BLACK EMPOWERMENT IN 1960S MINNEAPOLIS: PROMISE, POLITICS AND THE IMPACT OF THE NATIONAL URBAN NARRATIVE. B. Joseph Rosh

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1 BLACK EMPOWERMENT IN 1960S MINNEAPOLIS: PROMISE, POLITICS AND THE IMPACT OF THE NATIONAL URBAN NARRATIVE by B. Joseph Rosh B.S., Moorhead State University, 2001 B. A., Moorhead State University, 1998 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of St. Cloud State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts St. Cloud, Minnesota March, 2013

2 This thesis submitted by B. Joseph Rosh in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts at St. Cloud State University is hereby approved by the final evaluation committee. Chairperson Dean School of Graduate Studies

3 BLACK EMPOWERMENT IN 1960S MINNEAPOLIS: PROMISE, POLITICS AND THE IMPACT OF THE NATIONAL URBAN NARRATIVE B. Joseph Rosh By the mid-1960s, frustrations among America s black population, specifically in northern cities, had reached a fever pitch. The affluence of the post-world War II era had reached urban Jewish enclaves but had not filtered down to black Americans. American liberals had targeted systemic inner-city ills such as poverty and racism, but funding was tight and patience was short. In Minneapolis, the aforementioned narrative occurred as well. That said, Minneapolis had multiple unique attributes: it had a reputation as one of the most liberal-minded cities in America, its black population was relatively small, and black advocacy groups typically solicited white support. Like in other northern cities, violence erupted in the summer of 1966 and, for a second time, in the summer of Once again, the violence seemed to fit the American narrative. However, in North Minneapolis, black empowerment advocates and the city s first Jewish mayor Arthur Naftalin approached the long hot summer in an imaginative manner. Targeting black youths, and soliciting funds from white philanthropists, they created The Way, a community organization aimed at fixing the unequal balance of power in Minneapolis. The Way and its distinct form of black empowerment diffused tension in North Minneapolis and enabled pride in the black community. Ironically the middle-class citizens in Minneapolis, both black and white, accepted national labels for local issues. Consequently a story of missed opportunity and loss ensued for North Minneapolis. An analysis of Minneapolis during the 1960s, specifically regarding interracial relations before, during and after the Plymouth Avenue riots, indicates a distinctive local black empowerment coalition that blended Minnesota s liberal traditions with elements of the national Black Power movement. Yet, due to the prevailing national sociopolitical climate and the overall prevailing national narrative of the late 1960s, the majority of middle-class Minnesotans, both black and white, disassociated themselves from black empowerment. Moreover, many whites abandoned their politically liberal beliefs. Month Year Approved by Research Committee: iii Robert Galler Chairperson

4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS When you think about it, it is amazing that people who have spent their entire lives in the field of education researching, writing and teaching still find time to mentor. I wish to thank three faculty members at St. Could State University for their wholehearted commitment to my work: I thank Christopher Lehman for taking time during his sabbatical to offer sound advice; Mary Wingerd, whose graduate class inspired my thesis and whose candor challenged me to consider every word and idea I put down on paper; and Robert Galler, who spent countless hours proofing my work and refining my approach to the art of writing and teaching. Over the last five years, Rob has made me a better writer and historian. More importantly, he has made me a better teacher, and for that, I am forever grateful. I am also indebted to Mahmoud El-Kati, Reverend Ronald Robinson, and Earl Schwartz. These men met with me, responded to s, and answered phone calls to ensure that I would have a genuine appreciation for the history of North Minneapolis. Because of them, I look forward to sharing with others the stories of the Northside. I am blessed with amazing women in my life. My mother, Donna Rosh, is remarkable. I can very easily note the manner in which she has helped me with my thesis. But what mother wants to be acknowledged like that? I love the way she attacks life, never settling. She is fearless. She inspires me. I must acknowledge my daughters Sophie and Alemitu as well. I am so grateful that with a subtle glance or a not so subtle iv

5 crash into the door they made it easy to put down my work. Pushing them on the backyard swing, making Saturday morning pancakes, and watching classic episodes of The Muppet Show gave me tremendous perspective. Finally, I have never met anyone as selfless, nor as stunning, as my wife Tara. Her unconditional love and support was, is, and will continue to be my sole motivation. v

6 A people without the knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots. -Marcus Garvey vi

7 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page INTRODUCTION... 1 I. BLACK AMERICANS IN MINNESOTA: EARLY HISTORY, EARLY INTERCULTURAL RELATIONS II. THE PLYMOUTH AVENUE DISTURBANCES: ACTIVISM AND THE SEARCH FOR BLACK EMPOWERMENT III. THE 1967 DISTURBANCE EVENTS, PORTRAYALS, AND POLITICAL GAINS AND LOSSES IV. CONSERVATIVE BACKLASH TO BLACK EMPOWERMENT: DISTINCTIONS AND MISINTERPRETATIONS CONCLUSION EPILOGUE BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX vii

