Community Driven Development and Microfinance. Lutfiya Farhodova, Elizabeth Kimani, Rainier Masa, Mingguo Deng, Kevin Mungai

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1 CDD and Microfinance 1 Running head: CDD & MICROFINANCE Community Driven Development and Microfinance Lutfiya Farhodova, Elizabeth Kimani, Rainier Masa, Mingguo Deng, Kevin Mungai Development Practice in International Settings George Warren Brown School of Social Work April 29, 2008

2 CDD and Microfinance 2 Community Driven Development and Microfinance This paper will describe and analyze community driven development (CDD) and its role in poverty reduction. The paper will also survey and evaluate one of the major CDD themes: microfinance. Furthermore, a guideline to provision of financial services for the poor through CDD is briefly presented. Lastly, CDD and microfinance as tools for searching sustainable solutions to development challenges will be assessed in the light of microfinance s common target population: women. Community Driven Development A community is conceptualized as a network of people linked by the way they live as a unitary group, the ability and capacity to identify their needs, define problems, plan and execute appropriate courses of action (Chamberlain, 1993). Chamberlain (1993) defines community development as a way of learning from each other s action together (p.31). Community development has evolved to community driven development which is the term widely used in the development arena. World Bank and other donor agencies pioneered the use of the term CDD since 1990s. CDD refers to community based development projects in which the communities have direct control over key project decisions including management of funds (Mansuri & Rao, 2004). In theory, CDD enhances sustainability of development interventions; makes development more inclusive; empowers poor people; and builds social capital (Mansuri & Rao, 2004). Mansuri and Rao (2004) outline the advantages of CDD as follows: 1) make the allocation of development more responsive to people s needs; 2) improve the targeting of poverty programs; 3) make government more responsive; 4) improve the delivery of public

3 CDD and Microfinance 3 goods and services; and 5) strengthen the capabilities of communities to undertake self- initiated development activities. History of Community Driven Development CDD originated from the Gandhian notions of village self-reliance and small scale development ( Mansuri & Rao, 2004). Paulo Freire s thesis that the oppressed need to unite to find a way to improve their own destinies (as cited in Mansuri & Rao, 2004) also influenced the development of CDD. These ideas led to the first wave of participatory development in the 1950s. By 1960s, CDD has spread to more than 60 countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America (Mansuri & Rao, 2004). On the other hand, Olson (1973) and Harden (1882) influenced CDD policies though their ideas on collective action to achieve a common goal and to pursue a common interest (as cited in Mansuri & Rao, 2004). Robert Chambers (1983), among many others, was instrumental in spearheading the participatory development movement. Chambers and his colleagues applied the ideas on collective action to small scale development in ways that would allow the poor to be informed participants in development with external agents acting mainly as facilitators and sources of funds (as cited in Mansuri & Rao, 2004). Escobar (1995) and Scott (1998) supported CDD when they critiqued top-down development as disempowering and ineffective as opposed to bottom-up approaches. These ideas and critiques led the World Bank and other donor agencies to change their approaches to community development (Mansuri & Rao, 2004). Accordingly, participation became a cornerstone of CDD. Participation can occur at many levels from project design to implementation. The key objective is the incorporation of local knowledge into the project s decision-making processes. The literature emphasized that through community participation

4 CDD and Microfinance 4 projects have more potential to be sustainable and thus, contribute to enhancement of communities livelihood (Mansuri & Rao, 2004). Microfinance Microfinance is one of the most popular and important poverty reduction interventions in developing countries. Microfinance is the provision of financial services, including loans, savings, credit, insurance, and payment services to low-income people (Year of Microcredit, 2005). Provision of these financial services focuses on the poor, especially those living in rural areas, who have been unable to obtain these services from formal financial institutions (Morduch, 1999). Access to financial services is important because it reduces vulnerability and helps poor people increase their income (Johnson & Rogaly, 1997). In the three major developing regions of the world Africa, Asia and Latin America microfinance services are delivered by organizations that exist along a continuum from formal to informal (World Bank, 2006). These organizations can be classified as either traditional or alternative. The levels of community participation and involvement vary between the two. Traditional Microfinance Institutions Traditional microfinance service providers have three main characteristics: 1) mostly lending-oriented; 2) funded by external donors; and 3) follow the Grameen Bank model. Traditional microfinance providers are typically less-participatory and community-driven. However, one of the most common microfinance interventions belongs to this category Community Managed Revolving Loan Fund. These funds are provided by the World Bank to provide financial services for the poor (Ritchie, 2005). In addition, the funds are used to finance projects local communities prioritized and in some cases, use a portion of the funds for loans to community members for small economic activities (Ritchie, 2005). In many cases, community-

