Advocacy Centre. Discussion Paper. Women and Gambling: Issues of difference

Transcription

1 Advocacy Centre Discussion Paper Women and Gambling: Issues of difference November 2011

2 *Correct citation for this paper is: Responsible Gambling Advocacy Centre, Women and Gambling: Issues of difference Melbourne, November

3 Contents Executive Summary... 3 INTRODUCTION... 5 Key areas for concern GENDER BLINDNESS IN RESEARCH, SOCIO POLITICAL FACTORS AND THE HIDDEN ELEMENTS FOR WOMEN AND PROBLEM GAMBLING Hidden elements and socio political factors associated with women and problem gambling Socio political factors and problem gambling Socio political factors magnified through cultural factors? Hidden elements for women and problem gambling WHAT THE RESEARCH SAYS ABOUT WOMEN AND GAMBLING Recent research from the UK Women and gambling: figures from Britain Research from Canada Women problem gamblers, slot machines and the pokies Differing treatments between women and men problem gamblers? Women gamble to escape problems in their lives Research from the USA Triggers or motivations for women gamblers Some negative outcomes for women problem gamblers What the international research is saying about the Australian context WOMEN AND GAMBLING IN AUSTRALIA What recent Australian research is saying about women and gambling Gender motivations to gambling: women gamble to escape, men gamble for action Women s preference for isolationist forms of gambling Women and the pokies EGMs, women and problem gambling Women and online gambling WOMEN AND GAMBLING IN AUSTRALIA: WHERE TO FROM HERE? References

4 RGAC Discussion paper Women and Gambling: Issues of difference Executive Summary This paper surveyed international and Australian research for information about women s problem gambling behaviours. Much of gambling research is more or less gender blind and little is specifically directed at analysing the behaviour of women. Because men gamble more than women, and across a wider range of activities, they are more likely to be a focus of research even where gender is considered. Yet the RGAC literature survey found evidence that there was both a decreasing gap between men and women in some forms of gambling; and that there were specific types of gambling, in particular on Electronic Gaming Machines (EGMS, colloquially know as poker machines or pokies ), where women s risk is concentrated. There are significantly higher prevalence figures for EGM gambling by female problem gamblers in Australia. This is echoed in research from around the world where comparisons can be made. For women gamblers, some types of gambling trigger motivations that may effectively place them at greater risk than men playing the same games. This includes using EGMs but also betting on other games based on pure chance. 1 The research suggests women have different problem gambling careers in other ways as well. The pathways both in and out of problem gambling for women appear to be different to men. They are more likely to develop problems later in life, have the problems accelerate faster and have much slower and more difficult times recovering. All of these observations are important for developing and improving effective harm prevention strategies and for the better treatment of female problem gambling. The differences in problem gambling behaviour by women also have implications for understanding and analysing how the advent of online gambling is going to affect them. While Australia has seen an explosion in recent years of online sports betting, with its advertising primarily aimed at men, this paper notes that there is reason to expect that women will tend to catch up to male behaviours over time; moreover that other forms of online gambling, in gaming rather sports betting, may be of strong attraction to them. 2 The literature indicates that women problem gamblers are more likely to gamble to escape. This escape can be from social isolation and loneliness or from particular source of grief or trauma. 1 Pure chance games would also include roulette, forms of lotto and keno and other games where skill is not component of game play. 2 Online gambling is taken to mean any form of gambling that is carried out interactively across the internet. Online gaming is particular types of gambling conducted this way, including casino table and card games, poker and digital EGMs 3

5 Importantly the types of gambling preferred are themselves relatively isolating, which, particularly as losses mount, can lead to increased stress and isolation, a vicious circle. The paper noticed that, compared to the international research, that done in Australia has many gaps when it comes to gender, often not even recording basic statistics from which differences could be observed. These research gaps in turn create gaps in policy development and information for practice. Key Findings The research has been inadvertently neglectful of women, which in turn means the types of risk they are prone to have been insufficiently highlighted. Part of the reason for this has been because men make up a greater number of problem gamblers. However, it has also been because too few questions have been asked from a gender perspective What literature there is indicates women gamblers and women problem gamblers usually have different gambling motivations and behaviours compared to men Women are more likely to gamble in ways that are comparatively isolated, that require low or no levels of social interaction and are likely to be motivated to gamble as an escape from problems There are some forms of gambling where women may be at higher risk than men, most specifically EGMs The amount of women who are gambling appears to be growing, though less so where EGMs are not present Ease of access to EGMs, as well as EGMs themselves, appear as a major factor in producing problem gambling in women There is possibly a higher likelihood of co morbidities in women who are at risk compared to men A preference for forms of gambling that are isolating may exacerbate problems of social isolation that are themselves creating gambling problems How women experience problem gambling and how they are best treated appears to differ from men Women are more likely to become problem gamblers later in life than men Women in treatment are likely to take longer to recover from problem gambling than men Analysis of women s motivations and behaviours for gambling suggests online gaming has the potential to significantly increase risks for women. 4