8 INTRODUCTION Late in the evening on August 2, 1966, a group of black youths entered the only open store on Plymouth Avenue, Silver s Food Market (which would later be burned to the ground during the summer violence of 1967), and proceeded to steal merchandise. According to owner Irving Silver, as he called the police, the youths smashed the front window as they left and then, according to other witnesses, continued down Plymouth Avenue damaging the storefronts and merchandise of eight businesses. One business, Koval s Appliance, was both looted and set ablaze. 1 The violence on that hot August night in 1966 accelerated change in North Minneapolis; businesses closed, demographics shifted, Mayor Arthur Naftalin intensified his liberal-minded agenda and grassroots organizations arose. By the mid-1960s, frustrations among America s black population, specifically in northern cities, had reached a fever pitch. The affluence of the post-world War II era had reached some Jewish communities but had not filtered down to black Americans. American liberals targeted systemic inner-city ills such as poverty and racism, but funding was tight and patience was short. In Minneapolis, the aforementioned narrative occurred as well. That said, Minneapolis had multiple unique attributes; it had a 1 Futcher, Ruth M. Plymouth Avenue, : Minneapolis Experience with the Racial Violence and Riots of the Sixties. 1980, 5. 1

9 2 reputation as one of the most liberal-minded cities in America, its black population was relatively small, and black advocacy groups typically solicited white support. In North Minneapolis, black empowerment advocates and the city s first Jewish mayor, Arthur Naftalin, approached the long hot summer in an imaginative manner. Almost immediately, they targeted black youths and solicited funds from white philanthropists. Moreover, they created The Way, a community organization aimed at fixing the unequal balance of power in Minneapolis. The Way and its distinct form of black empowerment diffused tension in North Minneapolis and enabled pride in the black community. Furthermore, due to The Way and the leadership of Mayor Arthur Naftalin, no one was killed when violence erupted again on Plymouth Avenue in the summer of Ironically the middle-class citizens in Minneapolis, both black and white, accepted national labels for local issues and the national backdrop of Black Power as something radical clouded Minneapolis citizens opinion of the distinct black empowerment movement in their city. The Way s distinctions, such as the interracial cooperation of its leaders and donors and its ability to openly collaborate with the mayor s office, were never fully understood. Approximately one and one-half years after Malcolm X s assassination and almost exactly a year after the Watts riot in Los Angeles, Stokely Carmichael, galvanized the message of many young black Americans in Mississippi and originated the phrase Black Power. With his 1966 speech in Mississippi, Carmichael fused the call for militance and separatism into a single slogan

10 3 'Black Power,' that captured the imagination of blacks. 2 Within a few years, leaders like Carmichael articulated the manifesto for Black Power as action that would strive to be independent from whites; advances would come without assistance or support from white politicians. Additionally Black Power sought the election of black Americans, the creation of self-sufficient black businesses and local control of schools and black neighborhoods. 3 The growth of national media during the 1960s enabled national developments to eclipse local realities in Minneapolis. In the moderate black community, established leaders who had broken down forms of segregation and achieved some political influence felt that Black Power jeopardized their gains. In the white community, a police officer named Charles Stenvig, capitalized on the national law and order movement and rallied the Minneapolis electorate to flee from Black Power and American liberalism. In Minneapolis black and white communities, traditional convictions towards black empowerment were obstructed by the national Black Power movement. A story of missed opportunity and loss ensued for North Minneapolis. After the August 1966 racial disturbances, The Way Opportunities Unlimited, Incorporated (The Way) opened its doors to the disillusioned youth of North Minneapolis. The Way aspired to provide opportunities for black community members and to lay the foundation for a shared power relationship between blacks and whites in 2 Ringer, Benjamin B. We the People and Others: Duality and America s Treatment of Its Racial Minorities. New York: Tavistock Publications, 1983, The Kerner Report, 234.

11 4 North Minneapolis. According to Mahmoud El-Kati, one of the first volunteer educators at The Way who had spent his early career in Cleveland and St. Paul as a counselor and activist, The Way was in sum and substance, part and parcel of the spirit of awareness and the movement of ideas to address long standing inequities which flawed the ideals of democracy. 4 On the whole, The Way was about fostering black empowerment and self-determination among black youths, specifically those inclined towards wayward acts, in school, home, and the uncharted streets of urban life. 5 From the start, one of the major goals of The Way was not to become a settlement house; the founders wanted an agency that was more responsive to the needs of Northside youths. 6 According to the first president of the board of directors of The Way, Reverend Rolland Robinson, from the beginning support became secondary to reform. 7 Moreover, Robinson felt that The Way diverged from the settlement house philosophy in that it did not wish to duplicate a paternalistic relationship. Plainly stated, The Way s philosophy was never do it for, always do it with. 8 The Way s message was clear; it did not speak for the Negro mainstream and/or middle class. According to Reverend Rolland Robinson, The Way identified 4 Mahmoud El-Kati. Personal interview. 16 Dec Robinson, Rolland. For a Moment We Had The Way: the Story of The Way, : A Nearly Forgotten History of a Community Organization That Almost Turned Minneapolis Upside Down. Andover, MN: Expert Pub., 2006, The Way, Minneapolis Tribune Picture Magazine 1 December 1968, Ibid., Rolland Robinson. Personal interview. 15 March 2012.