5 CDD and Microfinance 5 managed RLFs and other traditional providers have not been successful in achieving sustainable financial services for the poor (Ritchie, 2005). Traditional providers fail to provide sustainable financial services for the poor because of the following reasons. First, savings mobilizations are ignored (Vogel, 1984; Adams & Von Pischke, 1992; Morduch, 2000). Specifically, borrowers are not required to save prior to receiving loans. Savings are important because they instill financial discipline and transfer some risks to the borrowers (Ritchie, 2005). Second, high dependence on external capital does not provide communities to manage funds with the same prudence that they would use if their own money was at risk (Morduch, 2000). Third, high loan delinquencies and default rates siphoned off resources meant for other community members (Schreiner & Yaron, 2001). In some cases, loans were perceived to be government hand-outs and borrowers did not expect providers to strictly enforce repayment leading to high loan delinquencies and eventually, bankruptcy (Morduch, 2000). Fourth, communities have no experience and lack necessary skills to manage credit funds (Ritchie, 2005). Unless these lessons are taken into account, loans made to microenterprises will not be repaid, micro-credit programs will only be temporary, and many borrowers will eventually be worse off through programs that increase their debts (Adams & Vogel, 1986; Adams & Von Pischke, 1992; Morduch, 2000). Alternative Microfinance Institutions Alternative microfinance service providers have three main characteristics: 1) they mobilize savings and lend the money to members; 2) money lent I typically funded by members savings; and 3) follow the Village Bank model, which emphasizes savings mobilization as the foundation for financial self-management by groups of members forming semi-formal banks of their own (Holt, 1991; Painter & MkNelly, 1999; Morduch, 2000). Unlike traditional

6 CDD and Microfinance 6 organizations, alternative providers are more participatory and community-driven. A common example of alternative organizations is the community-based financial organizations (CBFOs). CBFOs can either be formal savings and credit groups (e.g. village savings and loan associations, savings and credit associations) or informal (e.g. rotating and savings and credit associations (ROSCAs), accumulating savings and credit associations (ASCAs)) (Ritchie, 2005). Contrary to some traditional microfinance institutions, alternative providers offer more sustainable financial services for the poor. Sustainability is defined here not as the development of an organization, but rather in a simple and accessible system that has been proven over time to be useful to members (Bouman, 1994, p. 380). In addition, many alternative microfinance providers are indigenous and autonomous institutions, i.e. they are created for and by the common and not-so-common man (Bouman, 1994, p. 376). They work well in remote communities and are well-known in many developing countries (Ritchie, 2005). Development agencies should first consider these organizations before they introduce their own models of participatory democracy in an alien culture (Bouman, 1994, p. 376). Furthermore, case studies from Cameroon, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal and Tanzania have demonstrated the ability of alternative institutions to provide consistent financial services for the poor (Bouman, 1995; Kimuyu, 1999). Appendix A provides another example of an alternative microfinance institution in Tajikistan. However, to achieve similar level of financial viability, scope and permanency as traditional providers, alternative providers must be able to address several disadvantages, including but not limited to the following: 1) smaller size of savings and inability to make big, long-term loans; 2) savings are tied up until a member s time to collect; 3) members potential to

7 CDD and Microfinance 7 abscond from payment; and 4) absence of legal framework to substitute for social capital (Christensen, 1993; Schreiner, 2000). Choosing an Approach Given the wide variety of financial organizations that potentially can deliver financial services for the poor, the World Bank has provided three steps to follow before making a decision on the type/s of organization to support and the nature of that support. Step one requires consultation with communities to identify the demand for and supply of financial services among the target populations and their locations (World Bank, 2006). Questions pertaining to the type of financial services provided (by whom, to whom and how), gaps in coverage (in terms of types of customers, services provided and geographical reach), and viability of informal savings and credit association (especially in the absence of formal financial institutions) should be answered clearly (World Bank, 2006). Before proceeding to step two, it should be determined through analysis of step one whether or not a financial service intervention would be beneficial. Given that many microfinance institutions are subsidized to reach a social goal when no other tool addresses social concerns as efficiently (Yaron, Benjamin & Piprek, 1997), it is important to choose an appropriate and effective approach. The poor can use loans and deposits, but they can also use more and/or better food, water, health, schools, and houses, among other things especially when development programs compete for scare government or donor funds. Step two involves identification of the type/s of microfinance organizations, if financial services intervention is beneficial for the community (World Bank, 2006). An important element of step two is to ascertain organizations that are willing and able to develop financial services for the poor (World Bank, 2006). Formal financial institutions (FFIs) serving the area must be