6 Women and Gambling: Issues of difference INTRODUCTION In local and international research figures on gambling generally show that men are both more frequent gamblers and engage in a wider range of gambling activities than women. This trend deepens where researched comparisons are made between women and men, gender differences are related to problem gambling, and in other gambling behaviours. It is perhaps unsurprising then, that the greater emphasis in research and literature on problem gambling focuses on men. Indeed, according to Svensson et al (2011:193), on a global level, research unequivocally points to men as the largest group at risk of becoming problem gamblers. Paul Delfabbro (2010) confirms men as most prone to problem gambling in his recent Review of Australian Gambling Research. Here he confirms what research is showing internationally, that Australian males are more likely to engage in a wider range of gambling activities and experience problems associated with their gambling. Importantly however, Delfabbro goes on to report that every gambling prevalence survey conducted within Australia has found significant gender differences in relation to gambling participation (Delfabbro 2010:66). Thus, while men may have a greater tendency for developing problems generally, the research examined by this paper reveals that there are two very important points that need to be made regarding women and gambling. First, that there are some forms of gambling where women may be at higher risk than in other forms of gambling. In addition, the research indicates that these forms of gambling may carry more risk for women than they do for men. This paper therefore argues that differences between genders in their gambling behaviours warrant further engagement by researchers, practitioners and policy workers. It is the purpose of this paper to flag for discussion the key gender differences, issues arising from them and the implications these might have for women gamblers and the broader Australian community. Key areas for concern The evidence from both general gambling research, and that with a focus upon women and gambling, raises key issues that are specific to women. Major concerns about women and gambling include: 5

7 A gap in literature, research and data specifically related to gambling and gender difference, women and gambling, and women and problem gambling (Davis and Avery 2004; Svensson 2011). Common motivational factors, triggers and drivers influencing women in their gambling behaviours and preferences towards forms of gambling (CAMH 2011; Davis and Avery 2004). The apparent tendency for women more than men to be involved in more isolated forms of gambling such as poker machines (EGMs) (Productivity Commission 2010; Department of Justice 2011). Further, the potential attractions for women at risk to take up internet or online gambling is starting to show in more recent research (Corney & Davis 2010; Wardel et al. 2010; Productivity Commission 2010). The ways in which the preference for more isolated forms of gambling can be aligned with what also shows in the research as a tendency for women towards escape gambling rather than action gambling ; a type of gambling more commonly observed in male gamblers (see particularly: Productivity Commission 2010). A prevalence of poker machine gambling among women problem gamblers. Both the recent Productivity Commission (2010) report into gambling in Australia and Delfabbro s (2010) Review of Australian Gambling Research report this. They show that: o o there are a significantly greater number of women problem gamblers identifying poker machines/ EGMs as the cause of their problems with gambling. Importantly, Delfabbro (2010:67) notes that figures for women experiencing problems with EGM play could represent as much as 90 per cent of all female problem gamblers. the gap in the ratio of men to women problem gamblers in counselling became much less between the releases of the Productivity Commission reports in 1999 and The former found women representing only 10 per cent of problem gamblers, while in the latter this had increased to somewhere between 40 and 60 per cent (Delfabbro 2010:67). Global research shows that the gaps between the numbers of men and women who gamble using slot machines and poker machines is significantly smaller than for the large majority of other gambling forms (see for e.g., Wardel et al. 2010). This is of some concern since slot machines are very similar to Electronic Gaming Machines (EGMs), the poker machines or pokies as they are commonly known in Australia. Indications that, in comparison to their male counterparts, women develop problem gambling behaviours more quickly (CAMH 2011), when they are older, and it takes them longer to recover (Toneatto and Wang 2009). RGAC suggests that the problems related to the issues above may be further compounded because of gaps in research around gender differences and gambling, and women and problem gambling. These gaps mean there is too little knowledge of the specific of female gambling problems and 6