12 5 itself with Black Power, not with the Negro community. Those who chose to be called Negro represented a middle class orientation that... (had) a collaborative role with the powers downtown. 9 According to a United States Government memorandum from the United States Department of Justice authored on July 21, 1967, Up to a few years ago, nearly all of Minneapolis Negroes were lower class... In the past few years, however, there has been a large influx of middle class Negroes into Minneapolis, and now the two Negro communities of Minneapolis are split along class lines. These middleclass Negroes are very prestige conscious and feel that the low-class Negroes should pull themselves up by their bootstraps. The poor oldtime Northside Negro community of Minneapolis desperately needs help, but is socially ignored by the middle-class South Side and the city at large. It is tragic that South Side Negroes have the leadership and the influence potential to help the North Side, but they refuse to exercise their potential. Virtually leaderless and unbefriend, Northside Negroes live frustrating lives. 10 Simply put, The Way sought power for the historically powerless, specifically poor black Americans in North Minneapolis, and did not seek sympathy from the establishment. Because of The Way, black empowerment in Minneapolis became politically and socially legitimate in the late 1960s. In its attempts to reform North Minneapolis and be an aggressive advocate for black empowerment, the public actions of The Way and the programs that it created placed it squarely under the microscope of the Minneapolis media, the Minneapolis police force, established civil rights organizations, and the general public as a whole. Additionally, in less than a year after the 1966 disturbances 9 Robinson, For a Moment We Had the Way, United States Department of Justice. Federal Bureau of Investigation. Alleged Contemplated Riots Minneapolis, Minnesota July and August, By Gwyn Jones-Davis. Minneapolis: n.p., 1967.

13 6 and the forming of The Way, North Minneapolis erupted with greater violence and, consequently, more pronounced change. In the early weeks of the summer of 1967, rumors of impending violence circulated in North Minneapolis. At 11:00PM on July 19, 1967, towards the end of the Minneapolis annual Aquatennial Torchlight Parade, two young black women began fighting over a wig, police intervened, and the lid came off on Plymouth Avenue. 11 Even though business owners (many of whom had already begun to flee to the suburbs), civil rights leaders, and city officials were cognizant of the racial frustrations that had been percolating for some time, there was evidence that Minneapolis was immune to the racial disturbances occurring at the national level. Even five days after the 1967 outbreaks, the United Press International (UPI) chose to refer to Minneapolis as one of the most northern of northern metropolises... [a city that] believed it was being fair to all of its citizens. 12 Furthermore, the same report chose to reinforce the groundless claim that the uproar on Plymouth Avenue was largely the work of Negroes new to the community. 13 All in all, in the immediate wake of the Plymouth Avenue disturbances, the significance of the violence and it systemic causes were downplayed and largely blamed on newcomers and a militant minority. Furthermore, much of the blame was unfairly assigned to The Way. 1967: Tribune Wire Services. Whites, Negros Looting Together. Minneapolis Tribune 25 July 12 UPI. Johnson Asks Youths to Rebuild, Not Ruin. Minneapolis Tribune 27 July 1967: Ibid.

14 7 With an examination of census data from the 1960s, it becomes abundantly clear that, when compared to other northern and Midwestern cities, Minneapolis black population was hardly noticeable. While the black population had doubled over the course of ten years, the United States Census Bureau reported that blacks were a mere four percent of the population of Minneapolis in Due to this small percentage, it is hard to associate interracial relationships and contact in Minneapolis with those in Newark or Detroit. However, an examination of Minneapolis near North Side does reveal national trends including urban blight, interracial tensions, unresponsive local government, power struggles between local advocacy groups, white flight, calls for black Power, and conservative backlash. Thus, a central question is, why did violence erupt in North Minneapolis during the late 1960s and why, for a time, did Minneapolis politically shift from a liberal leaning to a conservative-minded city? An analysis of Minneapolis during the 1960s, specifically regarding interracial relations before, during and after the Plymouth Avenue riots, indicates a distinctive local black empowerment coalition that blended Minnesota s liberal traditions with elements of the national Black Power movement. Yet, due to the prevailing national sociopolitical climate and the overall prevailing national narrative of the late 1960s, the majority of middle-class Minnesotans, both black and white, disassociated themselves from black empowerment. Moreover, many whites abandoned their politically liberal beliefs. 14 The Kerner Report: The 1968 Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. New York: Pantheon, 1988, 248.

15 8 The historiography of North Minneapolis during the 1960s is limited. Even though events of the late 1960s in Minneapolis reflect national trends, specifically interracial relations, they are rarely noted at the national level and are given short shrift within state and city literature. One of the only published works that highlights the disturbances of the late 1960s is Overcoming: The Autobiography of W. Harry Davis. Within his work, Davis cites unemployment in the black community, specifically among young black males, as the root cause of the discontent in North Minneapolis. Additionally, Davis emphasizes the urban coalitions that formed in the wake of the violence. While Davis perspective on the disturbances and their aftermath is highly valuable, his voice is the only voice put forth in his work; due to the nature of Davis approach, he shares no other perspectives. The disturbances are addressed in Iric Nathanson s Minneapolis in the Twentieth Century: The Growth of an American City. Here, Nathanson does an admirable job of noting immediate causes, commenting on civic leaders responses, and touching upon attempts at interracial reconciliation during the late 1960s. But Nathanson s intended audience is the casual reader who wants to get a brief overview of twentieth-century Minneapolis. Furthermore, Nathanson s sources concerning the disturbances are almost exclusively limited to W. Harry Davis autobiography and Minneapolis newspapers from the immediate days following the violence. Specifically emphasizing racial reconciliation, Rolland Robinson s For a Moment We Had The Way acknowledges North Minneapolis community members and civil rights workers who sought racial and class resolution as well as social justice

