FAITH IN THE CITY. A Call for Action by Church and Nation. The Report of the Arch bishop of Canterbury's Commission on Urban Priority Areas

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1 FAITH IN THE CITY A Call for Action by Church and Nation The Report of the Arch bishop of Canterbury's Commission on Urban Priority Areas CHURCH HOUSE PUBLISHING Church House, Dean's Yard, London SWlP 3NZ

2 ISBN Published 1985 for the General Svnod of the Church of England by Church House The Crt~tral Board of' Finance oj the Clzurdl of^ Etlgl'zt~d 1985 This publication may not be reproduced either in whole or in part whether for sale or otherwise by any method without written permission which should be sought from the Legal Adviser to the General Synod, Church House, ~ean's Yard, London SWlP 3NZ. Printed in England in 12/12 Bembo by,,,e l.% LondonSE192TA

3 PREFACE To the Most Reverend and Rrght Hon. R.A.K. Runcie MC, DD, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury: Your Grace, We were appointed in July 1983 with the following terms of reference: 'To examine the strengths, insights, problems and needs of the Church's life and mission in Urban Priority Areas* and, as a result, to reflect on the challenge which God may be making to Church and Nation: and to make recommendations to appropriate bodies.' (*'The term Urban Priority Areas is used to include inner city districts and many large Corporation estates and other areas of social deprivation'.) We must first record with sorrow the death of our colleague Sir Wilfred Burns in January He made a significant contribution to the work of the Commission in its early months. We were not established as an ecumenical body as such, although two of us are not Anglicans. We have however paid close attention to the ecumenical dimension to the Church of England's ministry in the cities, and have received full co-operation in our work from the Roman Catholic Church, the Free Churches, the British Council of Churches, and from independent Black-led Churches. We have held 17 Commission meetings, 5 of them residential weekends. In these meetings, we have attempted to address the total picture - the religious and secular dimensions - of contemporary urban life. We undertook much of our work in Sub-Groups, each of which examined particular issues. This meant that individual members of the Commission have concentrated more on some subjects than others. Seventy Sub-Group meetings were held in the course of our work. Our investigations have been greatly helped by the large number of written submissions we have received in evidence. Those who submitted written evidence to us are listed in Appendix F. We thank them

4 We also undertook a series of visits as a Commission to particular areas in our major cities designated by the Department of the Environment for particular assistance from the Government's Urban Programme. During the course of 1984 xve spent five weekends in the Dioceses of Liverpool, Newcastle and Durham, the Stepney Area of London, Birmingham, Lichfield and Coventry, and Manchester. On each of these visits, we held open public meetings (usually in about five or six scattered locations) to listen carefully to the views of local residents, Church people and others. Sub-Groups of the Commission have also paid visits to other towns and cities to pursue particular issues. A full list of the places we visited is at Appendix G. We wish to thank those who assisted us in our work: in particular Canon John Atherton, Mr Michael Eastman, Prebendary John Gladwin, Mr Graham Howes, Canon Eric James and Mr John Chilvers (who was seconded from the Bank of England to assist us on financial and staffing matters). Our thanks are also due to Dr Hugh McLeod and Mr Roy McCloughry who prepared context papers for the Commission, to Dr Grace Davie who undertook research work for us on the nature ofbelief in the urban priority areas, to Mr Gordon Heald and Mrs Rachel Rhodes of Social Surveys (Gallup Poll) Ltd for their help in mounting a survey of clergy, and to Dr Janet Birkett who took on the task of cataloguing the Commission's papers. We are particularly grateful to Miss Nikki Stacey for undertaking the formidable task of typing our report with cheerful competence. We also owe thanks to those dioceses who made comprehensive arrangements for our field visits with thoroughness and generosity. We owe a particular debt of gratitude to our Secretary, Mr John Pearson, who was seconded to us for two years from the Department of the Environment. His contribution to the Commission's work has been beyond praise. His tireless work, his meticulous drafting and his understanding of the issues have all been of the highest order. Our greatest debt is to the people we met in the urban priority areas, who gave us their time, hospitality and honest opinions. We hope that this report, and the action taken on it by the Church of England and other bodies, will do them justice. We welcome Your Grace's appointment of the Reverend Patrick Dearnley as 'Archbishop's Officer for the Urban Priority Areas', to follow up our findings within the Church of England, and with other denominations and appropriate secular bodies. Our Report is unanimous. 30th September 1985

