Division of Tasks; A qualitative research on the choices of Dutch Fathers regarding time spending. Erik, Morris & Dexter by Rob Philip (2011)

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1 Division of Tasks; A qualitative research on the choices of Dutch Fathers regarding time spending. Erik, Morris & Dexter by Rob Philip (2011) Kiyomid van der Veer Master thesis Culture, Organization and Management Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam June

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3 Division of Tasks A qualitative research on the choices of Dutch Fathers regarding time spending. Name Kiyomid van der Veer Student number Study Master Culture, Organization and Management Faculty of social sciences, Organization Sciences Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Date June 2014 Supervisors Second reader Contact Dr. Ida Sabelis (Vrije Universiteit) Annemarie van Hinsberg (Movisie) Dr. Julie E. Ferguson (Vrije Universiteit) 3

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5 Preface During my search for a topic for my thesis, many possibilities crossed my mind. But when I saw the job opening of Movisie s for a student to research the balance between work, care and spare time, I immediately felt this what I want. Work, school, voluntary work, sports, friends, I love everything I do, however, also for me it seems there never is enough time to do it all. When I look around in my group of friends and acquaintances, I notice that I definitely am not the only one who always feels that there is too little time to do everything. Since so many people now already seem so busy I am really curious what will happen when the participation legislation will be launched in I, also think this will cause more stress-related illnesses among people who are already busy unless we change something in our behaviour. Being able to have a share in the attempt to change current behaviour was a great motivation. Now, after months of research, thinking, writing, talking, stressing and even crying, I finally finished my thesis. It also implies the end of my time as student which means to say goodbye to seven superb years of learning different skills and views. Now it is time to start putting my experiences into practice and start a different phase of learning. But before saying goodbye, I would like to thank several people who made it possible to finish this thesis. First of all Ida Sabelis for her unbelievable involvement, trust, patience and guidance throughout the process. My weekly blogs to her helped me to order my ideas. Her replies and our meetings were very stimulating and/or reassuring. Also thanks to Julie Ferguson for her great feedback and co-judging my thesis. Furthermore, I would like to thank Annemarie van Hinsberg for proposing such an interesting topic, giving me the opportunity to do my internship at Movisie and for sharing with me her enormous expertise in the field. Thanks to all the respondents willing to share their personal stories with me. Thanks to all colleagues for showing interest and giving me advice. Thanks to my friends for being there when I needed them. Finally, I would like to thank my family for their listening ear, good advice and encouragement. Special thanks to my mum who patiently spend many hours listening and discussing with me the structure of my thesis. And last but definitely not least, Niels, for being so enormously patient, trustful, motivating and sweet when living together with the most jibber-jabbering person on earth. Enjoy reading! Kiyomid 5

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7 Abstract The increasing stress-levels of Dutch parents ask for a change in division of tasks. Theorization of motives of fathers is needed to discover the factors that can be influenced and which form the basis for the current division. Thus the research question is: Which motives do Dutch fathers have when making (tacit) choices regarding work, care and spare time?. Through sixteen photo-elicitation interviews with a diverse group of Dutch fathers, it was discovered that motivations of fathers depend on: practical reasons formed through visible power, tacit reasons formed through discursive and hegemonic power, and individual circumstances which change over time through aging and transitions in life. Conclusion is drawn that practical reasons and individual circumstances form the preconditions of motivations. The visible, hegemonic and discursive powers are influencing the completion of these preconditions. They are the, although difficult, modifiable aspects in the motivations of man. 7

8 Table of Contents Preface... 5 Abstract Fatherhood in the Netherlands: Context and introduction of the research Theorizing the Division of Tasks from a Gender Perspective The construction of gender The power of discourse Equality discourse Difference discourse Diversity discourse Post- constructionist discourse Hegemonic power Time Visible power Methodology; designing and conducting the research Research Design and Strategy Choosing a qualitative research design Step by step Getting access and the search for Respondents Research methods and materials Researcher as instrument Interviewing Analysis and interpretation of collected data Research Results Typical fathers The Breadwinner Irregular work earner model Differently different Weekend Dad Covenant ordered Co-parenting Motivations for the different models Analysis: Putting the Motivations in Perspective Practical Reasons That is not something you discuss Tacit Reasons Cultural Context Short History of Dutch Masculinity and Fathering

9 The Masculine Man The Good Father Fathers in the organization The Direct Environment The Role Model The Partner Lifecycle Individual Circumstances Conclusion and discussion Conclusion Discussion Reference list Appendix A: Interview Guide Appendix B: Search for Respondents News item on Movisie website to colleagues to acquaintances

