Wenn: adverbial conjunction or complementizer?

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1 1 The phenomenon Wenn: adverbial conjunction or complementizer? Kerstin Schwabe ZAS Berlin - Wenn introduces clauses that provide an argument for a matrix predicate, but are in the shape of a conditional 'if'-clause (= argument conditionals). German (1) a. Wir bedauern (es), wenn die Schwimmer nicht bereit sind, die konzeptionellen Dinge we regret it if the swimmers not willing are the conceptual issues mitzutragen. (DWDS BZ 2005) to share 'We regret it if the swimmers are not willing to share the conceptual issues.' b. Wir bedauern (es), dass die Schwimmer nicht bereit sind, (2) a. Er habe sich jedenfalls (darüber) gewundert, wenn seine Landsleute he was anyway about wondering if his fellow countrymen über ihr Wochenende in Ost-Berlin erzählt hätten. (DWDS TS 2004) about their weekend in East-Berlin talked had 'He was wondering if his fellow countrymen were talking about their weekend in East Berlin.' b. Er habe sich jedenfalls (darüber) gewundert, dass seine Landsleute über ihr Wochenende in Ost-Berlin erzählt hätten. - "Ergänzende wenn-sätze" 'complementary wenn-clauses' cf. Fabricius-Hansen (1980), Zifonun et al. (1997), Kaiaty (2010), Schwabe (2012). English (3) John would like it if Mary knew French. - "Non-logical if-clauses" [Williams (1974), Pesetsky (1991)], "complement if-clauses", "irrealis if-clauses" [Pullum (1987), Rocchi (2010)], "protasis-referring conditionals" Thompson (2011) Polish (Schwabe, Jędrzejowski, Kellner 2012) (4) Słyszałam, że duchy uwielbiają jeśli się je czci heard.3sg.pst.f that spirits.nom adore.3pl if REFL they.acc worship.3sg 'I heard that spirits adore being worshiped.' (NKJP, 1991/10/1) 1

2 Italian (Rocchi 2010:30) (5) Mi piace se la gente mi sorride me please.3sg if the people me smile.3sg.ind 'I like it if people smile at me.' Spanish (Rocchi 2010:30) (6) Les molesta si te miro they annoy.3sg if you look.at.1sg 'It annoys them if I look at you.' - As for Romance see Farkas (1992), Quer (1998), Quer (2002), Rocchi (2010) Kamtok (English-based Creole language) (Schwabe, Jędrzejowski, Kellner 2012) (7) E fo beta fo yi if dem no fo born yi it COND be.better for 3SG if 3PL NEG COND bear 3SG 'It would be better for him if he had not been born. Gud Nyus, Mar.14,21 Krio (English-based Creole language) (Schwabe, Jędrzejowski, Kellner 2012) (8) I go gud if una nɔ du dɛn tin it FUT good if 2PL NEG do PL thing 'It will be good if you don t do these things.' Krio Good News, Act.15,29 Focus of this talk: 1. What is the syntactic status of wenn, i.e. the embedded wenn-clause? Complement clause which is introduced by a non-canonical complementizer cf. Blatz (1970), kböttcher & Sitta (1972:117f.), Breindl (1989), Eisenberg (1986), Hinterwimmer (2010), Pasch et al. (2003), Pullum (1987), Schmid (1987) or Adverbial that, additionally to its adverbial function, provides a propositional argument for the matrix predicate cf. Fabricius-Hansen (1980), Kaiaty (2010), Pesetsky (1991), Rothstein (1995), Thompson (2011), Schwabe (2012) 2. Syntactic licensing conditions for argument conditionals 3. Lexical licensing conditions of matrix predicates 'factive' predicates: bedauern 'regret', sich freuen 'be glad', preference predicates: vorziehen 'prefer', But not: antifactive predicates like wollen 'want', believe predicates like glauben 'believe', annehmen 'assume', consider predicates like nachdenken 'think about', 2