16 9 through unconventional community activism. Stressing unorthodox measures among progressive-minded individuals, Robinson puts forth essays that reflect upon the forming of The Way and its attempt to engage, and advocate for, North Minneapolis residents who were marginalized due to race and/or class. On the whole, Robinson s work provides insight into the grassroots approach that, for a time, was utilized by community organizers and was endorsed by some political leaders in an attempt to curb future racial confrontation. Overall, literature on North Minneapolis during the late 1960s, specifically pertaining to interracial relations and sociopolitical shifts, is scant. My methodology examines the aforementioned works and relies heavily on late 1960s Minneapolis newspaper coverage and government documents. Furthermore, in order to compare and contrast Minneapolis with the national backdrop, I analyze The Kerner Report, the federal government s 1968 commissioned report on Civil Disorders, and Michael Flamm s 2005 Law and Order: Street Crime, Civil Unrest, and the Crisis of Liberalism in the 1960s. My approach is to consider the almost immediate reaction and analysis of the civil disturbances of the late 1960s (Kerner) as well as gain a nuanced assessment of the law and order movement. (Flamm). Finally, as a cornerstone of my work, I conduct interviews with three men who are deeply rooted in North Minneapolis. Both Mahmoud El-Kati and Reverend Ronald Robinson fought for black empowerment in North Minneapolis during the late 1960s. Working at The Way, a controversial community center on the Northside, El-Kati, educated about black history and Black Nationalism. Robinson, a white Methodist

17 10 minister, organized and led as the President of the Board of Directors. Additionally, I interviewed Earl Schwartz, a professor of social justice at Hamline University. Raised in the North Minneapolis Jewish community during the 1950s and 1960s, Swartz did not move from the Northside until he graduated from North High in By juxtaposing these three men s valuable local insight with highly regarded national sources, the tumultuous times of the late 1960s became clearer and distinctions in North Minneapolis surfaced. The structure of my work will be as follows. The Chapter I establishes the parameters of the black community in Minneapolis, specifically noting its members origins, their grievances, what organizations advocated for them, the specific agendas of such organizations, and the manner in which the black community often diverged along class lines. Furthermore, it describes interracial relations that evolved in post-world War II Minneapolis, specifically between the Jewish and black communities. Chapter II highlights the Plymouth Avenue violence of 1966 and 1967, and draws attention to both background and immediate causes. In the process it examines the manner in which mayor Arthur Naftalin and black empowerment advocates attacked root causes and, consequently, began to draw the ire of the city s conservative forces. Chapter III analyzes the manner in which political groups and the Minneapolis media portrayed the violence of In doing so, Chapter III also examines how various groups attempted to use the violence, and citizens subsequent frustrations and fears, for political gain. Finally, Chapter IV fully illustrates conservative backlash and the resultant conservative successes in Minneapolis during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Throughout the majority

18 11 of my work, a story of loss and missed opportunity is illuminated. This is by and large due to a national backdrop that was hostile towards Black Power and American liberalism. There are multiple topics that my work will not address. While I will attempt to shed light on intercultural relations in North Minneapolis during the post-world War II era, specifically the 1960s, I will not fully unpack the history of North Minneapolis Jewish community. Additionally, while the violence of the Plymouth Avenue disturbances is addressed, this work will specifically mention all of the criminal activity or police actions from the two specific nights. Finally, I reference other major United States disturbances from 1967 such as those which occurred in Detroit and Newark, but my work is not a comprehensive study of the long hot summer. Therefore, the city just across the Mississippi River, St. Paul, will not be a focal point of my work. While St. Paul is briefly incorporated in my first chapter to examine the earliest days of the black population in Minnesota and while there have been times of fluidity between the Twin Cities black populations, the history of the black community in St. Paul is different than that of the Northside. 15 From a terminology standpoint, I use the term black when I discuss the people and community who advocated for power sharing in North Minneapolis. This term best represents the spirit of the 1960s. The Black Power movement of the 1960s, which aggressively sought human rights, economic justice, and political influence in black communities, diverged from the mainstream Civil Rights movement that worked within 15 Robinson, Rolland. Continuing Our Conversation. 13 Feb

19 12 the parameters of mainstream American political and social institutions. Additionally, two of my interviewees, the Reverend Rolland Robinson and Mahmoud El-Kati, both of whom were heavily tied to The Way and the Minneapolis black empowerment movement, consistently use the term black. They emphasize black when discussing the people who attempted to improve socioeconomic and political conditions in North Minneapolis during the late 1960s and early 1970s. After staring these two men in the eyes and listening to them passionately discuss their time at The Way, as well as their connection to North Minneapolis, how could I use any other term?