10 1 Fatherhood in the Netherlands: Context and introduction of the research A normal weekday. Get up, breakfast, bring the children to school, directly to work, pick the children up, go to tennis, soccer, bring flowers to a sick friend, cook while making some calls, eat, put the children to bed, put the laundry in the machine, prepare a meeting for tomorrow, and wham.. another day has passed. And again I missed the time for the newspaper, sports or that beautiful movie. And I keep hoping that nobody gets ill, our parents stay healthy and the car doesn t fail. Otherwise it gets even harder. (Colleague at Movisie) This quote is a good example of things people encounter every day. Particularly parents recognize what minister Asscher of Social Affairs and Employment calls the combination clip (Asscher, 2013). Parents are trying to combine many different tasks such as household, work, voluntary work which causes a feeling of pressure (SER, 2011). Although Dutch are champions in part-time work, the feeling of pressure rising, four out of ten Dutch parents feel hurried at least two days a week (Cloïn, 2013). Since the government is aiming for a transformation of Dutch society from a welfare state into what is called a participation society, the expectation is that this hurried feeling will increase (Asscher, 2013; Blauw, Daru, Hanzon & Hetem, 2011). Consequences of cutbacks on professional care are that care for children, elderly and chronically ill, will become even more responsibilities of citizens causing more stress trying to fit care, work and household into a week. This stress causes a rising amount of people with burn-outs and other stress related illnesses which will entail high costs for our society (Asscher, 2013). It would be better for Dutch society if we revised the way we organize our days (Van Hinsberg, 2014). This research will thus be focused on how parents could be stimulated to revise their division of work, care and spare time. A lot of research has already been done to work-life balance issues (Higgins, Duxbury & Lee, 1994, Halford 2006; Ranson 2012; Todd, & Binns, 2013). Nevertheless these studies are focused on gender equality from a women s perspective since it is presumed that women can be more easily approached and interviewed then fathers (Tavecchio & Bos, 201;, De Gruijter & van den Toorn, 2013; Ruxton &van der Gaag, 2013). Besides mothers would be better at 10

11 reporting and giving insight in thoughts of their partners (Tavecchio &Bos, 2011). Studies on gender equality from a men s perspective is still in its infancy (Ruxton & van der Gaag, 2013). There still remains a gap in the theory on power of gender inequality in the role of the father (Burnett, Gatrell, Cooper & Sparrow, 2013; Ten Broeke, 2010; Van Tricht, 2014). Therefore fathers will be the topic of this research. According to Bauman (2000) our society is formed by different forms of power. The first power, visible power, finds its roots in the history of first modernity. During this period the end-goal of individuals was to become autonomous, by freeing themselves from fixed categories. These were held in place by visible power, the power of A over B to do something B would not do by himself (Foldy, 2002: 95). Currently we can still see some of these visible powers in our society, mainly exercised by organizations and government. While moving towards second modernity, the notion of power in the rest of society has changed. Power became invisible, normalized power that lies in the omnipresent power of the individual (Bauman 2000). The individual is free to choose and make his own choices. Yet, choices are mostly influenced by tacit routine in their environment. The unintended consequences of being able to make your own decisions is that everyone is responsible for its own actions. Making it difficult to be critical on one s own situation. To discover how these visible and invisible powers keep inequality within the organization of households into place, we must research explicit and tacit motivations of fathers for their choice of division. Thus, the main question of this research is: What motivates Dutch fathers when making (tacit) choices regarding work, care and spare time? Before being able to discover the motivations for a certain division between work, care and spare time, an understanding must be gained of different ways fathers divide their time between work, care and spare time. From research of Cloïn and Bierens we know that only seven percent of parents work an equal amount of hours whereas half of the parents have a 1.5 earner model. Another quarter applies the breadwinner model (Cloïn & Bierens, 2012). During the research it was noticed that, when not taking for granted that fathers are heterosexual or married to the mother of their children (Burnett et al., 2013), there are more models which describe the division of work, life and spare time. Since I wanted to give a diverse group of people a say I wanted to re-evaluate the models of work, care and spare time 11

12 applied by the respondents. Leading us to the first sub-question; Which work-life balance models are applied by the respondents? The SER 1 noticed that society is still causing time constraints for an equal division of tasks (SER, 2011). Current Dutch social institutions such as employment legislation, parental leave systems, opening hours of schools and childcare options stimulate mothers to work part time (Van Huis, Verloo & Van der Haar, 2011; Ruitenberg, 2014). Time-management problems are nowadays mostly solved by part-time working but this is not always the solution. More flexible (working) times may cause more possibilities in dividing time according to personal fit (SER, 2011). To understand how these practical possibilities motivated fathers for a certain model the second sub-question is: Which practical reasons influence division of work, care and spare time? Organizational Sciences has examined the idea of gender within context of organizing the world around us since the 1970 s (Acker, 1990; Kanter, 1977). Many researchers (e.g. Christiansen & Palkovitz, 2001; Holter, 2007; Pocock, 2005; Townsend, 2002) show continued centrality of breadwinning in men s understanding of what it is to be a good father (Halford, 2006; Ranson, 2012). Although the cultural image seems changed to the new father who is involved with his children and engaged in hands-on caregiving, it has not displaced breadwinning requirements. Rather it is culturally assumed that men will work and pay attention to their families (in that order) (Doorten, 2008; Ranson, 2012). For that reason nine out of ten Dutch fathers continue to work same hours or start working more hours after the birth of their child (in 2009). By contrast half of Dutch women decrease paid working hours or stop working (Van Huis et al., 2011). Employment for men is seen as an integral part of what fathers do, as fathers, to support their children, hands-on caregiving and paid employment are seen as oppositional arenas (Garey in Ranson, 2012: 741). These deeply historical and cultural embedded ideas of what a new father has to do seem paradoxical and lie in the discourses of society (Burnett et al., 2013: 635). In this research I would like to discover how this discursive power, that is formed by practices, processes, actions and meanings in the cultural context (Acker 1990) influences the motivations of fathers. This leads to the third sub-question: How does discursive power which lies in the cultural context effect motivations of the fathers for their current division of tasks? 1 SER= Social Economic Council (Sociaal Economische Raad) 12