8 subsequent actions relating to them. Overall the lack of research has likely contributed to a relatively low level of interest around women and gambling, particularly in research coming from Australia. 3 In light of this, the focus of this paper is to elaborate on some of the behaviours, risks and types of gambling profiles that are more specific to, and may be of greater concern and consequence for, women. 1. GENDER BLINDNESS IN RESEARCH, SOCIO POLITICAL FACTORS AND THE HIDDEN ELEMENTS FOR WOMEN AND PROBLEM GAMBLING Women are significantly less represented in either broader or more specific studies into gambling, and problems associated with it. As a result, women are overlooked in research and literature on gambling (Davis and Avery 2004:62). Svensson et al. (2011:193) argue that studies into problem gambling (and into addiction more generally) can be seen as gender blind. Because of this, our paper argues that specific types of risk women may be more susceptible to, has not been sufficiently highlighted in the literature. 4 From such a starting point, this paper notes there are many questions that need to be asked about women s experience of gambling. It suggests that the field of enquiry around gender, women and gambling, and women and problem gambling needs to be significantly expanded. Of particular concern in this regard is what can be identified in the literature and prior research as the differences between men and women and their motivations to gamble. 5 Finally, based on the observations raised around this theme, this paper engages with the potential key differences in gender motivations to gamble have to exacerbate risks for women in the rapidly changing context of online gambling and gaming. 1.2 Hidden elements and socio political factors associated with women and problem gambling The Aboriginal and Islander Health Worker Journal (AIGWJ) (2003) briefly summarised the Second Women and Gambling Conference held in Wollongong, in April Though somewhat aged, the summary is useful in highlighting what it names as a variety of socio political factors and hidden 3 RGAC notes the National Association of Gambling Studies (NAGS) conference held in Melbourne on November 2011 did include two papers addressing issues of women and gambling, one from Australia and one from Canada 4 This gap around gender issues and gambling has most likely occurred because, as we have noted, men have traditionally accounted for a greater overall proportion of problem gamblers. Regardless of this however, this paper works from a starting point that acknowledges significantly more research is required to fill the gap around gender and gambling. 5 RGAC notes a recent paper at NAGS gave salient findings regarding particular motivations of women problem gamblers, suggesting loneliness, loss and grief were important and distinctive factors in triggering problems. This research is not yet published but fits well with much of the published research this paper surveys. Only the lonely: An analysis of women s experiences of poker machine gambling Louise Holdsworth, Elaine Nuske, & Helen Breen NAGS Melbourne November

9 elements associated with women and gambling including backgrounds of abuse and violence (AIGWJ 2003:23) Socio political factors and problem gambling Some of these socio political factors could include a limited access to leisure activities. Rickwood et al. (2010) made this observation about problem gambling in Indigenous communities. They argue that this was a factor making individuals more susceptible to problem gambling. In addition they have found that gambling might be more attractive in such lower income communities due to a perception that there are few opportunities to earn money. These authors have further drawn on studies by Young et al and Young et al (cited in Rickwood et al. 2010:9) to argue that such factors contribute to Indigenous groups being more likely to experience gambling problems than non Indigenous people. These factors while important, are not the key focus of this paper. However, what is of note here is the relationship these researchers are drawing between limited access to other leisure activities, and potentially how the isolation people may be experiencing in these communities might lead to problem gambling. Where women experience a lack of leisure or social activities, either because such options are not there, or because they feel their gender excludes them, this could be a factor increasing the risk of problem gambling Socio political factors magnified through cultural factors? Some of these socio political factors can be seen to also occur for another group of women who have attracted recent media attention as a result of problems they are experiencing with gambling. This is a group identified as Vietnamese (women from a Vietnamese ethnic background), or perhaps more correctly referred to as Vietnamese Australian women gamblers (Munro 2010a; Munro 2010b; Drugs and Crime Prevention Committee 2010). Of relevance is what Nguyen (2010 in Munro 2010a) refers to as a pattern of women lacking in English skills, who are socially isolated, and are drawn to the casino by its glamour. Nguyen points out that the women usually don't go to a psychologist or a family therapist [with their problems]. They say the best way to forget or escape is to go to the casino. The casino staff make you very welcome (Nguyen 2010 in Munro 2010a). The same tendencies to seek escape and isolation through gambling and EGM play noted above can be seen in this particular group of women. Their lack of English skills and social isolation may be seen as compounding with other factors to increase their levels of risk. 7 6 A recent presentation at the 2011 NAGS conference made similar points around significant trauma as the key trigger for women s problem gambling. Journey of the feminine essence: A theory of trauma and female problem gambling Ruth Grant Kalischuk, Sherry Irwin, Jason Solowoniuk, Gary Nixon, & Brad Hagen NAGS Melbourne November These issues have come to light more recently through reporting in the popular media on a number of issues surrounding an overrepresentation of Vietnamese Australian women in Victoria jails and crime statistics (Munro 2010a; Munro 2010b). At the time of writing these reports state that Vietnamese Australian women 8