5 MEMBERS OF THE COMMISSION Sir Richard O'Brien (Chairman) The Right Reverend David Sheppard (Bishop of ~iverpool) The Right Reverend Wilfred Wood (Bishop of croydon) The Reverend Alan Billings (vicar of St Mary's, Walkley, ~heffield and Deputy Leader, Sheffield City Council) David Booth (Executive Director, BICC ~lc) John Burn (Headmaster of Longbenton High School, North Tpeside) The Reverend Andrew Hake (Social Development Officer, Borough of Thamesdown) Professor A.H. Halsey (Director of Barnett House and Fellow of Nuffield College, Oxford) The Reverend Dr Anthon Harvey (Canon of Westminster 7 Ron Keating (Assistant General Secretary, National Union of Public Employees) Ruth McCurry (Teacher in Hackney; Clergy wife) Professor R.E. Pahl (Research Professor in Sociology, University of Kent at Canterbury) Professor John F. Pickering (Professor of Industrial Economics, University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology)

6 Robina Rafferty (Assistant Director, Catholic Housing h d Society) The Reverend Mano Rumalshah (Priest-in-charge, St George's, Southall) Linbert Spencer (Chief Executive, Project Fullemploy) Mary Sugden (Principal, National Institute for Social Work) The Reverend Barry Thorley (Vicar of St at thew's, ~rixton) Resource Bodies and Advisers The Boards and Councils of the General Synod (represented by the Reverend Prebendary John Gladwin) Christian Action (represented by the Reverend Canon Eric James) The Evangelical Coalition for Urban Mission (represented by Michael Eastman) The William Temple Foundation (represented by the Reverend Canon John Atherton) John Chilvers Graham Howes Secretary J.N. Pearson

7 Preface Introduction CONTENTS PART 1 THE CHALLENGE... Chapter 1 Urban Priority Areas The Structure of Inequality Economic Decline Physical Decay Social Disintegration Two Nations Recreated? Conclusion Chapter 2 Church and City Historical Perspectives Urban Ministry Today: A Survey of Clergy Other Churches The Christian Presence in UPAs - An Illustrative Comparison Chapter 3 Theological Priorities What is the Place of Theology in Our Argument? To Whom is the Gospel Addressed? The Tradition of Christian Social Thought Intermediate Action The Gospel and Other Faiths The Challenge to Theology Responses to the Challenge Theology in UPAs PART I1... TO THE CHURCH Chapter 4 What Kind of Church? A Local Church An Oum-ard-Looking Church Page xiii

8 A Participating Church Chapter 5 Organising the Church Identifying UPA Parishes Deployment of Clergy Adequacy of Staffing in UPAs Parish and Deanery Developing the Parochial System The Church and Minority Ethnic Groups The Wider Church Main Recommendations Chapter 6 Developing the People of God The Development of the Laity A Church Leadership Development Programme Non- Clerical Stipendiary Workers The Promotion of a Local Non-Stipendiary Ministry Clergy Training Clergy Support Worship Children and Young People Main Recommendations Chapter 7 Supporting a Participating Church Church Buildings: Sharing and Adaptation The Control and Care of Church Buildings The Sale of Church Buildings Financing the UPA Church: Current Giving by Church Members The Effects of Diocesan Quota Schemes The Equitable Distribution of Historic Resources The Efficient Management of Historic Resources A Church Urban Fund Main Recommendations PART I11... AND THE NATION Chapter 8 Urban Policy Public Policy and the Inner City: a Brief History The Situation Today People or Places? Outer Estates Public Resources

9 Promoting Partnership Encouraging Enterprise Confidence Main Recommendations Chapter 9 Poverty, Employment and Work Poverty in UPAs The Impact of Unemployment Is Wealth Creation the Answer? No Alternative? What Might Be Done: Increasing the Demand for Labour Work Sharing and Overtime The Manpower Services Commission Income Support Work not Employment? Main Recommendations Chapter 10 Housing Choice and Mobility: Homelessness Who Suffers? The Physical Condition of the Housing Stock Housing Policy: The Private Rented Sector Owner- Occupation Council House Sales Public Rented Housing Privatization The Voluntary Housing Movement Public Housing - The Way Forward Housing Finance Relationship between Fiscal and Income Maintenance Systems The ChurcK s Response Conclusion Main Recommendations Chapter 11 Health Mortality and Morbidity in Urban Priority Areas Health Needs and the Health Service The Use of Services Health and the Environment