13 90 % of Dutch men with a fulltime job say they would like to work less hours to be able to participate more in care and household tasks (Groot-Wassink, 2008; Portegijs & Cloïn, 2012). They are striving for equal division of tasks but in real life it appears that this so called division is still unequally divided. What men finds appropriate for others, does not always seem to be ideal for themselves (Merens, Hartgers & Van den Brakel, 2012; Ruitenberg, 2014). Men and women have ambivalent feelings about their roles in family. On the one hand they would like to have an equal role, but on the other hand they feel more responsible for traditional gender specific tasks (Wiesmann, 2010). Especially after having children, division of tasks becomes more traditional (Merens et al., 2012). Many explain how this division was based on efficiency since this felt natural and obvious for all family members. Not making it necessary to explicitly discuss and talk about their division of tasks (Portegijs & Cloïn, 2012; Ruitenberg, 2014). Benschop and Doorewaard (1998) argue that this natural division is subject to hegemonic power which lies in acceptance, identification and consensus with every day ideas and practices that are ordinary in the direct environment (parents, friends, partner) of the father. Leading to the fourth sub-question: How does hegemonic power, which lies in the direct environment, influence motivations of fathers to choose for a certain division of tasks? To derive to an answer to the main question, the interaction between visible, hegemonic, discursive powers and individual circumstances must be considered. In addition, we have to take into consideration that changes are occurring as time passes on. Transitions in lives of fathers give a new perspective to the manner in which powers influence the fathers motivations. The time consumption for care changes during the growing up of children, young children need different care than older children. Besides by their own aging fathers gain life experience. By trial and error fathers learn what kind of division of work, care and spare time works for them and what does not (Kalmijn, 2002). In addition, life stages cause a change in division of tasks. Especially increasingly frequent phases of divorce, and re-marriage, give a new perspective on division of care (Haverkort & Spruijt, 2002). The last sub-question will therefore be: How do life-cycle transitions and aging change motivations of fathers for a certain division of tasks? To explore the motivations of fathers, interviews with sixteen diverse men were conducted by me. Interviews were directed on basis of photo-elicitation (Warren 2005) which is a visual 13

14 stimulus that helps through its indirect and concealed intent, to encourage respondents to reveal their unconscious feelings and attitudes without being aware that they are doing so (Dichter in Will, Eadie & MacAskill, 1996: 38). Through use of task-cards it was possible to discover tacit division of tasks and motivations of fathers for their division between work, care and spare time. The goal of this research is thus to gain insight into motivations Dutch fathers have regarding division of work, care, household and spare time in order to be able to theorize on powers that influence motivations of fathers to choose for a division of work, care and spare time that often leads to unequal division of tasks with their partner. A gender-stereotypical division of tasks may have negative consequences for fathers since their involvement is undermined by choices of the mother to work less (Ruitenberg, 2014). Duindam argues that men who take time for to care of children create a stronger relationship with their children, a better relationship with their partners and a more balanced, less stressful, lifestyle than fathers who do not (Van Huis et al., 2011). Since the expectation is that stress-levels may rise and research shows that spending time on care leads to a more balanced life, it seems to be important to strive for equal division of tasks between partners. Understanding the influenceable factors of motivations can help institutions, such as government s, to strengthen social interventions and make existing resources, policies and facilities more visible and efficient for the target group (Nieborg, 2000) resulting in a more equal and less stressful division of tasks in the participation society. In the next chapter a theoretical framework is presented that helps gaining insight in powers, practices and times that influence motivations of the fathers. In the third chapter more insight will be given in methods that are used during research. Typical Fathers will give an explanation of different models that fathers apply in their division of work, care and spare time with their partner. Some insight into motivations for these models will be given as well. The fifth chapter, analysis, will give insight in the way different powers influence motivations of fathers. Then the conclusion will be drawn that there are four different powers influencing motivations of fathers but they are giving a different context to the fathers because of different individual circumstances and life stages. Finally I will reflect on the conclusion and methods of the research in the discussion. 14

15 2 Theorizing the Division of Tasks from a Gender Perspective The previous chapter introduced how motivations of fathers regarding decisions on work, care and spare time are influenced by different powers and transitions. In this chapter, first the idea of the construction of gender is considered (2.1.). Then, explanation will be given on the power of discourses on the construction of men and father (2.2.). Description of four kinds of discourses which are visible in current society will be explained to give insight in the current discursive power on motivations of fathers. Third, explanation will be given on motivations of tacit choices of fathers through role models and the role of the partner which affect father through hegemonic power (2.3). Next the visible power, which is expressed by fathers as practical choices they make (2.4). Finally, it is argued that time must be taken into consideration by observing life-cycle stages and the effects of aging (2.5). 2.1 The construction of gender Division between work, care and spare time between partners is influenced by a strong cultural division between men and women (e.g. Ranson, 2012; Merens et al., 2012). Gender is often seen as a biological fixed term; you are born with a gender and this is who you are. Yet in Social Sciences gender is not seen as fixed but as changing roles that people (have to) take. Gerardi and Poggio (2001) argue that we should view gender as a practice and not as a natural phenomenon, as something that is done and not as something that is (Gerardi & Poggio, 2001: 257). Gender roles are taught to children by society (Ten Broeke, 2013). Gender will in this thesis thus be considered as constructed by society meaning that when referring to man or father there is referred to the cultural idea of masculine man and father. In the Netherlands, the masculine man is taught to be dominant, loyal, brave, confident and powerful (Ten Broeke, 2014, Ruxton & van der Gaag, 2013). On the other hand the feminine woman is characterized by sympathy and care (Steenbeek, 2012; Bervoets, 2014). Gender roles are formed and reinforced through their dichotomous aspect (Gerardi and Poggio, 2001: 246) which means that they are formed by their contrasting nature. The dichotomous aspect causes a paradox for fathers since Dutch fathers are expect to take part in childcare (Duindam & Spruijt, 2002; Kalmijn, 2002; Merens et al., 2012). In the following chapters will be discussed how gender roles are formed and how contrasting nature of genders shapes different forms of discourses around the performance of gender. 15