10 1.2.3 Hidden elements for women and problem gambling Some of the so called hidden elements AIGWJ (2003) refers to could include what has been reported or implied in the literature as a higher incidence of co morbidity in women problem gamblers (see Toneatto and Wang 2009; AIGWJ 2003). 8 It could be expected that in some cases comorbidities could trigger or cause problem gambling. 2. WHAT THE RESEARCH SAYS ABOUT WOMEN AND GAMBLING Compared with Australia there has been significantly more international research with a greater focus on gender comparisons and differences in relation to gambling and problem gambling. Not surprisingly, the focus and some of the findings from this research is highly relevant to Australian contexts. This is particularly the case for some of the more recent research from this field coming from other Commonwealth countries such as Canada and the United Kingdom (UK). Similarities between international and Australian gambling contexts and situations occur in the ratios between numbers of men and women who gamble, the types of gambling each tends to prefer, and differences in motivations between genders in other choices and behaviours they exhibit around gambling. In Commonwealth countries and in the US, males outnumber females in most gambling statistics and figures. Box 1: Co morbidity and gambling Co morbidity or comorbidity is a term more associated with the medical model for treatment of gambling addiction. It refers to a person who has more than one or multiple problems or issues such as problem gambling and substance abuse; or substance abuse and depression and/or other mental health issues or psychological conditions. See also RGAC s recent (2011) Information Sheet: Co Morbidities and Problem Gambling, %20co morbidities%20and%20problem%20gambling%20sep% pdf represented 14 per cent of the female prison population, while the Vietnamese community represents only one per cent of the overall Victorian population (Munro 2010a). 8 It is important to note however, that Delfabbro (2010) calls for further research in this area. He specifically questions the extent to which co morbidities contribute to individuals developing problem gambling behaviours as opposed to the disorder [gambling problem] itself (Delfabbro 2010:221). 9

11 2.1 Recent research from the UK Recent important research coming from the UK can be found in the British Gambling Prevalence Study (Wardle et al. 2010). This report is useful in that it provides a basis for identifying some differences around gender when it comes to gambling behaviours and uptake. It is also quite similar in its aims, purpose and currency to the Australian Productivity Commission (2010) Inquiry Report (into)gambling Women and gambling: figures from Britain Consistent with most comparisons made between women and men s gambling throughout the world, the British Gambling Prevalence Study finds that on average: men are more likely to gamble than women at 76 per cent to 71 per cent men account for higher numbers than women across the vast majority of gambling activities women who gamble participate in fewer different gambling activities than men, with 2.3 activities for men and 1.6 for women (Wardle et al. 2010:9). However, areas in which the British study did find increases; or where numbers or occurrences for gambling in women were higher than for men are: an overall growth in women who gambled in Britain from 65 per cent to 71 per cent over the three year period from 2007 to 2010 (Wardle et al. 2010:10) the few gambling activities where women had a higher participation rate than men include, o bingo (women 12% and men 6%); and o scratchcards (women 25% /men 23%) gambling activities where participation rates for men and women were significantly closer together are reported as: o o o another lottery (other than the national lottery), with men and women measuring the same at 25 per cent national lottery, with men at 61 compared to women at 55 per cent slot machines with men at 16 and women at 10 per cent. At least at first glance and where the two contexts can be compared these figures align with those seen in research into women and gambling, and gambling more generally in Australian contexts (see for example, Productivity Commission 2010; Department of Justice 2011). 2.2 Research from Canada The Canadian Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH) (2011) reports that Ontario women represent one third of adults with a gambling problem. This organisation s website effectively highlights and briefly summarises some of the main issues identified in the research and literature on gender difference and gambling, particularly that coming out of Canada. 10

12 Some of the research CAMH (2011) draws together is a little aged in what is clearly becoming a relatively fluid environment. As in Australia, this fluidity can be seen in the rapid expansion in availability and accessibility for online forms of gambling. Of significant note in this regard and what is now picked up as a chief theme for this paper is what the literature and research from across the globe is saying about the different motivations in women and men to gamble (see for example: CAMH 2010; Productivity Commission 2010; Corney and Davis 2010; Davis and Avery 2004). These sources show that women have a tendency to be escape gamblers whereas men tend towards what is known as action gambling. The CAMH (2010) website also highlights a number of other useful findings in which distinctions can be made between male and female gamblers. They cite Tavares et al. (2001) who point out that problem gambling progresses considerably faster in women; and at an average age of 34.2 years when compared to men at 20.4 years, women tend to start their gambling almost 15 years later in life (CAMH 2011). Mirroring the broader global situation, the information provided by CAMH (2010) shows that men outnumber women in overall numbers and also across the majority of different gambling activities. According to the Canadian research however, women problem gamblers outnumber men in bingo at 45.6 per cent to 10.2 per cent; and what they refer to as lottery, scratch and break open tickets where women at 34.1 per cent outnumber men at 24.3 per cent (Rush and Shaw Moxam 2001 as cited by CAMH 2010) Women problem gamblers, slot machines and the pokies Perhaps most significant for the Australian context is the data CAMH (2010) have brought together on women and problem gambling. This data is sourced from a Canadian Ministry of Health funded study that reports 54.6 per cent of women presenting with gambling problems were having problems with slot machines, compared to only 28.5 per cent of men. Where slot machines in Canada can be compared with poker machines, pokies or electronic gaming machines (EGM) in Australia, this data again connects with a key concern identifiable in Australian gambling research. In this regard, research shows that the majority of Australian women with gambling problems were experiencing them with EGMs (Productivity Commission 2010; Department of Justice 2009) Differing treatments between women and men problem gamblers? In another recent Canadian study Tony Toneatto and Jenny Wang (2009) argue for the need to investigate gender specific treatments, to help curb what they see as a tide of women who are becoming problem gamblers. This study works from a strong public and individual health perspective, with its focus on comparisons that can be made between women and men in processes and outcomes for the treatment of problem gamblers. Toneatto s and Wang s (2009) study also suggests that women are significantly slower in recovery from problem gambling than men. They find that at a six month post treatment follow up, men were more likely to have improved than women. Indeed, significantly more women were still considered 11