3 2 Syntactic analysis of German argument conditionals 2.1 Data to be explained Pre-sentential argument conditionals (9) a. Wenn Mia Violine spielt, akzeptiert es/das Max if Mia the violin plays accepts it/das Max b *Wenn Mia Violine spielt, akzeptiert Max. (10) a. Wenn Mia Violine spielt, langweilt es/das Max. when Mia the violin plays bores it/das Max b. *Wenn Mia Violine spielt, langweilt Max. when Mia the violin plays bores it Max (11) a. Wenn Mia Geige spielte, hat Max Leo darauf aufmerksam gemacht. when Mia the violin played has Max Leo PP[of] advised b. *Wenn Mia Geige spielte, hat Max Leo aufmerksam gemacht. Pre-sentential complement clauses (12) a. *Dass Maria krank ist, bedauert es/das Frank. that Maria ill is regrets it/this Frank b. Dass Maria krank ist, bedauert Frank. (13) a. *Dass Mia Violine spielt, langweilt es/das Max. when Mia the violin plays bores it/das Max b. Dass Mia Violine spielt, langweilt Max. (14) a. *Dass Mia Geige spielte, hat Max Leo darauf aufmerksam gemacht. that Mia the violin played has Max Leo PP[of] advised b. Darauf, dass Mia Geige spielte, hat Max Leo aufmerksam gemacht. Post-sentential argument conditionals and complement clauses (15) a. Max akzeptiert es, wenn/dass Mia Geige spielt. Max accepts it if/that Mia the violin plays b. Max akzeptiert, wenn/dass Mia Geige spielt. (16) a. Max langweilt es, wenn/dass Mia Geige spielt. Max bores it if/that Mia the violin plays b. Max langweilt, wenn/dass Mia Geige spielt. (17) a. Max macht Leo darauf aufmerksam, wenn/dass Mia Geige spielt. Max advises Leo PP[on] when/that Mia the violin plays b. Max macht Leo aufmerksam, wenn Mia Geige spielt. (18) a. Max stört sich daran, wenn/dass Mia Geige spielt Max is bothered PP if/that Mia the violin plaxs b. *Max stört sich, wenn Mia Geige spielte. 3

4 2.2 Accounts for English argument conditionals i. Pullum (1987) (cf. Thompson 2011) (19) I would like it better if he played the violin right now. XP XP V 0 if-cp V' CP t if / it - It is an expletive, i.e. a spell-out of the CP if O-1 It must be expressed by a referential pronoun if it is related to CP if in French. (20) a. *Il serait tragique si elle etait partie. b. Ce serait tragique si elle etait partie. 'It would be tragic if she left.' It can be replaced by a demonstrative in English as well in German: (21) a. If we had a cheese plate in the room right now, that would be awesome. b. Wenn sie kommt, schätzt er das ungemein. If she comes appreciates he this immensely c. Wenn sie kommt, schätzt er es ungemein. O-2 Prepositional correlates in German can hardly be regarded as a spell-out of a clause which is moved to the right. (22) Max macht Leo darauf aufmerksam, wenn/dass Mia Geige spielt. Max advises Leo PP[on] when/that Mia the violin plays O-3 It can be a null complement in German (23) a. Gretchen would be happy if unicorns existed. [= (23a) in Thompson] b. Gretchen würde sich freuen, wenn es Einhörner gäbe. c. Max akzeptiert, wenn/dass Mia Geige spielt. Max accepts it if/that Mia the violin plays O-4 It cannot be an expletive if the if-clause embeds the propositional argument of the matrix predicate. (24) John would hate it if he realized that his colleague snored. a. #John would hate that he realized that his colleague snored if his colleague snored. b. John would hate that his colleague snored if his colleague snored.? Is there an expletive it as in (19), a referential it as in (21b) and (24) as well as a referential ProPP as in (22), a null correlate as in (23)? 4

5 ii. Pesetsky (1991) - The pre-sentential if-clause is the restrictor of a quantifier which quantifies over the nuclear scope, the IP cf. Kratzer (1989). (25) If he played the violin right now, I would like it. if-cp i IP IP V' V 0 it i (anaphoric pronoun) - A referential it must be locally m-bound by the if-clause cf. Pestsky's (290) to (292). (26) Local Binding Requirement on A-bar-chains For C a chain and α an A-bar position, *C = ( α, β ), unless α locally m-bounds β. a. α locally m-binds β iff α m-binds β and there is no γ such that α m-binds γ and γ m- binds β. b. α m-binds β iff α is co-indexed with β and α m-commands β. (27) a. m d -command [(273b) in Pesetsky] α m d -commands β iff α does not dominate β and every maximal projection γ that dominates α dominates β. b. α is dominated by β only if it is dominated by every segment of β. - The post-sentential if-clause is a right -adjunct and the restrictor of a quantifier which quantifies over the nuclear scope. (28) I would like it better if he played the violin right now. if-cp i XP IP t i V' V 0 it i (that-cp-copy) - It is not a referential proform because the intervening trace t i prevents that it is locally m- bound by the if-clause. (29) If-Copying Rule (IC) a. Take a clause k of the form [IF IP], where k modifies a sentence Σ. b. Copy k as k, substituting that for IF, making appropriate change to mood so as to replace irrealis with realis mood marking. 5