16 2.2 The power of discourse Gender is not a natural attribute of people, but something we all create and recreate in our everyday (..) interactions and discourses (Gerardi & Poggio, 2001: 246). Discourses are defining our view on gender since they are practices, which systematically form the object of which they speak (Foucault, 1972: 49). They are never neutral, by speaking and writing about fathers or man roles are constructed on how a father must act to stick to his gender role. In chapter 5.2. will be described that many fathers tend to base their division of work, care and spare time on tacit reasons that are constructed by the idea of how gender must be performed. This research tries to discover how these discourses have power of the motivations of fathers through studying discursive power which lies in the unseen, subtle, taken for granted, underlying structures of society and is everywhere. There are no visible victims and victors (Foldy, 2002). It is the reproduction of collective memory, that keeps repeating the unequal divisions in society. Thus, power is not about domination or resistance, but about routinization, formalization and legalization of everyday practices (Ghorashi and Sabelis, 2012: 4). For example, giving a compliment to a father because he is changing diapers shows that his act is special since mothers would not get a compliment. In this sense discourse forms the way the father thinks about his act. That is how doing gender is a social practice that positions people in contexts of asymmetrical power relations (Bruni in Murgia & Poggio, 2013: 413). The dichotomous gender roles are not equal in power, women are considered to have more power of the private domain, which lies in the family sphere, whereas the power of men is connected to the public domain, which is associated with work and politics. These asymmetrical power relations are kept in place by inequality regimes, which are loosely interrelated practices, processes, actions and meanings that result in and maintain class, gender and racial inequalities (Acker, 2006: 443). By practicing the idea that women belong to the private domain whereas men belong to the public domain inequalities, this thought keeps being reproduced and stays alive. In this sense it becomes harder for women to enter public domain and for men to enter private domain. In the next paragraphs four discourses will be explained that keep inequality regimes in its place Equality discourse The equality discourse tries to get rid of dichotomous thinking of gender roles. This discourse focuses on nurture in the nature-nurture debate, it believes that differences between men and women do not rest on genetically based differences but are repeatedly reproduced 16

17 (Ten Broeke, 2010). There are differences between men and women, but you can not say that all men are the same and that all women are the same (Dona Daria, 2014). There is more overlap between practices of genders than there is difference between the genders (Van Tricht, 2014). That is why we should see men and women as equals despite their biological difference. Followers of this discourse strive for equal division of task, equal chances to care, entry to labour and equal pay. Although men and women are often still portrayed as dichotomous in the media. The discourse of equality is currently more and more present in Dutch society. Not only in the increased acceptance that men care for children, but many people also start to feel that nowadays fathers are supposed to do this. The same goes for the paid jobs for mothers; it is not only acceptation but also there is the new thought that it should be like this (Kalmijn, 2002). Still what people find suitable for others, doesn t always seems ideal for themselves (Ruitenberg, 2014). In chapter 4 will be explained how fathers gain equality with their partners Difference discourse The second discourse, the difference discourse, focuses on different needs and experiences that belong to different genders (Smithson and Stokoe, 2005), which has a reinforcing effect on the dichotomy of different gender roles. Fathering is approached as necessary for the child because the father has an essentially different role than the mother has. Tavecchio and Bos (2011) argue: Fathers can play a unique role, this is very important. The role can be characterized by play, challenge, exploring and taking of risk and finally by supporting autonomy later in the development of the child by supporting the transition to the world outside of the family (Tavecchio and Bos, 2011: 4). Focus is on complementary aspects of the dichotomous mother and father. Especially in parenting this discourse is still very visible. Fathers are approached as adding something extra to care but are not considered to be as able to give the same structural care as mothers. This thought brought us daddy day an accepted one day a week that fathers take of work to take care of their children. This daddyday gives the impression that fathers are just babysitting and not really responsible for care (Van Laar, 2014). Mothering and fathering are thus often overgeneralized in this discourse which seems to be a mechanism of society and fathers to cope with paradoxical expectations of man and father. In the chapter the good father (5.3.2.) will be given further explanation on how the interviewed fathers respond to this discourse. 17