13 pathological gamblers at this later attendance (58 per cent, when compared to only 18 per cent of men) (Toneatto and Wang 2009:471). Moreover they report, compared to women gamblers, a higher proportion of men in recovery reported spending nothing on gambling in the six month follow up Women gamble to escape problems in their lives The notion of gender differences in motivations for gambling is also foregrounded by Toneatto and Wang (2009).They find that women tend to gamble to escape problems in their lives. Based on their research they argue that women, gamble excessively to cope with negative emotional states were more likely to have had a history of psychiatric conditions when problem gamblers generally have higher contact with the mental health system prefer pure chance gambling (as opposed to track and sports betting where knowledge of the field can be seen as providing a measure of calculation) 9 have a faster progression toward problems with gambling than men. 2.3 Research from the USA Aside from research coming from Commonwealth countries, Diane Davis and Lisa Avery (2004) have conducted what they argue is the first online study on women gamblers in the USA. The basis for their study, grounded in the recovery of women who they classify as compulsive gamblers, is similar in its public and individual health focus to that of Toneatto s and Wang s (2009). While again, this work is now a little aged, a key element is that it focuses on a group, or as Davis and Avery (2004:62) refer to them, class of women who they argue remain underrepresented and overlooked in the literature. The sample group for their study are women Davis and Avery (2004) identify as compulsive gamblers in recovery. They further describe these women as coming from a middle aged, professional, and middle class demographic Triggers or motivations for women gamblers Davis and Avery (2004) list a number of what they have found to be triggers for gambling in their sample group of women. They describe motivations also seen in other research as boredom, followed by combinations of seeking positive experiences (looking for action, looking for fun, looking for a big win, get rich) and escaping negative feelings or experiences 9 In keeping with other international gambling research the majority of women from Toneatto s and Wang s (2009: ) study were completely abstinent from track and sports gambling ; whereas it was more likely for men to be abstinent from slot machine play. For a list of research supporting these and their other findings see Corney and Davis (2010) p

14 (feeling lonely, depressed, escape spouse worries, cover debts, escape job worries) (Davis and Avery 2004:72). Of note here is the authors use of the words action and escape, which seems somewhat contradictory to what the majority of more recent research is saying (see Productivity Commission 2010; CAMH 2010; Rickwood et al. 2010). While the most research points predominantly to men as looking for action from their gambling and mainly to women as seeking to escape negative feelings ; the women in Davis and Avery s (2004) study seem to be exhibiting behaviours or the motivations of both action and escape gamblers Some negative outcomes for women problem gamblers In addition to identifying triggers for women and gambling, Davis and Avery s (2004) study located negative outcomes of gambling, specifically as they relate (but possibly not limited) to women: deterioration in mental health divorce, relationship breakdown including losing friendship leaving children unsupervised jail/prisons for gambling related offences forging cheques and other illegal activities (to facilitate gambling[?]) (Davis and Avery 2004:75). 2.4 What the international research is saying about the Australian context It is highly unlikely that the outcomes and triggers for women and gambling as seen in Davis and Avery s (2004) research, and the motivations seen in research from the broader field of study are isolated to the US and Commonwealth contexts. Similar conditions and situations impacting and effecting women and gambling occur also in Australia. Key comparisons can be made between reports and research from overseas (e.g. Wardle et al. 2010), and that coming from Australian gambling contexts (e.g. Productivity Commission 2010; Delfrabbro 2010; Department of Justice 2009; Department of Justice 2011). They all show similar overall figures, male to female ratios relating to certain gambling activities and behaviours, and differences in motivations, triggers and tendencies between women and men and their gambling. 3. WOMEN AND GAMBLING IN AUSTRALIA 3.1 What recent Australian research is saying about women and gambling Recent research from Australia is drawn together and summarised in the recent Productivity Commission (2010) report, Gambling (Vols. 1 and 2). This report effectively collates and summarises the current state of play (or at least as recently as ) for gambling research in Australia. 13