20 Chapter I BLACK AMERICANS IN MINNESOTA: EARLY HISTORY, EARLY INTERCULTURAL RELATIONS Nellie Griswold-Francis was one of the first notable black, liberal-minded activists in twentieth-century Minnesota. She sought security and enfranchisement for Minnesota s black population and all women in the early twentieth century. Working with her husband William Francis, along with local Republicans and members of Pilgrim Baptist church in St. Paul, Griswold-Francis helped spearhead the women s suffrage movement in Minnesota. Additionally, in the wake of the 1920 lynchings in Duluth, she crafted language for an anti-lynching law. After her relentless organizing and campaigning for the law s passage, the anti-lynching bill was signed into law in April of Griswold-Francis story exemplifies the liberal and collaborative sociopolitical spirit that characterized black activism in Minnesota. This chapter examines the slow growth of the black population in Minneapolis, highlighting intercultural relations, discriminatory trends, the socioeconomic development of North Minneapolis and early political maneuverings among black Americans and the Democratic Party. Additionally, it underscores the manner in which the narratives of blacks and Jews converged, and then diverged, on Plymouth Avenue. 16 Taylor, David Vassar. African Americans in Minnesota. St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society, 2002,

21 14 Finally, it stresses the conventional portrayal of Minneapolis black population in the early1960s. Few blacks lived in Minnesota from when it became a state in 1858 through the early twentieth century. According to William Green s A Peculiar Imbalance, in the middle of the nineteenth century, black people began to trickle into Minnesota but their immigration was hardly noticeable and, according to the 1850 census, the black population was.64 percent of Minnesota s total population. 17 The vast majority of this percentage resided in St. Paul. Focusing mostly on St. Paul, Green goes on to assert that this microscopic black community was educated, integrated, yet, politically insignificant. 18 Jim Thompson s story illuminates the idea that Minnesota s definition of race was malleable. During the mid-1800s, Thompson represents Minnesota s black population and is a key component to understanding the open nature of early intercultural relations. While Thompson came to Minnesota territory as a slave, due to the liberal nature of the master-servant relationship, he was encouraged to learn the Dakota language. 19 In time, Thompson became a free man, married a Dakota woman and opened a small general store on the banks of the Mississippi. According to Green, as Thompson fluidly mingled among the multiple ethnic groups of the St. Paul area and became more a part of the business community, his blackness became less relevant. 17 Green, William D. A Peculiar Imbalance: the Fall and Rise of Racial Equality in Early Minnesota. St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society, 2007, Ibid., Ibid., 19.

22 20 Keep in mind that Thompson was denied voting rights, the ability to serve on a jury, 15 and the ability to run for office. Yet, Thompson s neighbors considered him equal to all other men. 21 North Minneapolis must be understood in the context of immigration. According to historian Gloria Weise, North Minneapolis has often been viewed as the Gateway for new immigrants. 22 During the first half of the twentieth century, North Minneapolis emerged as an area of Jewish commerce. From approximately 1920 through 1965, Jewish businesses were approximately one half of all businesses operating on the Northside at one time. 23 During this time, Jewish small business owners and their families were the cornerstone of Plymouth Avenue. The percent of the black population in the Twin Cities remained relatively consistent up until the early twentieth century. During World War I, Minneapolis was affected by the Great Migration and the black population increased by approximately fifty percent. During this time, most blacks that arrived in Minneapolis became employed in the service industry, most notably with the railroads. At the same time, even though the black population rose significantly during this time, they still only comprised about one percent of Minneapolis population. In fact, when compared to 20 Ibid., Ibid., ix Wiese, Gloria J. History of North Mpls. Youth Resources, 28 Aug Web. 22 Oct. 2011, 23 Palm, Risa. Plymouth Avenue in Transition. The Minnesota Geographer 22.1 (Jan., 1970), 9.

23 16 cities like Cleveland (three hundred percent increase) and Detroit (six hundred percent increase), Minneapolis black population was an afterthought to the general population. 24 Although the pre 1920s black population was relatively small, national discriminatory trends did take root; business owners, municipalities and universities put barriers in place and bigoted organizations emerged. From a civic standpoint, black Americans were shut out of most clubs and restaurants, public pools were segregated, restrictive covenants blocked access in most neighborhoods, and white employers hired blacks only as a last resort. 25 Furthermore, while black Americans could enroll at the University of Minnesota, they could not live in campus dormitories. 26 Remarkably, while most would not associate Minnesota with white supremacy and extremism, cases of both existed there in the early twentieth century. For example, during the national revival of the Ku Klux Klan in the post-world War I era, Klan membership in Minnesota was sizable. According to multiple sources, at least ten chapters existed in Minnesota by Furthermore, in this same period, one of Minnesota s most historically shameful moments, the Duluth lynchings of 1920, occurred. Information regarding the lynchings was, for the most part, suppressed until 24 Delton, Jennifer. Labor, Politics, and African American Identity in Minneapolis, Minnesota History , Ibid., Kerger, Howard Jacob. Phyllis Wheatley House: A History of the Minneapolis Black Settlement House, Phylon 47.1 (1st Qtr., 1986), Wiese, History of North Mpls., 4.