18 2.2.3 Diversity discourse The diversity discourse is especially found in organizations, which focus on diversity of people instead of approaching different categories such as man and woman since they consider that the existing generation is diverse and cannot be classified by age, gender or ideals. For example, in one period of life emphasis will be on work while at another period of life self-fulfilment will be most important. That is why there is a need for flexible working structures, different timetables of schools and supporting facilities (Wouters, 2011). Organizations increasingly implement work-life balance policies which are available for all employees, by adjusting working patterns through the use of gender-neutral policies and flexible working (Smithson and Stokoe, 2005). This discourse gives just as much opportunities for fathers as for mothers to take time off and work around the hours the children need care. Focus on individualistic problems is the main critique on this approach (Smithson and Stokoe, 2005). It is assumed that every individual has equal opportunities on the work floor as long as one strives hard. This doesn t take power and structural inequalities into account. Since flexibility is offered, full-time working must be possible for everyone, however this does not give attention to the energy which is required to work full-time, care for children and do some informal care 2 or voluntary work, resulting in burn-outs on the long run. Since the unintended consequences of second modernity lays responsibility for choices with the individual (Bauman, 2000; Asscher, 2013; Ruitenberg, 2014) the problem will now rest with the individual rather than with the organization or society as a whole. This results in the fact that, although the diversity discourse seems to give more opportunities for fathers, it lies time problems with the father making it difficult to take some time off without it having an effect on your career. In chapter will be explained how fathers experience the flexibility of their organization as well as the room (in)flexibility gives to perform their role as father Post- constructionist discourse The last discourse, post-constructionist discourse, suggests that we should gain distance from dichotomy thinking by challenging the construction of father and man (Smithson and Stokoe, 2005). Currently a man is often depicted as breadwinner while fatherhood changes the identity of men. This is not acknowledged in society, especially not in professional sphere. Paternal desires to access family-friendly policies in the working place are often ignored 2 For Dutch readers; Informal care translated to Dutch is Mantelzorg 18

19 resulting that fathers often remain ghosts (Burnett et al., 2013). Fathers often do not get the chance to show how fathering changed their perspective since they are only approached as man and not as a father. This discourse encourages fathers to challenge the current gender norms. During the research some articles were found that tried to challenge the current thought of man and father (Driessen, 2014; Van den Breemer & De Jong, 2014 in chapter ). But the articles that challenge current ideas still gain much resistance in other articles that argue that masculine man must come back (Van Bemmel, 2014). Throughout this thesis it is noticed that this discourse is not widely supported in society, yet it exposes new movements of constructing the roles of man and father. 2.3 Hegemonic power Tacit reasons of fathers are not only influenced by discourses in society but also by hegemonic power (Foldy, 2002). According to Foldy the principle of hegemony is that a dominant or elite group reinforces its hegemony through creating systems of ideas and practices (Foldy 2002: 95). These constructions of popular systems of ideas and practices are what Gramsci referred to as common sense (Foldy, 2002: 95). Common sense is through its historical and social nature passed on from one generation to the other (Benschop and Doorewaard, 1998). It is the socialized status quo which belongs to the common sense that keeps people in its power (Wilson and Thompson, 2001). Fathers implicitly reproduce current norms that lie in the status quo. This means that fathers often without intent reproduce what they know and what they learned, keeping inequalities alive. This so called gender subtext can be determined by looking at three paradigms in which it is manifested in society (Benschop & Doorewaard, 1998). First, hegemonic power manifests in (non) verbal expressions of common sense, identification, consensus and legitimizing rationalities. People take the norms of their society for granted, and automatically apply this to the way they divide their tasks. The assumption in Dutch society is that women place private life over work whereas men do it the other way round (Halfords, 2006; Steenbeek, 2013). In this way it is seen as common sense that women choose for care responsibilities and men to choose for more work. In chapter 5.2. is discussed what men see as common sense and how this often forms the basis of division of tasks. Second, by examining concealed ways in which hegemonic power influences processes of meaning formation (Benschop & Doorewaard, 1998). The taught traditional hierarchical 19

20 assessments underlie decisions that fathers take. Role models in form of friends and family shows the fathers which and how they are to be performed. Causing fathers to shape their ideas on how to give form to their division of tasks. In chapter will be explained how the role model has influenced fathers to choose for a certain division of tasks. Third, hegemonic processes (re)produce consent or compliance with dominant discourse and acceptance of day-to-day practices, in spite of possible disadvantages of these practices for persons involved. Hegemonic power thus implies that people keep reproducing norms and values they are used to, instead of critically looking at what would be best for them. Constant reproduction of culture, or cultural cloning, implies how people constantly choose for options they are familiar with (Essed, 2002: 2). Mothers saw their own mother, as role model, take care for their children and do most of the housework. This influences the feeling of being responsible for these tasks; this hinders equality between genders (Wiesmann, 2010) since mothers often do not leave space for fathers to take on tasks labelled as their responsibility. In chapter attention is paid to the role of the partner when it comes to (non) verbal expressions that keep gender inequalities alive. 2.4 Time Cultural norms and discourses are, as mentioned in chapter 2.3., subject to time. This means they are historically formed and placed (Foucault, 1972). Norms and common sense are subject to the Zeitgeist, which represents historical, traditional and cultural embedded assumptions that are dominant in society at a certain time (Foucault, 1968; Burnett, Gatrell, Cooper and Sparrow & 2013). Times are subject to negotiation, they change over time, to different norms and values applied to our daily time use, they are subject to the processes of change in the world (Sabelis, 2006: 169). If we want to understand how these processes that interconnect individual, social, institutional, historical, socio-economic, political and socialenvironmental aspects come together, we must take timescapes into consideration (Adam, 2008). A timescape view gives us the opportunity to make invisible motivations of fathers visible and which gives a more holistic approach of the interconnections between different motivations. To make the invisible visible, time frame, timing, tempo and duration must be taken into consideration. This shows how processes are embedded in society, which means we need to place this research into a specific and unique context of time to understand how time formed the current thought of the fathers (Adam, 2008). To take time into consideration we must give attention to the fact that research was done in the Netherlands from January till May