10 Chapter 12 Social Care and Community Work 272 Social Care: 272 Social Services Departments 274 Voluntary Bodies 276 The Church's Social Work 277 Conclusion 280 Community Work: 281 What is Community Work? 253 The Church and Community Work 288 Main Recommendations 290 Chapter 13 Education and Young People 293 Education: 293 Youth Unemployment 294 Resources 296 Population Factors 297 The Pressures on Teachers: 298 Training 299 Support 300 Minority Ethnic Groups and Educational Opportunities 302 Affirmative Action 308 Further Education 311 Opportunities for the Church of England 312 Youth Work: 315 The Youth Service 318 The Role of the Church 321 Main Recommendations 323 Chapter 14 Order and Law 325 Introduction 325 Crime in the UPAs 329 Why this Pattern of Crime in UPAs? 332 The Maintenance of Order 337 Community-Based Crime Prevention 339 Victim Support in the Inner City 342 Reparation, Conciliation and Mediation 343 Law Centres 344 Policing in UPAs 347 Prisons, Prisoners and their Dependents 352 Main Recommendations 354

11 PART IV CONCLUSION AND SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS Chapter 15 Conclusion Summary of Main Recommendations APPENDICES Appendix A - An Audit for the Local Church Appendix B - Statistical Data Relating to the Designation of UPA Parishes and to Clergy Deployment Appendix C - World Council of Churches - Electoral Arrangements Appendix D - Sources of Clergy Support Appendix E - Employment by Industry Group Appendix F - Written Evidence Received Appendix G - Towns and Cities Visited

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13 INTRODUCTION A serious situation has developed in the major cities of th~s country. This was recognised in the 1977 White Paper, 'Policy for the Inner Cities', and has been re-affirmed by senior ministers of successive governments. A number of central government measures has been taken in response. But the 1981 Census, and other official published statistics, show clearly that even if such measures are still being maintained or have not been reduced they have had little effect: things have worsened rather than improved since All the signs are that, by a vicious circle of causes and effects, the decline of the quality of Pfe in what hare been designated as 'Urban Priority Areas 1s continuing, as the collapse of the West Midlands' industrial base clearly illustrates. This is not a new situation: there have been other occasions in the last two hundred years when urban poverty has presented an acute challenge to society. But the recent dramatic reduction and redistribution of employment in the manufacturing industries around which so many of our great cities were built, and the decentralization of the new and growing industries to smaller towns and even rural areas, have speeded the process of decay in parts of once-flourishing industrial cities to an unprecedented degree. This observation does not depend on any particular theoretical or political stance. The social, political and economic factors can be described and analysed in many different ways; different sets of indicators can be used to identify poverty and deprivation. But whatever method or framework is used to establish and to present the facts, the same message of acute human misery is received. It was in the light of the apparent gravity of this situation that the Archbishop of Canterbury in 1983 set up his Commission on Urban Priority Areas (henceforward UPAs). Our primary task was to report on the Church in these areas, which is undoubtedly having to meet challenges and difficulties, and to respond to social changes (such as the arrival in our cities of large numbers of adherents of other faiths), that are unprecedented in the history of the Church of England. But our Terms of Reference also authorized us to make our own independent... Xlll

14 FAITH IN THE CITY enquiry into the social and economic conditions which characterize the areas in which these churches are set. The Church does not have particular competence or a distinguished record in proposing social reforms: but the Church of England has a presence in all the UPAs, and a responsibility to bring their needs to the attention of the nation. If our Report has a distinctive stance, it arises {ram our determination to investigate the urban situation by bringing to bear upon it those basic Christian principles of justice and compassion which we believe we share with the great majority of the people of Britain. We decided at the outset that we must spend some time in the UPAs to see for ourselves the human reality behind the official statistics. In the course of a series of visits we saw something of the physical conditions under which people in the UPAs are living, and we listened to their own accounts and experiences at open public meetings and in smaller invited groups. We also spent many hours with representatives of local government, the police, social workers, the various caring agencies and the local churches themselves. We have to report that we have been deeply disturbed by what we have seen and heard. We have been confronted with the human consequences of unemployment, which in some urban areas may be over 50 per cent of the labour force, and which occasionally reaches a level as high as 80 per cent - consequences which may be compounded by the effects of racial discrimination. We have seen physical decay, whether ofvictorian terraced housing or of inferior system-built blocks of flats, which has in places created an environment so degrading that some people have set fire to their own homes rather than be condemned to living in them indefinitely. Social disintegration has reached a point in some areas that shop windows are boarded up, cars cannot be left on the street, residents are afraid either to go out themselves or to ask others in, and there is a pervading sense of powerlessness and despair. Our own observations and the official statistics tell the same story. Clearly these are symptoms of something seriously wrong in our cities. Physical appearances, and the response of those affected, may vary greatly from place to place; but the underlying factors are the same: unemployment, decayed housing, sub-standard educational and medical provision, and social disintegration. How are these conditions best communicated and understood? They may be described, quite simply, as poverty - 'We have three problems', a Councillor in the North-East told us: 'poverty, poverty and poverty'. Of course this is not poverty, as it is experienced in parts of the Third xiv