6 c. Place k in an argument position of Σ. Leave k as an adjunct modifier. (It gets interpreted as a restrictive clause, with S the nuclear scope.) d. k is factive. - IC applies if the "copy" it is related to the if-clause by m d -command. Thus, the postsentential if-clause has a double function. It is the restrictor of a quantifier as well as a complement of V 0. O-1 A correlate that is related to an if-cp must be referential in French (20a, b) and it can be referential in German and English (21a-c). O-2 A German ProPP can hardly be regarded as a copy of a clause which is moved to the right (22). O-3 A correlate can be optional in German if the associated clause is post-sentential (23a-c). O-4 It cannot be an expletive if the if-clause embeds the propositional argument of the matrix predicate (24). O-5 It or es, respectively, cannot be a copy of the if-clause if the matrix verb is a preference predicate. (30) Frank zieht es vor, wenn Maria Geige spielt. Frank prefers it if Maria violin plays *If Maria plays the violin, Frank prefers that she plays the violin. iii. Hinterwimmer (2010) - Double function of the if- or when-clause: i. complement, ii. restrictor of a quantifier (31) a. I would like it if he played the violin right now cf. (20). b. Paul hates it when his colleague snores. TP Q, ' T' TP, ' CP if/when, ' V 0 V' DP, ' D 0 t if/when, ' it, ' It is the spell-out of a silent determiner: DET fact or DET event. DET fact turns a proposition which is denoted by a that- or if-clause into a fact, the latter being an abstract entity which makes the proposition true cf. in the appendix. DET event converts a when-clause into an abstract event entity cf. ' in the appendix. Thus, the proform it spells out two covert determiners that denote in different domains: the domain of facts and the domain of events. 6

7 - Movement of a when- or that-clause from extra-position to the left periphery is prevented by the Principle of Unambiguous Binding (PUB) cf. Müller & Sternefeld (1993), Müller (1995) and Sternefeld (2006). (32) If he played the violin right now, I would like it. CP if TP TP Q T' V 0 V' D 0 it DP t if/when O-1 A correlate that is related to an if-cp must be referential in French (20a, b) and it can be referential in German and English (21a-c). Thus it cannot be a silent determiner. O-2 A German ProPP can hardly be regarded as a spell-out of a silent determiner. O-3 A correlate can be optional in German if the associated clause is post-sentential (23a-c). Thus, what determines the spell-out of the determiner? O-4 It cannot be a spell-out of a determiner of an if- or when-clause if the latters embed the propositional argument of the matrix predicate (24). O-5 It or es, respectively, cannot be a copy of the if-clause if the matrix verb is a preference predicate (30). iv. Rothstein (1995a, b) and Thompson (2010) - No movement of the argument conditional. The proform it is as a variable which is bound by an operator OP which is adjoined to IP. (33) Paul hates it when his colleague snores. Gen e [[snore (e, colleague)] e'[ o (e, e') (hate (e', paul, e)]]. where o(e, e') means that the running times of e and e' overlap. O-1 A correlate that is related to an if-cp must be referential in French (20a, b) and it can be referential in German and English (21a-c). Thus it cannot be a operator bound variable. 0-5 The analysis does not account for constructions with preference predicates as (30). 7