21 During this time period there was a vivid discussion in the media about extra leave for fathers who just got a baby. Much attention was paid to the role of fathers in the lives of children. Besides Dutch society is preparing itself for a new law, the participation law, which will put more responsibilities with the individual causing an increasing pressure on the time division between paid work, housekeeping, care, informal care, voluntary work and other activities (SER, 2011). The way time is divided over work, care and spare time changes over the stages of life. The life cycle is defined as a sequence of life stages where each stage is inaugurated by a certain change in household and family relationships (Kalmijn, 2002). These so called transition effects are different of age effects, which are determined by obtaining more insight over the years (Kalmijn, 2002). Transitions in life, and aging cause a constantly changing, shifting and adapting of the construction of work, care and spare time (Duijnhoven, 2010; Roberts, 2008). For instance in terms of caring and being cared for. In chapter 5.5. will be explained how fathers are influenced by their stage in the lifecycle and by their age. Concluding, time is an important approach to the division of work, care and spare time because Zeitgeist influences the norms and common sense of a society. On the other hand life cycle and aging processes influence the individual. These two combined influence the motivation of fathers for a certain division of work, care and spare time. 2.5 Visible power The previous chapters seem to suggest that fathers are only influenced by processes which are not intentionally experienced. Though there are also visible powers that encourage some practical decisions of fathers (Foldy, 2002). Visible power is the ability of A to get B to do something which otherwise B would not do (Foldy, 2002: 95). First, the government is practicing power over its civilians by means of legislation. Examples for instance are subsidy on childcare and leave policies. These policies tend to stimulate both parents to work but it does not always work out that way, especially under current circumstances of neoliberal savings on budgets. The same goes for organizations, which increasingly implement work-life balance policies, still these do not always have the desired effect. Besides policies and legislation the motivations of men are also influenced by powers such as the wage gap between men and women. Often fathers mentioned that higher wages for men eased their decision to choose for paid work instead of care. 21

22 To conclude this chapter, motivations of fathers to choose for a certain division in work, care and spare time are influenced by different powers. Yet, most important is the way fathers apply the tacit knowledge in their own life (Weick, Sutcliffe & Obstfeld, 2005). In this thesis understanding will be gained about the way fathers make sense of different powers and influences and how they form this into a practice with which they can comply. Chapter 4 will show us which motivations influenced the different models of division of tasks. Chapter 5 will then give further explanation how these motivations were formed by different powers and circumstances that influenced the fathers decisions. But first the next chapter will describe how data was gathered. 22

23 3 Methodology; designing and conducting the research In the previous chapter is theorized and contextualized on masculine man and father by means of discourse, power and time. In this part of the thesis more detail will be given on the qualitative research design and strategy of my research, methods used to gather information and finally methods used to analyse and interpret the data. 3.1 Research Design and Strategy A research design of good quality is important for every scientific research. Without a good design, research lacks direction and consistency. Here, this chapter will show why and how a qualitative study fits best in this specific research. In paragraph , attention will be paid to main characteristics of and requirements of qualitative research in general and which strategies are chosen for this research specifically. Second, some I will spend some words on the planning and steps taken in this research (3.1.2.). Followed by an explanation how respondents were searched and approached (3.1.3.) Choosing a qualitative research design Division of work, care and spare time is since a couple of years a topic of great interest for researchers. This is due to the development of the participation society. Most of research done on this topic is quantitative research that focuses on the division of tasks and actual time spend on tasks between genders, from a quantitative perspective (Cloïn, 2013; Merens et al., 2012, SER, 2011). When doing my desk-research I noticed that most qualitative studies on division of tasks are done with regard to the role of women in society and at home, economic independence of women and emancipation of women (Gruijter & van den Toorn, 2013; Ruitenberg, 2014). Less is written about men and their say in the division of work-life balance (Burnett et al., 2013) leading to the decisions to focus solely on men. Research of Merens, Hartgers en Van den Brakel (2012) show that division of household and care tasks and time spend on paid work changes drastically when couples get children. To understand what changed during these years fathers were chosen as research subject. To be able to reflect on choices and changes made during earlier years, I choose to interview fathers with at least one child between 10 and 18 years old. In this way they can reflect on changes that having children made in their life. 23

24 3.1.2 Step by step The first month of research was spend on desk research. Articles in newspapers, magazines and theoretical articles gave insight into the field of time spending. The first findings were discussed in an expert-meeting about division of work, care and spare time. Some additional thoughts about diversity were given and implemented. The next two months were mostly spent on preparing the interviews, interviewing and keeping up with the news about emancipation of men, leave for fathers and manhood in general. Furthermore much time was spent on transcribing interviews. In part 3.2. more details will be given about methods used during data gathering. The months following the interviews were spent on analysing the discourses, coding and writing. Details about this process are given in paragraph Getting access and the search for Respondents Research was carried out in the Netherlands for Movisie and for the purpose of graduating for the master Culture, Organization and Management. COM is a study that combines multiple methods but is mainly derived from anthropology. It focusses on power structures and sensemaking in the culture that helps us manage to organize the world around us. This will be the perspective of my thesis. Movisie is a knowledge institution in the Netherlands that deals with social issues. Since the participation law will be launched in January 2015 they are expecting a change in society. To raise awareness on the effect this may have on division of work, care and spare time they are giving much attention on this subject this year. To gain understanding how people are momentarily dividing their time between work, care and spare time they searched for a student who could do a desk research and investigate a topic which was not yet covered. The vacancy was launched at the website of the university. After application, I started the internship at Movisie which consisted of research and involvement in the project about balance of work, care and spare time. While working for this organization access could be gotten to different network meetings and information sessions. Furthermore an expert meeting was organized to check data gathered through desk-research and to gain more information. Furthermore, Movisie s network was used to search for respondents. The letter which was put on their website and in the newsletter can be found in appendix B.1. Through this letter three respondents were found. In addition I took the opportunity to approach my colleagues at Movisie. In appendix 24