15 Similar to the Productivity Commission (2010) but with a perhaps more academic leaning, Delfabbro (2010) has produced the important and recent: A Review of Australian Gambling Research. There is also the useful though state focused, Department of Justice (Victoria) (2011) Victorian Gambling Study: A Longitudinal Study of Gambling and Public Health. 10 Four key themes around women and gambling emerge in the literature from overseas. Each of these themes can also be identified in reports and recent research from Australia. These themes are: 1. The differences between women and men in their motivations to gamble. This can be clearly identified in the research (both internationally and in Australia) as a tendency for women toward escape gambling. Relative to this research also shows that women prefer or tend towards more isolated forms of gambling 2. The implications the accessibility of EGMS in Australia have for problem gambling in women. This is of particular concern given women s tendency towards escape and isolationist forms of gambling as noted for point 1 (above) 3. The potential compounding of these gender differences in motivations to gamble and the implications that stem from EGM access 4. The further implications that may stem from an increase in access to virtual EGMs and other escape gambling of pure chance with the advent of online gaming. Where these issues can be seen to compound, at points three and four, should be of most immediate concern for policy makers, practitioners and researchers. It is especially relevant to current debates around online gambling, and specifically the rapidly increasing accessibility of online gaming and poker machine (or EGM) type play over the internet. 3.2 Gender motivations to gambling: women gamble to escape, men gamble for action More broadly, Rickwood et al. (2010:13) acknowledge the knowledge gaps in the literature and research around gender, age and differences in motivations for gambling. Importantly also, these authors intersect with the suggested key differences in motivation between male and female gamblers. However, unlike in most work that engages with this area (see Productivity Commission 2010) these authors do not specifically name women as escape and men as action gamblers. They do argue that women are more likely to gamble in response to intrapsychic factors such as loneliness, depression, and to gain control over their lives and emotional issues (Petry 2005 as cited in Rickwood et al. 2010:13). These conclusions also found support in recent presentations by Holdsworth (2011) and Kasilchuk (2011) who cite grief and trauma as factors in triggering and motivating problem gambling. Whereas, men are observed to gamble in response to peer group and other external factors such as financial pressures and employment related conflicts (Petry 2005 in Rickwood et al. 2010:13). 10 As a longitudinal study, the Department of Justice (2011) report represents the second wave for the project and therefore, some findings here can only be considered preliminary. 14

16 Rickwood et al (2010:13) further list motivations of escape gambling as being a temporary means of isolation and distraction from worry, demands and responsibilities, and confronting problems. For these authors such triggers or impulses to gamble become a problem because they are more powerful motivators underpinning persistent gambling in samples of problem gamblers and forms a central component of a number of psychological models of gambling. (Rickwood et al. 2010:13; Rickwood et al. 2010:13 citing, Blaszczynski & Nower, 2002; Jacobs, 1986; Sharpe, 2002) Delfabbro (2010) has briefly summarised escape gambling as an area of focus in his introduction to A Review of Australian Gambling Research. As in international research, he briefly summarises gender differences in this regard. He argues that women are motivated to gamble to escape problems and for relaxation (a coping strategy), whereas men are more focused on finding strategies to win money (Delfabbro 2010:7). Delfabbro (2010:7) adds to this that women gamblers are reluctant to participate in the gambling activities usually attracting men. These male gambling forms include card games and racebetting that require knowledge previously obtained. Such knowledge is more likely obtained by men rather than women during adolescence Women s preference for isolationist forms of gambling Thus, there are trends emerging in the research that show a preference in women for pursuing isolation and escape through their gambling online. Corney and Davis (2010:123) for example, identify women as having the characteristics of both escape gamblers and seeking more isolationist forms of gambling. Explaining this further they cite Specker et al. (1996), suggesting that women problem gamblers tend to be socially anxious and avoid social activities more so than their male counterparts or women generally. For Corney and Davis (2010:123) this in part explains female problem gamblers choice of gaming activities, that of slot machines where interaction with others is low. In this regard they also suggest internet gambling, which, because it can be played in isolation, may be an attractive option for women with gambling problems. The attraction offered by poker machines for those seeking isolation and escape through gambling, is discussed in the next section of this paper. 3.3 Women and the pokies Poker machines, pokies as they are commonly known, or more technically named electronic gaming machines (EGMs), present a number of problems and issues for women and gambling in Australia. Gambling research from around the world shows EGM participation rates for women and men are quite similar (Delfabbro 2010:66 67). Further Delfabbro (2010:67) reports, while men are more 11 Interestingly a recent study into teenager poker playing actually found the gender split of young players, while favouring males, to be less than might be supposed. The split of those playing for money was 57% male and 43% female. Kale 2011 p.51 15