8 2.3 An account for German argument conditionals - A post-sentential wenn-clause is a base-generated right vp-adjunct that can but need not move to a higher position cf. (34 ) and Haider (2010) who assumes dass-clauses to be right -adjuncts. - The correlate is a referential proform that is theta-marked by V 0 and locally m-bound by the wenn-clause, which, on its own, is also referential. The index on the proform and the related clause indicates that these items refer to a contextually given proposition. (34) Max akzeptiert es 2/1, [wenn Mia Geige spielt] 2 Max accepts it if Mia the violin plays T' vp vp wenn-cp 2 Max v' wenn C 2 ' V' es 2 V 0 λp λq [p q] λq {[mia_violin_plays] 2 q} p 2 [accept (max, p 2 )] 1 [mia_violin_plays] 2 [accept (max, p 2 )] 1 - A pre-sentential wenn-clause originates as left TP-adjunct. It locally m-binds the correlate. (35) a. [Wenn Mia Geige spielt] 1, akzeptiert es 1 Max if Mia the violin plays accepts it Max b. [Wenn Mia Geige spielte] 1, hat Max Leo darauf 1 aufmerksam gemacht. when Mia the violin played has Max Leo PP[of] advised CP 1 wenn-cp 2, i C' wenn C' TP t 2, i TP vp Max V' es 2 /ProPP 2 V 0 - A correlate can be replaced by pro if the wenn-clause is a right vp-adjunct and the propositional complement is obligatory. As for a ProPP, it is additionally necessary that the ProPP is optional. This is the case with respect to verbs like sich (damit) begnügen 'to content oneself with sth.' or jm. (darauf) aufmerksam machen 'advice so. of sth. (36) a. Max akzeptiert pro, wenn Mia Geige spielt. Max accepts if Mia the violin plays b. Max langweilt pro, wenn/dass Mia Geige spielt. 8

9 c. Max hat Leo pro aufmerksam gemacht, wenn Mia Geige spielte. Max has Leo advised when Mia the v. played T' vp vp wenn-cp 2 Max v' wenn C 2 ' V' pro 2 V 0 - If the wenn-clause is pre-sentential, pro is excluded. (37) a. *Wenn Mia Violine spielt, akzeptiert pro Max. if Mia the violin plays accepts it Max b. *Wenn Mia Geige spielte, hat Max Leo pro aufmerksam gemacht. when Mia the violin played has Max Leo PP[of] advised (38) m e -command α m e -commands β iff α does not dominate β and no maximal projection γ that dominates α excludes β. a. a is dominated by β only if it is dominated by every segment of β. b. γ excludes β if no segment of γ dominates β. Pesetsky (1991, p. 67) - M e -command ensures that the post-sentential complement position can be identified. It also applies if a dass-clause is base-generated as right vp-adjunct cf. (15) to (18). - Narrowly focused wenn-clauses are canonical conditional adverbials and thus a TPadjuncts. Unlike pro, an es-correlate and a ProPP need not m e -command a complement clause. (39) a. Max akzeptiert *pro / es 2 dann FOC, 1 [wenn Mia Geige spielt] FOC, 1. Max accepts it only then when Mia the violin plays b. Tim hat L dann FOC, 1 *pro / darauf 2 aufmerksam gemacht, [wenn M Geige spielt] FOC, 1. Tim has L then PP[of] advised wenn-cp FOC (41) a. [Wenn Mia Geige spielt] 1, FOC akzeptiert *pro / es 2 Tim if Mia the violin plays accepts it Tim b. [Wenn Mia Geige spielt] 1, FOC macht Tim Leo *pro / darauf 2 aufmerksam. when Mia the violin plays advises Tim Leo PP[of] - Wenn-clauses that embed the argument of the matrix predicate are also TP-adjuncts. (41) [ CP1 Paul hasst es 2/3 / *pro, [ CP2 wenn er merkt, [ CP3 dass Leo schnarcht]]] Paul hates it when he realizes that Leo snores. 9