8 CDD and Microfinance 8 assessed to determine their desire and capacity to serve rural communities (World Bank, 2006). When FFIs do not exist in the project area or they are not interested in serving the poor, FFIs from other parts of the country or even another country should be considered to take on the project (World Bank, 2006). If neither of the above options are feasible, CBFOs such as savings and credit associations should be assessed to determine their capacity and ability (including their governance and management structure, financial products, customer base, ability to cover costs and existing relationship with FFIs) to be involved in the project (World Bank, 2006). Only when CBFOs do not exist or do not have the capacity to improve that new organizations might be developed to serve the project purpose (World Bank, 2006). Determining the strategy based on the information collected and analyzed from the first two steps is the final phase (World Bank, 2006). In many cases, a two-pronged approach is recommended. A two-pronged approach supports both the efforts of FFIs to reach out to rural customers and efforts of CBFOs to become sustainable organizations that can potentially be linked to FFIs (World Bank, 2006). Gender and Microfinance Microfinance has become a popular tool in the last 25 years not only to reduce poverty, but more importantly, empower women (Meck, 2007). Microfinance has also targeted women in large part as a way of giving them a voice in household decision making. However, as Johnson (2008) notes, recognizing gender issues in microfinance means looking at women in a broader picture such as in the context of their spouses and families, local communities and more broadly, the wider society. For example, at individual level, women undertake activities which produce low returns; they are over tasked by domestic work; they are semi-literate or illiterate; and they lack confidence to claim political and legal rights. Furthermore, men are perceived as the

9 CDD and Microfinance 9 controllers of money and loans. At the household level, there is limited role of women in decision making and they lack rights to jointly own household assets in most societies. These constraints have a lot of implications. For instance if a woman acquires some capital through microcredit, the husband will want to influence how the money will be used even though their priorities may differ. According to Johnson (2008), the woman s ability to access the income for repayments is often dependent on the quality of relationship with him. Therefore, social norms leave her vulnerable and incapable of accessing the money for repayments. Given all these considerations, it is evident that women especially in very traditional communities face numerous hurdles in their effort towards advancement in all aspects. Gender and Microfinance Strategies To address gender constraints in microfinance, certain strategies must be remembered. For example, strategies must address women directly with awareness, literacy and related skills development. The strategies directed to men must be geared towards changing men s behavior towards women within the household and local community (Johnson, 2008). It is important to promote men s understanding of women s expectations and roles in microfinance. These strategies should be aimed at affecting social norms and legal frameworks which might include advocacy work through media and lobby to change e.g. women s right to property. This can be facilitated by women discussing the types of financial services they want, why they want them and how they want to use them. Need for men s commitment to work in partnership with women is also necessary. They can help to identify the constraints to women s participation and to develop strategies to support that participation (Byford & Guanara, 2002). Microfinance programs should provide access to financial services to people who would not otherwise have such access. These programs should be regarded as just one possible

10 CDD and Microfinance 10 intervention within a range of others, particularly in relation to poverty alleviation and women s empowerment (Comfort, 2001, p. 17). These programs also promote women s understanding of microfinance services, strategies and opportunities, and clarify their expectations. According to Byford & Guanarara (2002), women experiences are diverse in any target population, e.g. there are those who have never heard about microfinance and those who are involved in the operation of grassroots microfinance institutions (GMFIs). Gender-inclusiveness and gender-sensitive strategies in microfinance should: 1) ensure partnership with men; men s support is crucial because once they are aware of what is happening, the women are able and free to invest the acquired capital in family assets; 2) target financial education for women and involve them in policy formulation and development; and 3) provide transport to allow women to attend workshops/participation. Microfinance and Gender: Limitations and Critiques From a gender and development perspective, it is difficult to achieve strategic needs due to gender inequality. Women have expressed desire for equity but this is hard to achieve because this would require changes in how a society works (Byford & Guanara, 2002). Research shows that microfinance does not provide a direct link to women s empowerment, but depends on a complex and extensive combination of socio-cultural factors that microfinance programs can and sometimes cannot control (Meck, 2007). Microfinance, no more than any other intervention, is not blessed with the ability to right the power imbalances which result from gender inequalities (Johnson, 2008). In today s money economies, financial capability becomes an integral part of advancement for women. The Grameen Bank Microcredit success is an excellent example of a gender based program that has worked well to advance women s course financially. However,