17 likely to develop problem gambling behaviours than women, the gap between the two genders has significantly narrowed since the introduction of gaming machines in Australia. Delfabbro defers to the previous Productivity Commission (1999) report into gambling, noting from this that, prior to the introduction of EGMs, women represented around 10 per cent of problem gamblers attending counselling. He notes that the proportion of women in counselling for gambling has increased now to somewhere between 40 to 60 per cent; and that for 90 per cent of these cases, EGMs are identified as the cause of their problems. He further points out, the corresponding EGM prevalence for male problem gamblers is only at per cent (Delfabbro 2010:67). Box 2: Destination gambling and the Western Australian situation Destination gambling is defined by the Australasian Casino Association (2009), The Casino Industry Economic Survey, (in Productivity Commission [2010:14.5]) as where some barriers occur between consumers or gamblers and their consumption of gaming products. Destination venues however, such as a casino in a state capital, require some effort and involve a pre meditated decision for travel, often over distance. Convenience venues such as hotels and clubs on the other hand, offer high accessibility to consumers and (usually), far less barriers for access and to consumption of gambling products. These facilities therefore, may be encountered by consumers as they go about their daily activities, and lead to impulse decisions to gamble (ACA 2009 in Productivity Commission 2010:14.5). In Western Australia EGMs are available only in the Burswood Casino, which is in an inner city suburb of Perth, so this is an example of destination gambling EGMs, women and problem gambling The Productivity Commission (2010:21) nominates gaming machines (regardless of distinctions made between genders), as the likely source of most gambling problems in Australia. According to the report, among individuals seeking counselling for problem gambling, 74 per cent either indicated problems with EGMs or identified these as their primary gambling form (Productivity Commission 2010:J.10). The Productivity Commission (2010:22) reports this pattern recurs for all Australian states except for Western Australia, which the report emphasised, only has destination gambling. The Productivity Commission further emphasises that there are less reported problems among women gamblers in WA (Productivity Commission 2010:22). 16

18 By contrast, in New South Wales 93 per cent of women who sought counselling for problem gambling reported EGMs as the main form of gambling. The equivalent figure for males was only 72 per cent. These figures were only marginally smaller in Queensland, where 87 per cent of women compared to 64 per cent of men reported EGMs were causing them most problems (Productivity Commission 2010:J.10). The WA situation is unique in Australia. With only destination EGM gambling available and less women showing up in figures for those seeking help for gambling, its profile may suggest that ease of access to EGMs as well as EGMs themselves are a major factor in producing problem gambling among women. Observations that can be clearly drawn from the research are what appears to be the relationships between women and problem gambling, and the following three issues: women s propensity for escape gambling their tendency to seek isolated gambling forms; and what might be extrapolated from this as a preference for women for EGMs. Of most concern here perhaps, is the potential exacerbation of these issues caused by the ease of access and availability of EGMs in all states other than WA. It would seem that this issue alone presents itself as an area of considerable concern for researchers, policy makers and practitioners. 3.4 Women and online gambling Given the rapid expansion in the availability and accessibility of internet and online gambling in Australia, the figures on women and online gambling appearing in the research from overseas do give cause for concern. In sports betting, the gender bias in Australia and overseas appears to be towards males. For example, a study published in 2010 found 21 per cent of British male gamblers engaged in sports betting, vastly outnumbering the only three per cent of women gamblers who engaged in it (Wardle et al. 2010:21). When it comes to other forms of online gambling however, Wardle et al. (2010:21) report significantly less distance between the figures, with male gamblers at 20 per cent and the females at 15 per cent. These other forms of online gambling include many games of pure chance such as, using the internet to play the National Lottery, other lotteries, bingo, football pools, casino games, online slot machine style games (Wardle et al. 2010:21). The British report also measures an overall increase in online gambling, from six to seven per cent. While this increase might seem somewhat unremarkable on its own, what is of note is the significantly greater uptake of online gambling by women over men. As the report notes, this rate had almost doubled from three to five per cent over the period from 2007 and 2010 (Wardle et al. 2010:26). 17