10 - A missing optional clausal argument is not represented by pro. (42) a. Max freut sich, wenn Mia Geige spielt. Max is glad if Mia the violin plays b. Wenn Mia Geige spielt, freut sich Max. (43) a. An argument conditional is syntactically licensed i. if it is right-adjoined to vp and m e -commanded by a propositional es-correlate, ProPP or pro in a complement position [= complement-like case] or ii. if it left adjoined to TP [= the pure conditional case] and iii. if it is related to a sentential es-correlate, ProPP or pro. b. Sentential correlates are proforms that are syntactically licensed i. if they are theta-marked by V 0 and ii. if they are co-indexed with a clause. c. An es or ProPP are co-indexed with a clause C i. if they m e -command C or ii. if they are c-commanded by C which is left adjoined to TP or iii. if C is embedded in a wenn-clause which is either a left or right TP-adjunct and iv. if they and C do not differ with respect to focus-marking. d. Pro is co-indexed with a clause C if it m e -commands C, the latter being right adjoined to vp. - As for (12) to (14), a pre-posed dass-clause has a trace in its complement position. Thus, a correlate is blocked in this position. 3 Semantic properties of verbs licensing argument conditionals 3.1 Classical implication type (44) [Frank akzeptiert es σ ] τ wenn < σ, τ> [Mia Geige spielt] σ Frank accepts it if Mia the violin plays [Mia Geige spielt] σ is contingent and true [Frank akzeptiert es σ ] τ [σ is contingent and true τ(σ)] - The wenn-clause, as protasis, focuses on a truth condition of the matrix predicate in the consequence. The condition demands that the embedded clause σ be contingent and true. - Predicates like akzeptieren 'accept it', ignorieren 'ignore', sich darüber freuen 'be glad PP[about]', and sich darauf stützen 'rely on sth.' belong to the class of predicates exhibiting this semantic condition. They are veridical and except sich darauf stützen, they are even factive cf. Schwabe (2013) and Sudhoff (2003). 1 Matrix verbs like merken 'realize', wis- 1 A predicate is veridical if A predicate dass σ σ and a predicate is factive if A (non) predicate dass σ σ cf. Égré (2008). 10

11 sen 'know' and hören 'hear' are also factive with the es-correlate. And they also allow argument conditionals. But does this mean that factivity is a necessary condition for a matrix predicate to select an argument conditional as claimed by Pesetsky (1991)? - Factivity is not a sufficient condition because es bedenken dass 'consider' is factive, but does not allow an argument conditional. Unlike hören 'hear' and sich darüber freuen 'be glad' and akzeptieren 'accept', bedenken embeds question intensions in terms of Groenendijk & Stokhof (1997). In contrast, verbs like hören 'hear' and ignorieren 'ignore' embed question extensions. Except for zweifeln 'doubt', matrix verbs that embed question extensions also allow argument conditionals. Characteristic properties of such matrix predicates are described in Schwabe & Fittler (to appear). - Factivity which distinguishes the wenn-form licensor es akzeptieren 'accept' from es beweisen 'prove' is not a necessary condition either. Predicates like davon hören 'hear about' and sich darauf stützen 'rely on sth.' are not factive, but allow argument conditionals. Sich darauf stützen which, by the way, does not embed any ob-question, is cognitent in terms of Schwabe & Fittler. According to them, predicate is cognitent if A pred σ implies that σ follows from what A knows. - Cognitence is not sufficient either because sich danach richten 'comply with' as well as darüber nachdenken 'cogitate' are cognitent, but only sich danach richten licenses an argument conditional. Sich danach richten licenses the reducible ob-form and darüber nachdenken does not. (45) A predicate verb dass τ licenses a wenn-form with the paraphrase If σ is contingent and true, then A verb dass σ is true. if and only if i. verb dass is distinct from zweifeln 'doubt' and licenses the reducible ob-form [e.g. (es/davon) hören 'hear about', (es) ignorieren 'ignore', sich danach richten 'comply with] or ii. verb dass does not license any ob-form and is either factive with the es-correlate or cognitent with its ProPP [e.g. (es) akzeptieren 'accept', sich darüber freuen 'be glad', sich darauf stützen 'rely on']. - (44) and a corresponding construction with a dass-clause like (46) have the same truth values if Mia is playing the violin. But they are not equivalent because their truth values differ if Mia does not play the violin. (46) [Frank akzeptiert es σ ] τ dass < σ, τ> [Mia Geige spielt] σ Frank accepts it if Mia the violin plays - Constructions with an ob-clause like (48) that is selected by a matrix predicate allowing the embedding of question extensions like, for instance, hören 'hear' or wissen 'know' are very similar to a sentence with an embedded argument conditional. 11