25 B.2. the letter can be found that was sent to all colleagues. In response five letters were gotten from fathers who were willing to be interviewed. Four of them worked at Movisie while the fifth was a friend of a colleague. Finally, respondents where sought through my own network. These respondents were vaguely familiar to me. The letter which was sent to these acquaintances can be found in appendix B.3. A response was gotten from everybody whom I send an . This resulted into eight more interviews. It must be noted that most of these acquaintances I knew through voluntary work which might give a distorted view on the participation of fathers. The sampling technique described above is described as convenience sampling (Boeije, 2010) which assumes that respondents who were convenient to contact were used. Besides also the maximum variation sampling technique was used to find a group which was as diverse as possible. It was very important to find a diverse group of fathers since current studies that focus on work and family often depict fathers as stereotypically heterosexual, married, work-oriented and unlikely to prioritise childcare (Burnett et al., 2013). Since this is not representative I wished to undermine this heterogeneous thought therefore effort was put in searching for a diverse group of fathers. Diversity in the group can be found in the form of married, divorced, native, migrant, straight, gay, high educated, low educated, work in shifts, work flexible, have a wife that doesn t work, are without a job themselves, live in a city or live in a village. It is not possible to cover every type of diversity but much effort was put in finding a group that was as diverse as possible. Overall, sixteen fathers from diverse backgrounds were interviewed. After fourteen interviews repetition could be noticed though some extra interviews were planned to cover diversity. Repetition is a sign which signifies exhaustion (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011). Only the homosexual father was a category on itself. The goal was to find more homosexual fathers however it was quite difficult to find these respondents. More attention could be paid to this in the following research. 3.2 Research methods and materials Researcher as instrument Qualitative studies are very sensitive to bias since the researcher is the instrument that gathers the data. What must be taken into consideration is that I, the researcher, interpreted all interviews. I, as a person, am the means and the instrument through which my study is produced (Schwartz-Shea & Yanow, 2009: 60). This double hermeneutics (Schwartz-Shea & 25

26 Yanow, 2009: 57) implies that while I tried to stay objective, I am formed by a my own historical background. Although, I tried to reduce bias by a sense of reflexivity, questions were still formed by me. Therefore understanding must be gained of the position of the researcher, in this case me. I am a 23-year-old white Dutch woman who comes from a small village. My father has always worked four days a week while my mother worked three days a week, which meant I went to childcare two days a week. Although their way of parenting was different they both took care of my two younger sisters and me. I noticed this was different from parents of many of my friends. Additionally, I have been living together with my boyfriend for the past 3.5 years. When we started living together we discussed who does what and tried to divide tasks equally. This was also a little strange to most of our friends. Realization of this information is important since it might have coloured my view sometimes. Although I tried to gain an equal understanding of everyone, it might have happened that my own history prevented me from asking some questions. I have noticed that sometimes it was too easy to accept the taken-for-granted ideas. The most explicit example is that one father told me that he and his wife choose to be there for the children, so they applied a breadwinner model. Since it is so normal in our society that women take care of the children while the father is responsible for income that I accepted his wife would be the one to stay at home that at that time, I forgot to ask why it was his wife that stayed at home. During reflection on the interview, I was stunned I did not ask him why his wife was the one staying at home. Therefore I later contacted him to get an answer. Yet, this example shows the importance of reflection and understanding your own background and norms to be as objective as possible. The fact that I am a woman also played a role during the interviews (DeWalt and DeWalt, 2011). I noticed that some fathers felt it was easier that I was younger and a women which gave me the possibility to take the role of a student (Hermanowicz, 2002) implying that fathers could teach me how it worked in real life. On the other hand, being a woman caused some difficulty with some fathers who tried to impress me. Also, some gave me the feeling they had to be aware of what they said about tasks being feminine not to be done by men. However, I noticed that in the course of the interview awareness became less and tasks could be discussed more freely, thanks to the interview techniques that will be discussed in the next paragraph. During this thesis I will try to take you, the reader, by the hand and explain the steps of rational thinking during the process. However, one must not forget that the reader also has his 26

27 or her own history and point of view. Try to keep the idea of this triple hermeneutics (Hermanowicz 2002) in mind when reading this thesis. Awareness of our coloured view can support us in understanding our bias which helps to become more objective towards the research Interviewing Interviewing was the main technique used for gathering data. Before starting the interviews an interview guide was made (Appendix A). The first interview guide was, as suggested by Hermanowicz (2002), tested. During the test interview with my father it was noticed that the guide was ineffective. My father gave the desired answers, nevertheless, there was no flow in the interview. Sensing, he could only answer the questions because he knew what the research was about, a new strategy was considered. The idea of visual interviews, gained by researches from Pink (2011) Warren (2004) and Clark- Ibanez (2005), together with a conversation with Annemarie, my supervisor at Movisie, gave me the idea of using cards with tasks on it which is shown in the image on the right. To achieve maximum effect of the cards, two techniques were used. First it was used as a choice ordering technique (Will, Eadie & MacAskill, 1996: 39). The respondents were asked to put the tasks which they did in one place and place the rest of the cards on the pile of their partner, together, outsourcing, or not applicable at all. In this way it could be seen what kind of tasks the respondent does, how tasks are divided and what kind of tasks are seen as important tasks for him. But even more important was the use of photo-elicitation which is The image in this context is used as a prompt to extract data from the respondent, rather than as containing data in its own right, it is an image produced by someone other than the research participant (Warren, 2005: 864). According to Dichter projective techniques provide verbal or visual stimuli, which, through their indirection and concealed intent, encourage respondents to reveal their unconscious feelings and attitudes without being aware that they are doing so (Dichter in Will, Eadie & MacAskill, 1996: 38). To gain results as described by Dichter the completion technique was used. The tasks are shown and discussed one by one. This gave the respondents the opportunity to explain more about the tasks and discuss it freely. Photo 27