24 In that year, the Minnesota Historical Society Press reissued historian Michael Fedo s The Lynchings in Duluth, and collector James Allen released Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America. The latter, intended for a national audience, showcased an original picture of the three black men lynched with locals posing proudly by the men s limp bodies. 29 During the 1920s and 30s, organizations emerged that attempted to assist with, and advocate for, Minneapolis black population. Beginning in 1923, the Urban League, an organization comprised of industrialists, philanthropists and a small number of black professionals, attempted to convince Minneapolis employers to hire black workers. Large employers such as St. Paul s Ford Plant and the American Railroad Company attempted to hire blacks according to the proportion of their population due to the cajoling of the Urban League. Additionally, the Urban League provided career service training and classes focusing on health awareness. 30 Along with the Urban League, a prominent settlement house named Phyllis Wheatley House attempted to help blacks in an era when the majority of Minneapolis population was either unaware of, or indifferent towards, the black population. The purpose of Phyllis Wheatley House was to foster a wholesome leisure-time program for 28 Fedo, Michael. The Lynchings in Duluth. St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2000, as noted by William Green in Forward. 29 Allen, James. Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America. Santa Fe, NM: Twin Palms Publishers, 2000, Delton, Jennifer. Labor, Politics, and African American Identity in Minneapolis, ,

25 18 men, women and children. 31 While Phyllis Wheatley House can be viewed as a traditional settlement house attempting to remedy social ills such as poverty, it did speak out against racial discrimination in Minneapolis and intervene accordingly when needed. While both organizations advocated for black Americans, according to historian Howard Jacob Karger, these types of organizations within Minneapolis and other northern cities at this time can be seen as a way in which whites preserved a form of social control over the black minority. Commenting on Phyllis Wheatley House, Karger asserts that Although developed for Blacks, Wheatley remained controlled by whites well into the 1950s. The need for control by white board members was rooted in the same general paternalism that characterized Progressive era thinking, a paternalism that... was embedded with the ideology of the white man s burden. 32 It is this type of paternalism that became scorned by the leaders of Minneapolis black empowerment movement and the local community group The Way during the late 1960s and early 1970s. By the early 1960s, the systemic neglect of the black population had become firmly entrenched as black city-dwellers became more isolated. Throughout the 1950s and early 1960s happenings that were typically a part of America s positive post-world War II narrative, such as freeway construction and urban renewal, displaced poor black residents. Black businessman and politician Harry Davis, who grew up on the North Side, saw his neighborhood torn apart by the expansion of Olson Memorial Highway and the urban renewal projects of the mid-1950s. According to Davis, highway 31 Karger, Phyllis Wheatley House, Ibid., 89.

26 19 construction on the North Side made main street a thoroughfare where pedestrians were no longer comfortable and retail business could no longer thrive... [additionally] most of the houses [became] owned by absentee landlords who [were] satisfied with a check from the city for their property. 33 The long-term, unintended consequences of these actions fractured black neighborhoods, damaged community programs, and exacerbated housing problems. Moreover, during the late 1950s and early 1960s, there was the largest jump in the black population in Minneapolis history up until that point. The majority of migrants to Minneapolis came from the South and the north-central states during a time when the struggles of the Civil Rights Movement triggered noticeable flight. According to the Census Bureau, Minneapolis black population increased from one percent of the total population in 1950 to four percent by While four percent still seems small, the vast majority of newcomers were settling in an area known as the Near North Side. In North Minneapolis, a once stable, symmetrical socioeconomic relationship became unstable and asymmetrical. The growth and subsequent high concentration of black Americans on the Northside of Minneapolis became magnified by the concurrent acute outmigration of the white, mostly Jewish, population. According to legal scholar John A. Powell in Race the Power of Illusion, all of a sudden you're concentrating large 33 Davis, W. Harry, and Lori Sturdevant. Overcoming: the Autobiography of W. Harry Davis. Afton, MN: Afton Historical Society, 2002, Wiese, History of North Mpls., 7.

27 20 numbers of poor people of color in one place... [and there were] material consequences. 35 In North Minneapolis, a good-natured relationship existed between black Americans and Jews through the 1950s. The best representation of this is the Sumner Park housing project. Construction of Sumner Park, the first form of low-income housing in Minneapolis, took place during the New Deal era. While Sumner Park was segregated, according to Katherine Solomonson from the University of Minnesota School of Architecture, such segregation was diluted during the post-world War II era and a rich cultural mix of black and Jews thrived in the central green space of Sumner Park known as Sumner Field. 36 Whether it was baseball in the summer or ice skating in the winter, Sumner Field evolved into a common ground for neighborhood Jews and blacks. According to Harry Davis, Jr., who grew up in North Minneapolis, Sumner Field became viewed as a safe haven for minorities integrated activities. 37 As Earl Schwartz thumbs through a handful of pictures relating to his connection with the North Side, he hits a photo that gives him pause and greatly illustrates historical themes of diversity and transition on the North Side. The picture is of his 1963 fourth grade class at Frances Willard Elementary School (see Appendix). In showing the picture, Schwartz highlights two things: that the picture was taken about a month after 35 Race: The Power of an Illusion. Episode 3: The House We Lived In. Dir. Larry Adelman. California Newsreel, DVD. 16 Sept Web. 4 Dec Cornerstones: A History of North Minneapolis. Dir. Daniel P. Bergin. University of Minnesota, 37 Ibid.