15 INTRODUCTION World; people in Britain are not actually starving. But many residents of UPAs are deprived of what the rest of society regard as the essential minimum for a decent life: they live next door to, but have little chance to participate in a relatively affluent society; by any standards theirs is a wretched condition which none of us would wish to tolerate for ourselves or to see inflicted on others. Poverty is at the root ~f~owerlessness. Poor people in IjTAs are at the mercy of fragmented and apparently unresponsive public authorities. They are trapped in housing and in environments over which they have little control. They lack the means and opportunity - which so many of us take for granted - of making choices in their lives. One way of seeking to understand these phenomena is as signs of an evident and apparently increasing inequality in our society. It can of course be said that there will always be inequality, just as there will always be poverty. But there are degrees of inequality, just as there are degrees of poverty. What we have seen exceeds the limits that would be thought acceptable by most of our fellow citizens. Another possible analysis (which we shall make some use of ourselves) is in terms of polarization. It is arguable that rich and poor, suburban and inner city, privileged and deprived, have been becoming more sharply separated from each other for many years, and that the impoverished minority has become increasingly cut off from the main stream of our national life. In addition, there is undoubtedly a geographical dimension to the problem - conditions are worse overall in the north and the midlands than in the south, worse in the nineteenth century industrial cities than in York, Norwich or Bristol. None of these methods of analysis is fully adequate; all are simply aids to understanding, to be discarded if they are found wanting. We have not committed ourselves to any of them, though we have found the concept of 'polarization' particularly useful. Indeed, the academic task of analysis may actually be a distraction from the plain message both of published statistics and of personal observation. It is our considered view that the nation is confronted by a grave andfundamental injustice in the UPAs. The facts are officially recognised, but the situation continues to deteriorate and requires urgent action. No adequate response is being made by government, nation or Church. There is barely even widespread public discussion. Tackling the varied and multiple problems which are seen so starkly concentrated in the UPAs (though they are also found, sometimes in an acute form, in many other parts of this country) must become a priority for Church and State. In the later

16 FAITH IX THE CITY part of our Report we shall spell out this conclusion in as much detail as has been permitted by the time and resources at our disposal. However. we begin by affirming our belief that our cities are still flourishing centres of social, economic, and political life. The danger of drawing attention to their miseries is to invite pessimism about the possibilities for change. On the contrary, we confidently assert that the planned resurgence of the British city is both possible and desirable in the immediate future. Nothing we say in this report should be interpreted as evidence against our firm belief in an urban future of which all citizens may be proud. Happily, we have found grounds for encouragement and hope. We have observed an amazing variety of human responses to conditions of adversity; we have seen courage, resilience and dedicated service; we have encountered local pride and profound human loyalties. The same is true of the Church. Often threatened, often struggling for survival, often alienated from the community it seeks to serve, it is often also intensely alive, proclaiming and witnessing to the Gospel more authentically than in many parts of 'comfortable Britain'. In obedience to our Terms of Reference it is to this Church that we attend first in our Report. But throughout we address what we have to say primarily to the Church of England as a whole, which, like the rest of the nation, seems to show far too little awareness of the acute situation which has developed at our doorstep. We call on Christians throughout this country to listen to the voices of our neighbours who live in the UPAs, to receive the distinctive contribution that they (not least the black people among them) can make to our common life, and to set an example to the nation by making our support of and solidarity with them a high priority in our policies, our actions and our prayers. xvi

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19 i Part I The Challenge... In the first part of our Report, our purpose is to describe the urban priority areas. In Chapter 1, we view them primarily from a secular standpoint; in Chapter 2 we then consider the relationship between the Church of England and the city. This second Chapter also contains some major findings from a survey of clergy we commissioned, and the results of a separate review of denominational patterns and ecumenical co-operation in selected areas In Chapter 3 we reflect on the implications of the Christian Gospel for the challenge of the UPAs. This Chapter provides a theological and moral perspective which forms the basis for the recommendations contained in Parts I1 and 111 of our Report.