11 CDD and Microfinance 11 one major critique of microfinance and women is the question of how far microfinance benefits women. Researchers, such as Rogaly (1996), argue that micro-finance programs divert the attention of women from other more effective strategies for empowerment, and donor resources from alternative and possibly more effective means of alleviating poverty. Although donors like to see an immediate result on empowerment and poverty, there is also concern about the long term financial stability of the beneficiary. Funding for microfinance is increasingly dependent on the progress toward self-sustainability within a given time frame; and as Mayou (2000) notes the cost-cutting measures in micro-finance may have potentially negative implications for poverty and contribution to women s empowerment. Donor agencies are becoming aware that the costcutting measures may limit their long term goal of financial stability for the beneficiaries but according to Mayou (2000), this awareness has not so far led to significant change in practice. Empowerment needs to be an integral part of policies targeting poverty alleviation at all levels. As stated by Mayou (2000), empowerment cannot be assumed to be an automatic outcome of micro-finance programs, whether designed for financial sustainability or poverty targeting. Research shows that cost-effective ways of integrating micro-finance with other empowerment interventions, including group development and complementary services (Mayou, 2000) are still lacking. Therefore, empowerment has to be considered as an integral part in the planning process so as to expand the scope of micro-finance contribution, otherwise it likely that the contribution will remain limited. Conclusion Overall, the literature showed that microfinance programs have been successful to a large measure in countries like India and Bangladesh where a lot of research has been going on for the last two decades. The Grameen bank model is a success story of microfinance and this program

12 CDD and Microfinance 12 contributed significantly to the livelihood of Bangladeshi women. For instance, these programs built the capacity of women to generate and control their own income and helped to elevate their social and economic status (e.g. participation in decision making at house-hold level). However, more improvement can be done to involve community members in designing and selecting microfinance approaches. More research has to be done to definite the feasibility, effectiveness and inclusiveness of community members in the programs. Agents of change/practitioners have to be cognizant and take into account the factors such as political situation, geographical location, cultural norms and programs in place before initiating a program in a developing country. For instance, research shows that by itself micro-financing intervention cannot function in isolation. It has to be supported by other broad based interventions affecting the target populations.

13 CDD and Microfinance 13 References Adams, D.W., & von Pischke, J.D. (1992). Microenterprise credit programs: Déjà vu. World Development, 20(10), Bouman, F.J.A. (1994). ROSCA and ASCRA: Beyond the financial landscape. In F.J.A. Bouman and O. Hospes (Eds.). Financial landscapes reconstructed: The fine art of mapping development. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Bouman, F.J.A. (1995). Rotating and accumulating savings and credit associations: A development perspective. World Development, 23(3), Chamberlain, A.(1993). Learning from each other Inspiration and examples from Nicaragua. Community Development Journal, 28 (1), Christensen, G. (1993). The limits to informal financial intermediation. World Development, 21, Earle, L.(2005). Community development, tradition and the civil society strengthening agenda in Asia, Central Asian Survey, 24(3), Holt, S. (1991). Village banking: A cross-country study of a community-based lending methodology (GEMINI Working Paper No. 25). New York: PACT Publications. Johnson, S., & Rogaly, B. (1997). Microfinance and poverty reduction. London: Oxfam Publications. Kimuyu, P.K. (1999). Rotating saving and credit associations in rural East Africa. World Development, 27(7), Mansuri Gh. and Rao V. (2004) Community Based and Driven Development: A Critical Review, The World Bank Research Observer, vol. 19 no. 1. Morduch, J. (2000). The microfinance schism. World Development, 28(4), Painter, J., & MkNelly, B. (1999). Village banking dynamics study: Evidence from seven programs. Journal of Microfinance, 1(1),

14 CDD and Microfinance 14 Ritchie, A. (2005). Guidance for design of community-managed revolving loan fund in projects using a community-driven development approach. Retrieved February 26, 2008, from Schreiner, M. (2000). Formal ROSCAs in Argentina. Development in Practice, 10(2), Schreiner, M., & Yaron, J. (2001). Development finance institutions: Measuring their subsidy. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Vogel, R.C. (1994). Savings mobilization: The forgotten half of rural finance. In D.W. Adams, D. Graham & J.D. von Pischke (Eds.). Undermining rural development with cheap credit. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Yaron, J., McDonald, B., & Piprek, G. (1997). Rural finance: Issues, design, and best practices (Environmentally Sustainable Development Studies and Monographs Series 14). Washington, D.C.: World Bank. World Bank. (2006). Provision of financial services to the rural poor: What can be done when services are not available? Washington, D.C.: World Bank.

15 CDD and Microfinance 15 Appendix A Village Development Fund (Example from Tajikistan) One of the alternative ways of micro finance is creating a village development fund (VDF). Rural communities in Tajikistan have followed this example. Villagers through their own initiative created a VDF to ensure long-term sustainability and recognition of village organizations (VOs) as local organizations. In addition, most villagers found it less cost effective in terms of transportation and time than to apply to banks for small loans. By creating VDFs, everyone in the village can have an easy access to loans and start small businesses which enable them to generate some income and improve their livelihood. The VDFs have several sources such as membership fees, small grants from NGOs for topping up the funds, and the interest income from lending micro loans. In some VOs, villagers take loans from VDF not only for small businesses but for other purposes as well, e.g. to pay for migration fees to Russia (migration is one of the ways to improve their livelihood), for weddings, funerals and other family needs. The major increase of the VDF is mainly from the lending program for women.

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