28 21 the Birmingham, Alabama violence in the spring of 1963, and the multicultural/multiethnic nature of the students. Schwartz feels fortunate to have been a part of the North Side when there was exceptional and pragmatic grassroots diversity in a classroom. At the same time, Schwartz draws attention to the reality that this diversity changed dramatically... seven years later, when I graduated from North, these Jewish faces were gone. While you can still find major Jewish enclaves in cities that experienced civil disorders in the late 1960s such as Milwaukee and Philadelphia, the Jewish population in North Minneapolis today is negligible. According to Schwartz there were places around the country where the Jewish working class remained large enough and the leadership was strong and sustained a presence in a neighborhood that had been hit by urban violence, but that wasn t the case in the Twin Cities. 38 For Jews on the North Side, the confluence of postwar housing desegregation and business owners ascent to middle-class status enabled mobility. In most cases the Jewish population with the resources to move, moved. According to Earl Schwartz: The move to the western suburbs began shortly after the Second World War. There were Jews moving out to St. Louis Part for G. I. Loan homes quite early. They were doing it because they could and it testifies to the degree to which the Second World War was really a watershed moment that began to set in motion changes that were underway by the end of the 40s through the 50s and into the first half of the 60s before the urban violence on the Northside punctuated those changes dramatically. 39 When examining the development of northern inner cities, historians Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton argue that one major difference between immigrant 38 Schwartz, personal interview. 39 Ibid.

29 22 enclaves, such as Jewish neighborhoods in the first half of the twentieth century, and black neighborhoods is that whereas ghettos became a permanent feature of black residential life, ethnic enclaves proved to be a fleeting, transitory stage in the process of immigrant assimilation. 40 Earl Schwartz concurs stating that there were disparate rates of upward mobility in North Minneapolis which contributed to the gaps and frictions between the Jewish and black communities. Furthermore, Schwartz contends that the far more rapid upward mobility of Jews across the country increased [their] integration into the mainstream which distinguished them increasingly from the African American Neighbors. 41 In Minneapolis, by the mid-1950s, informal contact between the two groups became rare and relations soured. According to Harry Davis: Within the span of a few years, shop owners went from being neighbors to semi strangers who lived someplace else. As the Jewish population assimilated into the larger society, they increasingly became just white folks in the eyes of young black people. For a small but increasingly frustrated and impatient share of the black population that remained on the North Side, the shops became a near-at-hand symbol of what white people had and they did not. 42 In an area that is historically seen as a transitional neighborhood, during the 1950s and 1960s, change on the Northside was heightened and more visible. Throughout the 1950s, Jewish outmigration began to accelerate, specifically the outmigration of upwardly mobile Jewish families. This point is repeatedly emphasized by Earl Schwartz who asserts that Jewish outmigration must be viewed as a process 40 Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1993, Schwartz, personal interview. 42 Davis, Overcoming, 158.

30 23 that began decades earlier and should not be solely attributed to the violence that occurred in 1966 and Schwartz is emphatic that there was no abrupt, initial moment of change in the mid-1960s associated with the urban violence that occurred. 43 As Jewish people trickled out of the Northside, what was left behind was a residue of older people on relatively fixed incomes... [thus] the neighborhood was composed of an aging Jewish population with a relatively declining income, and a poorer population of younger white and Negro families. 44 Nonetheless, through 1965, many of the local business on the Northside were still Jewish owned. Consequently, during this period, it became more apparent to community members that, as Earl Schwartz notes, an asymmetrical relationship between Jewish businesses owners and black community members had become entrenched. Schwartz claims: the category business owner almost entirely came with the adjective Jewish so that African Americans conducted business with Jewish business owners and Jews did not do business with African American business owners by an large. 45 By the mid-1960s, the Jewish-owned stores of the North Side became the targets of multiple black frustrations. By 1965, the suburbanization of the United States became apparent and its effects on northern cities were tangible. In 1940, approximately one-third of 43 Schwartz, personal interview Palm, Risa. Plymouth Avenue in Transition. The Minnesota Geographer 22.1 (Jan., 1970), 45 Schwartz, personal interview.

31 metropolitan residents could be classified as suburban, however, by 1970, suburbanites 24 constituted a majority within metropolitan America. 46 Minneapolis was not immune to these radical demographic shifts. Based on the census data of 1960, the area surrounding Humboldt to Penn Avenue near Plymouth Avenue experienced a population loss of approximately ten percent. 47 Furthermore, median incomes between whites and blacks significantly widened and black political clout was marginal. The 1960 census also demonstrated Minneapolis income inequality between black Americans and whites; the median income of non-whites was $4,598, which was two-thirds that of whites. Moreover, from a political standpoint, black Americans and civil rights activists could not prevent the displacement of nearly two thousand black families due to interstate/highway construction, an event that assaulted neighborhood cohesion. 48 When Hubert Humphrey won the mayoral race in Minneapolis in 1945, he was deeply distressed by the city s dismal human rights record. 49 During the World War II era, black Twin Citians, much like black Americans on the national level, struggled to find adequate housing due to discrimination. Moreover, other than the bump in employment during World War II, joblessness was widespread. According to census information, in 1939 approximately sixty percent of black Americans in the Twin Cities were unemployed and many of the largest employers like department stores 46 Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, Palm, Plymouth Avenue in Transition, Denton, Making Minnesota Liberal, Nathanson, Iric. Minneapolis in the Twentieth Century: the Growth of an American City. Saint Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society, 2010, 102.