28 elicitation thus helps to make visible what is normally invisible. It helps to talk about things that are normally taken for granted (Clark-Ibanez, 2004; Pink, 2011). For me the cards had exactly this effect. Tasks and its division is something that goes implicit, without really thinking about it, it feels natural to most fathers. When starting the interview respondents often did not really understood what was expected of them. The cards made this much clearer, when fathers saw the cards and started to order them into different stacks, the words and stories started to flow. The topics became more natural and associations with pictures and words caused discussions about topics that were normally invisible. During the interviews I tried to remember all the things we learned about interviewing. Preserve the integrity of meeting someone new. Try to converse, to listen, probe at the right moments. Try to see what the participant finds important and ask more questions about this. Be quiet when your respondent is. Persist when necessary. Sometimes act innocent. Try to ask your questions clearly, be balanced, be candid, show respect and embody detached concern (Hermanowicz, 2002; DeWalt and DeWalt, 2011). This all sounds natural and obvious yet it is more difficult than I thought. Sometimes rapport is quickly built and the interview feels natural but sometimes this was not so easy. It was noticed that rapport could more quickly be built by starting off with much authority (Hermanowicz, 2002). The tool I gave myself was reading a short paragraph to the respondents about the purpose of the interview, the goal of the research and there rights (informed consent). Next, I told them the purpose of the cards and told them I was there to learn. The powerful beginning showed them my competence and gave them the feeling it was safe to talk. The talk was finished by an explanation of the use of the card. Then the power was transferred to the respondents by handing them the cards. This was the moment when I started taking the role of a student. This worked really well. Towards the end of the interview I mostly started to ask more questions about their environment and the implications this had on their division of tasks. The realization that beginning the interview in this sense came when during the fourth interview. The respondent kept playing with his phone, acting busy and only started listening when I told him about the cards. Since he missed the beginning it took me ten minutes to get him to understand the idea of the cards and the purpose of the interview, then it took us at least another fifteen minutes to build rapport. As I did not want this to happen another time, I made sure that people were listening during my explanation. 28

29 3.3 Analysis and interpretation of collected data After doing empirical research, the phase of analysis and interpretation, through organizing and interpreting collected data, arrived. The first step in the analysis of the data gathered was transcribing the interviews. This was an experience in itself since it showed me the interview from quite a new point of view. Listening to the interview again and again ensures that you hear new things and get a better understanding of what the fathers exactly said, and what I, as researcher had exactly asked. The second step was analysing the transcriptions by coding. Keeping an open mind while coding is most important. This made it possible to notice subjects, such as transitions, aging and fathering that otherwise would not have been considered in this extend. Through mind mapping the codes, I arrived to a first order analysis. The idea that there are several types of ways of dividing work, care and spare time. According to Duynhoven types are a tool for theorizing (Duynhoven 2010, p. 56). Types gave me the handles to identify a group of people and take this as starting point for a second order analysis. To dig deeper into the motivations of fathers I used discourse analysis. The approach of Membership Categorization Analysis, gave me the tool to see, at micro-level, the building blocks of our society. This gave me a better understanding of the tacit, taken-for-granted ideas of the fathers about gender roles of women, men and fathers. It did not only help me to grasp the ongoing construction between social categories of father and man but also to understand the activities or characteristics that people link to the categories such as daddy day. The relations between categories and activities are central to the assumptions and practices of, in the case of Smithson and Stokoe, gendering. The more invisible the categorization the more powerful it is. Invisibility is connected to the taken-for-granted, natural and common sense idea of the category. These invisible categories are quiet centres of power and persuasion (Baker in Smithson and Stokoe, 2005: 153). That invisibility of categorization has such power is for the reason that when people are not aware of their categorization, they unconsciously apply certain ideas on a person. MCA was thus used to see how people construct and manage their behaviour in relation to the normalized expectations for the predicates of woman and man and the activities that are connected. It made it easier to see a pattern to which categories belong and to connect this pattern to theory. In this sense I started to see connections between the tacit reasons that the fathers mentioned explicitly and the explanations for doing tasks because they had the feeling they belonged to their responsibilities since this was learned to them by nurture, partner and role model. 29

30 Furthermore, the approach of Taylor (2001) was used to search which patterns in society, about male gender roles, exist in relation to division of work, care and spare time. This approach was especially used on media. My purpose was to show social nature and historical origins of the reasons why fathers naturally divide the time and tasks like they do. I used this approach to discover the implications of what the categorization man and father implies (Taylor, 2001). By looking at texts, e.g. (news) articles and other media, I discovered how texts form motivations for fathers for a division between work, care and spare time. Finally, in analysing the results of the first order analysis and discourse analysis a mind map was used to bring this in relation with the theory. This helped me to arrive to the idea that there are several powers, visible, hegemonic and discursive powers, and time dimensions imposing on the motivations of the fathers for a certain division of time. 30