12 (47) [Max erfährt es σ ] τ, wenn < σ, τ> [Mia vor der Tür steht] σ Max finds out it if Mia at the door is 'Max finds it out if Mia is at the door.' If σ is contingent and true, Max finds out that σ. (48) Max erfährt es, ob Mia vor der Tür steht. Max finds out it if/whether Mia at the door is 'Max finds out if/whether anyone is at the door.' (Max finds out that Mia is at the door) or (Max finds out that Mia is not at the door) - Both are true if Mia is at the door and Max finds out that she is at the door. But they are not equivalent. If Mia is not at the door and Max doesn't find out that she is not at the door, the implication given with (47) is true whereas the disjunction given with (48) is false. 3.2 The preference type (49) [Max zieht es σ vor] τ wenn < σ, τ> [Mia Geige spielt] σ Max prefers it if Mia the violin plays a. *Max prefers that Mia plays the violin if Mia plays the violin. *[σ is contingent and true τ(σ)] b. Max prefers that Mia plays the violin if Mia plays the violin is contingent. [σ is contingent τ(σ)] - A construction with a preference predicate implies that if the subject A has the choice between an event represented by σ and the event represented by σ, A prefers the event represented by σ. - A sentence like (49) is equivalent to a corresponding construction with a dass-clause provided contradictory and tautological propositions are ignored. (50) {Frank zieht es σ vor} τ dass < σ, τ> [Maria Geige spielt] σ Frank prefers it that Maria the violin plays - Two functions of wenn: It indicates an implication where the protasis provides the argument of the matrix predicate. The protasis either expresses that the argument of the matrix predicate is contingent and true or it expresses that the argument of the matrix predicate is contingent. (51) a. wenn truth : [q is contingent and true p(q)] b. wenn contingence : [q is contingent p(q)] 12

13 4 Conclusion - Similar to Fabricius-Hansen (1980), Pesetsky (1991), and Hinterwimmer (2010), this paper argues that a wenn-clause in a wenn-form has a double function in that it is an adverbial that provides the protasis of an implication and that it is the propositional argument of the matrix predicate. - Unlike Pesetsky's and Hinterwimmer's problematic approaches which regard the conjunctions if or when as "instructions" for the adverbial clause to move to an A-bar-position in order to become the restrictor of a quantifier, this paper suggests that the conditional conjunction wenn encodes two implication types, the classical type: (σ is contingent and true) τ(σ) and the preference type: (σ is contingent) τ(σ). - Whereas the adverbial function of the wenn-clause is indicated by the conjunction and by the ability of the wenn-clause to be a left TP-adjunct, its argument function becomes especially apparent if it is right-adjoined to vp and m e -commanded by and co-indexed with a sentential proform, either es, ProPP or pro. - If the wenn-clause is a left TP-adjunct, it only can be co-indexed with es or ProPP. A sentential proform is theta-marked by the head of the matrix clause and co-referential with its related clause. - The paper has shown that the classical implication type wenn-form is allowed i. by predicates that license the reducible ob-form with the exception of zweifeln 'doubt' [(es/davon) hören 'realize', (es) ignorieren 'ignore', sich danach richten 'comply with] or ii. by predicates that do not embed any ob-question and are either factive with an es-correlate or cognitent with a ProPP [(es) akzeptieren 'accept', sich darüber freuen 'be glad', sich darauf stützen 'rely on']. - The preference type is licensed by predicates that in the presence of an es-correlate are compatible just with contingent propositions (vorziehen 'prefer'). 13

14 Appendix λw'' e [play_violine (e, g(x 1 )) (w'')] DET fact = λp <s, t>. ιx [R(x, p) (w 0 )], where R(x, p)(w 0 ) means x makes p true in w 0. ιx [R(x, λw'' e [play_violine (e, g(x 1 )) (w'')]) (w')] λp λq w' {[R(w 0, w') q(w')] e' [p(e')]} λq w' {[R(w 0, w') q(w')] e' [ιx [R(x, λw'' e [play_violine (e, g(x 1 )) (w'')]) (w')] (e')]} w' {[R(w 0, w') e [play_violine (e, g(x 1 )) (w')]] e' [ιx [R(x, λw'' e [play_violine (e, g(x 1 )) (w'')]) (w')] (e')]} ' λe''' [snore (e''', colleague) (w 0 )] ' DET event e n g = λp [(ιe' [P(e')) (o(e', g(e n )) (w 0 ))]], where o(e', g(e n )) (w 0 ) means that the running times of e and g(e n ) overlap in w 0. ' ιe' [(snore (e', colleague) (w 0 )) (o(e', g(e n )) (w 0 ))] ' λp λq e [Q(e) e'' [(e e'') (P(e''))] ' λe [hate (e, paul, ιe' [(snore (e', colleague) (w 0 )) (o (e', g(e n )) (w 0 ))]) (w 0 )] ' e {[snore (e, colleague) (w 0 )] e'' [(e e'') (hate (e'', paul, ιe' [(snore (e', colleague) (w 0 )) (o(e', e'') (w 0 ))]) (w 0 ))]} 14