32 25 (Donaldson s and Power s) and local breweries (Hamm, Schmidt and Grain Belt) refused to hire black Americans for any type of work other than custodial services. 50 Furthermore, during this era residential isolation became entrenched. According to historian Gloria J. Wiese, the vast majority of blacks could not hope to buy or rent outside of definite neighborhoods to which white persons expect[ed] Negroes to be restricted. 51 By the post-world War II era, Minneapolis black population began to have some political influence due, in large part, to Cecil Newman. Newman began publishing the Minneapolis Spokesman out of a barbershop in 1935 to cover black community news and concerns. Newman strove to have his paper promote black citizens full participation in industrial, civic, and political life. 52 At times, Newman used his paper to scold the established black community in the Twin Cities. He commonly asserted that blacks in Minneapolis were staid and mired in a complacency of wealth and parochialism... [Instead, he championed] particular Negro organizations which deemphasized the social and fraternal aspects of clubs, and stressed rather political activism, organizations such as a revamped NAACP and a new University of Minnesota multiracial organization known as the Cosmopolitan Club Wiese, History of North Mpls., Ibid., Delton, Jennifer A. Making Minnesota Liberal: Civil Rights and the Transformation of the Democratic Party. Minneapolis, MN: University Of Minnesota Press, 2002, Ibid.,

33 26 By the 1940s and 1950s Newman recognized that the black vote was too small to have a serious impact in Minneapolis. Thus, Newman s overarching goal became organizing black Minnesotans to connect them with the larger national black community, and... [to create alliances] with white liberals in Minnesota. 54 Ironically, in the 1960s, Newman and the editors of the Minneapolis Spokesman were some of the harshest critics of Minneapolis black youth who participated in the Plymouth Avenue disturbances and the new black empowerment movement. In turn, black empowerment advocates, most notably leaders of The Way, came to view black leaders of 1940s and 50s like Cecil Newman as entrenched components of the white power structure. Hubert Humphrey, who served as mayor of Minneapolis from , is often portrayed as a liberal politician who led the call for both local and national civil rights legislation. In the early days of his term as mayor, he formed the Mayor s Committee on Human Relations which actively sought to combat racial and religious discrimination within Minneapolis. After some preliminary research, the committee quickly recognized that attempts to break discrimination, specifically in housing, would not come easy. Within the first year of its existence, the Committee on Human Relations surveyed whites about housing and race in Minneapolis. The survey asked whites in Minneapolis if they were willing to have blacks or Jews as neighbors. In analyzing the results of the survey, the committee found that negative attitudes [among whites] were... pronounced. Forty three percent of whites objected to Jews living in their 54 Ibid., 92.

34 27 neighborhood and eighty five percent objected to blacks. 55 These findings, along with multiple inequities in the workplace, prompted the Humphrey administration to form the Minnesota Fair Employment Practice Council, in an effort to end discrimination. With the extremely small black vote in Minnesota, it was relatively easy for Humphrey to claim that his aggressive civil rights agenda during his first year in office was in no way political. According to historian Jennifer Delton, with civil rights Humphrey rhetorically diminished Minneapolis already miniscule black population to make the point that he acted out of principle, not politics. 56 Compared with other northern cities in the 1940s and 1950s, Minneapolis politicians, most notably Humphrey, acted progressively on civil rights legislation; only two other cities had any type of fair employment laws. 57 For Jews, according to Earl Schwartz who grew up in a Jewish home in North Minneapolis during the 1950s and 1960s, legal restrictions were broken down and de facto biases were driven underground... [Consequently, Jews] now found themselves swept up in a socioeconomic updraft that was too good to say no to. To remain on the Northside was somehow self-limiting. 58 Institutionalized racism prevented the currents of the socioeconomic updraft from reaching the North Side s black community. Additionally, politicians and 55 Nathanson, Minneapolis in the Twentieth Century, Delton, Making Minnesota Liberal, Nathanson, Minneapolis in the Twentieth Century, Earl Schwartz. Personal interview. 19 June

35 28 organizations underestimated the scope of systemic issues that limited black North Siders upward mobility. According to Jennifer Delton: The cumbersome case-by-case strategy of underfunded municipal agencies barely dented the structural problems of black underemployment, and the over paternalistic forms of... agencies alienated the African American population... Well-intended civil rights legislation failed to strengthen the black communities political power... [and] the depth of the Twin Cities racial problems would not be truly recognized until the racial riots... erupted in Minneapolis... in the 1960s. 59 Plainly stated, when it came to social issues in Minneapolis, both politicians and citizens perceived themselves to be fair-minded and enlightened when compared to the vast majority of the United States. They did not give much thought to, and/or were unaware of, the fact that black children were excluded from Minneapolis summer camps, black home buyers were restricted to certain parts of town, and that neighborhood reorganization caused by construction projects like the creation of Olson Memorial Highway, often did not consider black communities/livelihoods due to their lack of political clout. 60 On the whole, white Minneapolis residents were oblivious to America s old exclusionary practices that segregated people by race and class. 61 Research conducted by the Mayor s Commission on Human Relations, concerning housing problems and racial segregation best illustrates how extreme the divide between blacks and whites was in Minneapolis compared to other major 59 Delton, Making Minnesota Liberal, Ibid., Robinson, For a Moment We Had The Way, 43.

WILLIAM D. GREEN. Department of History Augsburg College 2211 Riverside Avenue Minneapolis, MN 55454. Phone: 612-330-1199 e-mail: greenb@augsburg.

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