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21 Chapter 1 URBAN PRIORITY AREAS 'lt is dgicult to avoid the conclusion that one is livin in an area that is being... treated with hostility by B the rest of society (Vicar in Greater Manchester) * 1.1 Urban life increasingly dominates human society. In the century of industrial development from 1831 to 1931 the percentage of the British population living in areas classified as urban rose from 34 to 80, and now stands at 90 per cent. The future of humanity, on the projections of experts, seems to be ever more urban. If past trends continue to the year 2000, Mexico City might have 31 million inhabitants, Sao Paulo 26 million, Tokyo 24 million, and New York 23 million. The population of the world, now rather less than 5 billion, may double to over 10 billion in By that time the European Community will constitute less than 5 per cent of the world's population. Human multiplication is mostly beyond Europe in the poorer continents of Asia, Latin America, and Africa, and within these areas the cities are growing at twice the general rate. 1.2 For the world as a whole, in quantitative terms, the urban picture is the opposite of decline. The recent history of the traditional city in Britain, however, is largely one of economic, physical and social decay. London in Victorian times was the leading city of the world: but it had fallen to fourth place in the population league by 1975, and will be below twenty-fifth by the end of the century. People and jobs in the 1960s and 1970s have been decentralized to smaller towns and suburbs. Our view of the city in Britain is derived from the official statistics and from listening to the people we have visited in the urban priority areas: areas from which people and wealth depart and in which poverty and powerlessness remain. Fact and opinion are intermingled in all interpretations. We want to distinguish between quality and quantity, * These quotations In the first three Parts of our report Are taken from the evldence - urltten and oral - that me recelved 3

22 FAITH IK THE CITY assuming that gronth or decline of urban populdtions implies no necessary improvement or deterioration In \\elfare. But in f~ct, though there are exceptions and variations, the dominant pattern is one of districts in and around Brltlsh conurbations and clties where both quantity and quality of life are in decline. These essentially are ~vhat wre shall deiine as the urban priorlty areas ~UPhsj. 1.3 \itre intend to try to discern, and even prescribe for, the future. First, however, we are conscious of historical paradox. The city has always both challenged and threatened. Jeremiah called the people of God in exile 'to seek the welfare of the city' even though the reference was to Babylon with all its connotations of evil. The city in human history is synonymous with civilisation: yet now we investigate it as a point of breakdown of Christian society. Civicism is the name of the principle that all citizens have equal rights and duties: yet urban priority areas are a symbol of contemporary inequality. 1.4 The British city has nurtured freedom, opportunity, democratic government and civic pride. Yet, in our search for an objective description of contemporary urban conditions, we are aware of the strong thread of anti-urban sentiment which runs through British cultural history. In her review of the literature of urban sociology, Ruth Glass pointed out that British antipathy to the city was already known to the ~omans.' By contrast with Continental Europe and even Scotland, English preference for the country seat, as the fount of civility and power, has endured through the centuries. We cannot elaborate these persistent peculiarities here. We must, however, note that there was a re-emphasis of this ancient ambivalence following the rapid growth of towns in the nineteenth century. For example, Charles Dickens, in Bleak House, contrasts the outlook of Sir Leicester Dedlock from his Lincolnshire estate with the view of Jo, the young street sweeper from the East End of London. Sir Leicester gazes from the great drawing room 'down the long perspective of stately oaks, rooted for ages in the green ground which has never known ploughshare...'. Jo inhabits a dilapidated street 'which has bred a crowd of foul existence that crawls in and out of gaps in walls and boards; and coils itself to sleep, in maggot numbers where the rain drips in; and comes and goes, fetching and carrying fever, and sowing more evil in its every footprint than... all the fine gentlemen in office... shall set right in five hundred years - though born expressly to do it.' 1.5 Descriptions like this, of human selfishness, loneliness, squalor and depravity are the stock-in-trade of secular accounts of the British