15 References Asher, Nicholas Reference to abstract objects in discourse. Dordrecht [u.a.]: Kluwer. Blatz, Friedrich Neuhochdeutsche Grammatik mit Berücksichtigung der historischen Entwicklung der deutschen Sprache. Nachdruck der 3. völlig neubearbeiteten Auflage Karlsruhe 1895 und 1896 Hildesheim. Boettcher, Wolfgang & Horst Sitta Deutsche Grammatik III. Zusammengesetzter Satz und äquivalente Strukturen(= Studienbücher zur Linguistik und Literaturwissenschaft 4). Frankfurt am Main. Breindl, Eva Präpositionalobjekte und Präpositionalobjektsätze im Deutschen. Berlin: Niemeyer. Eisenberg, Peter Grundriß der deutschen Grammatik. Stuttgart: J.B: Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung. Fabricius-Hansen, Cathrine Sogenannte ergänzende wenn-sätze. Ein Beispiel syntaktisch-semantischer Integration. In Festschrift für Gunnar Bech: zum 60. Geburtstag am 23. März, Bech, Gunnar & Mogens Dyhr & Karl Hyldgaard-Jensen & Jørgen Olsen (eds.). (Kopenhagener Beiträge zur germanistischen Linguistik, Sonderband 1), København: Institut for germansk filologi. Farkas, Donka (1992): On the semantics of subjunctive complements, in: Romance Languages and Modern Linguistic Theory ed. by Peter Hirschbühler & E.F.K. Koerner. (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 91). Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp Hinterwimmer, Stefan (2010). When-Clauses, Factive Verbs and Correlates. In Language and Logos: Festschrift for Peter Staudacher on his 70 th Birthday (studia grammatica 72), Fanselow, Gisbert & Thomas Hanneforth (eds.), Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Kaiaty, Mohamed Überlegungen zu sog. ergänzenden wenn-sätzen im Deutschen. Deutsche Sprache 4/10: Pesetsky, David Zero Syntax, Part II. Unpublished manuscript, MIT. [http://web.mit.edu/linguistics/people/faculty/pesetsky/publications.html] Pullum, Geoffrey Implications of English extraposed irrealis clauses. In ESCOL '87: Proceedings of the Fourth Eastern States Conference on Linguistics, Miller, Ann & Joyce Powers (eds.), Columbus: The Ohio State University. Pasch, Renate & Ursula Brauße & Eva Breindl & Ulrich Hermann Waßner Handbuch der deutschen Konnektoren. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Quer, Josep (1998): Mood at the Interface. The Hague: Holland Academic Graphics. Quer, Josep (2002): Non-logical If, in: Current issues in Romance languages: selected papers from the 29th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Ann Arbor, 8-11 April 1999 ed. by Teresa Satterfield, Christina Tortora & Diana Cresti. (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 220). Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp Rocchi, Manuela A Third If? Master's thesis, University of Edinburgh. Available from [Accessed: 28th March 2012]. Schmid, Hans U Überlegungen zu Syntax und Semantik ergänzender wenn-sätze. Sprachwissenschaft 12: Schwabe, Kerstin Old and new propositions. In Interface and interface Conditions, Andreas Späth (ed.), Language, Context and Cognition, Späth, Andreas (ed.), Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Schwabe, Kerstin (2013). Eine uniforme Analyse sententialer Proformen im Deutschen. Deutsche Sprache Schwabe, Kerstin, Łukasz Jędrzejowski & Elisa Kellner. A cross-linguistic perspective on complement-like 'if'- clauses. Workshop '(Mis-)Matches in Clause Linkage' , ZAS Berlin. Schwabe & Fittler (to appear). Über semantische Konsistenzbedingungen deutscher Matrixprädikate. Sprachtheorie und germanistische Linguistik. Williams, Edwin Rule Ordering in Syntax. Unpublished PhD thesis, MIT. [http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/14770] Zifonun, Gisela, Ludger Hoffmann & Bruno Strecker Grammatik der Deutschen Sprache, Bd. II. Berlin, New- York: Walter de Gruyter. 15

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