft Spatial Framework for Perth and Peel. Perth: Western Australian Planning Commission. Westpac Property, 2010 Outlook for Australian Property Markets : Perth - Update August Available at Property_ Outlook_ _Update,_Perth.pdf. Wetzstein S, 2010 Perceptions of Urban Elites on Four Australasian Cities: How does Perth compare? FACTBase Bulletin 18, The University of Western Australia and the Committee for Perth, Perth. Yardney M, 2011 WA housing affordability set to worsen with an impending dwelling shortage. Property Update Blog, 19 September Available at housing- affordability- set- to- worsen- with- an- impending- dwelling- shortage.html. 15

16 Yates J, Milligan V, 2007 Housing Affordability: A 21st Century Problem. Final Report 109, National Research Venture Housing Affordability for Lower Income Australians (NRV3), Melbourne: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI). Acknowledgements The author acknowledges the valuable comments on a draft version of this paper from Professor Neil Foley and Professor Matthew Tonts from the University of Western Australia. About FACTBase The FACTBase project is a joint venture between the University of Western Australia and the Committee for Perth, an influential member- based organisation driven by a diverse assembly of Perth s leaders. Members collaborate with business, government and community groups to actively improve the liveability of our city, resulting in a real and enduring contribution to Perth and the metropolitan area. One of the only broad- reaching projects of its kind to be undertaken in the southern hemisphere FACTBase condenses the plethora of databases and studies on the subject of liveability and analyse what s happening in Perth through words, maps and graphs. About the Author Steffen Wetzstein is Assistant Professor of Human Geography at The University of Western Australia. Contacts For further information on the FACTBase project contact: Marion Fulker, CEO, Committee for Perth or marion.fulker@committeeforperth.com.au Dr Steffen Wetzstein, Assistant Professor - Human Geography, School of Earth and Environment, The University of Western Australia or steffen.wetzstein@uwa.edu.au Copyright This paper is copyright of The University of Western Australia and the Committee for Perth. While we encourage its use, it should be referenced as: 16

17 Wetzstein S, 2011 Managing Boomtown Perth: Policy Challenges for Adequate Housing Provision FACTBase Bulletin 23, The University of Western Australia and the Committee for Perth, Perth. Committee for Perth Research work commissioned by the Committee for Perth is funded entirely through the contribution of our members. Our foundation members are: Foundation Members Alcoa ANZ Bankwest BHP Billiton Ernst & Young Freehills Rio Tinto The West Australian Wesfarmers Westrac Woodside A full list of Committee for Perth members is available at 17