23 URBAN PRIORITY AREAS lndustrlal city They lnvlte rural remedies. Utoplas and model communities were and bullt by nineteenth-century reformers whose maln strategy $+as to escape the menace of the city. Bournvllle, Saltdlre, and Port Sunlight are monuments to this impulse. Ebenezer Ho\\ ard. the Inventor of the garden city. 1s ~ts patron, Letchworth and the Kew To\vns ~ ts twentieth-century progeny, and the 1994 Liverpool International Garden Festival ~ts most recent baptlsm. 1.6 The Church of England was adapted for a thousand years to agrarian society. %'e cannot therefore be surprised to find the Church as a bearer of rural nostalgia. The explosion of the industrial town in the nineteenth century was a difficult challenge to it from the outset, presenting the city to the Church in ambiguous and often lurid light. An urban working class rapidly coming to numerical domination of the nation was as unfamiliar to Church mission as it was threatening to secular authority. Accordingly the British version of Christianity has shared the secular ambivalence: it carries the same tension between the evil temptation of Sodom and Gomorrah and the wholeness of the City of God, between imprisonment in Babylon and the promise of the New Jerusalem. For example, the title of a book by the Reverend Henry Solly, publisred in 1884, expresses a dilemma of sentiment which has run throughout the subsequent century - Rehousing of the Industrial Classes: or Village Communities versus Town Rookeries. For Solly, many people in the inner city were 'debased or spirit-broken, hapless victims of an un-christian civilisation'. 1.7 Even in the great movements of Christian socialism, municipal reform and university settlements in which Christian action was so powerfully mobilised a hundred years ago, there was an anti-urban, prorural, bias. In effect, the aim of Arnold Toynbee, Samuel Barnett and the founders of Toynbee Hall was to link the classes together and provide a kind of resident gentry in the inner city. No-one could have been more aware of Disraeli's two nations than Canon ~arnett.~ Christian action in those days did not seek economic equality, but it did ardently desire social integration. It had behind it a vision of unity: a socialism of character as contrasted with the individualism of selfishness. The mission of Christians to the city in the 1880s is an invitation to us a hundred years later to answer the same challenge of increasing inequality and social disintegration which our predecessors so clearly saw and so vigorously met. They turned resolutely to what Henrietta Barnett called Practicable Socialism. Today we seek a new vocabulary and a new misslon to express renewed faith in the city.

24 F.%ITH IS THE CITY 1.8 When the Barnetts arrived at St ~ude's in Whitechapel (described bv the then Bishop of London as the Lvorst parish in his diocese 'inhabited mainly by a criminal population, and one which has, I fear, been much corrupted by doles'), they found the church unserved by curate, choir or officials. 'It was empty, dirty, and unwarmed. The schools were closed, the schoolrooms all but devoid of furniture, the parish organization nil; no Mothers' Meeting, no Sunday School, no communicants' class, no library, no guilds, no music, no classes, nothing alive. Around this barren empty shell surged the people, here today, gone tomorrow. Thieves and worse, receivers of stolen goods, hawkers, casual dock labourers, every sort of unskilled low-class cadger congregated in the parish. There was an Irish quarter and a Jews' quarter, while whole streets were given over to the hangers-on of a vicious population, people whose conduct was brutal, whose ideal was idleness, whose habits were disgusting, and among whom goodness was laughed at, the honest man and the right-living woman being scorned as impracticable. '3 1.9 We quote these descriptions not to announce our own prior commitment to any particular programme of action and certainly not to praise or to blame the adherence of some nineteenth-century Christians to the principles of the Charity Organisation Society. Rather we want to make it clear that contemporary description has to be put into an historical context. As Ruth Glass remarked, for the English 'the town was but a station on the journey to social status symbolised by the country seat. It was not, as in other societies, the home of reason and intellect, a symbol of civic pride, but merely a place of new resources for the impoverished landed upper classes, and one where manufacturers and merchants could make money to buy their ticket of admission into the polite circle of the shire^.'^ While we would also wish to recognise the positive urban enthusiasm as well as the rural rejections of our forebears to an extent which Mrs Glass did not acknowledge, our description below of the movement from the cities which continues in the 1980s is sadly but clearly continuous with the attitudes of the past. We shall argue in the end that these trends add up to a pattern warranting the label of polarization in a new, comprehensive and intractable form With or without reluctance, Britain in the twentieth century has been an urban country. The classic logic of industrial development entails urbanization. Britain followed this logic in the nineteenth century so that by 1900 one-tenth of its territory and over three-quarters

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