19 An important, recent study coming from the UK with a specific focus on women and online gambling was carried out by Robyn Corney and Janette Davis (2010) 12. Working with 2007 figures Corney and Davis foresaw a trend for women and online gambling that has confirmation in the 2010 UK figures. They argued that the gender gap present in the 2007 figures will decrease as has been the case with non internet gambling. They pointed out that while men tend to start using the new technologies sooner, women take them up once they recognise their convenience and ease (Griffiths et al as cited in Corney and Davis 2010: 122). A similar trend can be found in the Australian figures on uptake of online or internet shopping with men starting use early but women rapidly catching up as the technology matures (ACMA 2010:8). Of note however, is what is emerging from the more recent gambling research associated with changes in consumer behaviours 13. This is showing that while online sports betting is becoming an increasingly attractive form of gambling for young men, other forms of online gambling and gaming can be attractive to women who are reluctant to enter traditional, bricks and mortar gambling venues (Cotte 2009). The issues around women tending towards escape and isolationist forms of gambling, such as that offered by EGMs, converge most critically where similar forms of gambling are becoming increasingly accessible and available online. This new form of access to similar types of games is of particular interest in the context of this paper. Researchers such as Corney and Davis (2010:123) emphasise the convergence between the effects of the choice of gaming activities becoming available online and the attraction the isolation of online gambling offers to women problem gamblers. The Department of Justice report (2009:96) also notes in its comparisons between non problem and moderate risk gamblers 14 that the latter were significantly more likely to engage in EGM or poker machine play online. Similarly, they found that moderate risk and problem gamblers were also significantly more likely to have played table games online than non problem gamblers (Department of Justice 2009:99). The authors of this report made no real distinction between women and men, and this could potentially be seen as an example of the lack of visibility of gender issues related to gambling in the literature. However, what this report does suggest is an emerging trend for both female and male problem and moderate risk gamblers those at more vulnerable ends of the scale to take up online gaming. 12 It is important to note that these authors are drawing on the previous British Prevalence Report (see Wardle et al. 2007), where the gap between women and men in their uptake of gambling was significantly greater. The more recent 2010 figures provide more support for their analysis. 13 For more information on online consumer behaviours in relation to gambling, see: RGAC s (2011) Online Consumer Behaviour: Lessons for the Study of Online Gambling, URL: papers 14 The categorisations the Department of Justice (2009) are making for non problem, moderate risk and problem gamblers here are based on the Canadian Problem Gambling Severity Index. 18

20 4. WOMEN AND GAMBLING IN AUSTRALIA: WHERE TO FROM HERE? Observations in this paper are useful because they indicate neglected areas of research around women and gambling. Such research is important to effectively helping women problem gamblers and regulating to reduce risk and harm. While gambling research in Australia does not ignore women gamblers altogether, much of its focus does partially obscure issues related to women and problem gambling. Clearly, what research there is on women and gambling has significant things to say about gender differences in gambling behaviours. It also highlights key and specific concerns about women gamblers. The findings of this paper suggest a more acute focus on gender differences in gambling research is required. Identification and attention to the risks associated with gender will be important for EGM regulation and counselling, associated care programs; and in relation to the regulation, harm minimisation and help for online gambling. Of particular concern with regard to the latter, is the need for attention on online gaming. Particularly importantly for women who are, or have tendencies toward, problem gambling is that online gaming can include EGM, poker machine or poker machine type play over the internet. It also includes roulette which, especially with speed up play in an online environment, can replicate many risk features of EGMs. This paper suggests that forms of gambling perceived as escape, in combination with the isolation inherently provided in the online gambling environment, are considerably more likely to appeal to women than men. This is of significant concern when women s tendency toward escape and isolationist forms of gambling is considered in combination with the greater risk for them (and indeed, men) to develop problem gambling behaviour around EGMs or poker machines. At this time online gaming is not permitted to be offered by Australian providers to Australian consumers. This does mean there is no advertising in mainstream media in Australia working to expand and create a market for this gaming. This is a significant point of difference with the recent expansion of online sports betting. The research suggests women problem gamblers preference for EGMs comes out of preferences for using gambling for escape and for gambling in an isolationist manner. Online EGMs and similar games arguably present intensified forms of these factors. Increased access to EGMs has historically triggered increases in incidences of female problem gambling. Online gaming offers all day, everyday access. The gambling type and the access are in this sense both factors increasing risk. However, perhaps the most pressing reasons for close consideration of the issues noted in this paper is the possibility that internet gaming (including online poker machine type play), may become legal for Australian providers to offer, and therefore significantly more accessible to Australian consumers including women problem gamblers. This is of course a potential outcome of the Department of Broadband, Communications and Digital Economy s Review of the Interactive Gambling Act 2001, due for reporting by the end of

21 The susceptibility of women to currently unregulated types of online gambling (or in particular online gaming), will need to be addressed as part of the larger questions of regulation. In light this paper, there is a strong case that efforts aimed at ameliorating harm from these and other types of gambling would benefit from better taking into account gender differences. References Aboriginal and Islander Health Worker Journal (AIHWJ). (2003). Gambling, Aboriginal and Islander Health Worker Journal, September/October, Vol.27, No.5, (pp.23 28). Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA). (2010). Australia in the digital economy: Consumer engagement in e commerce, Melbourne: Australian Government. Casey, Emma (2006). Domesticating gambling: gender, caring and the UK National Lottery, Leisure Studies,Vol. 25, No. 1, pp Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH). (2011). Section 16: action gamblers and escape gamblers, at Pathological gambling diagnosis and treatment, Mental Health CE, URL: [Retrieved: 12/09/2011]. Corney, Roslyn & Davis, Janette (2010). The attractions and risks of Internet gambling for women: A qualitative study, Journal of Gambling Issues: Issue 24, Published online, July: DOI: / , pp Cotte, June and Latour, Kathryn A. (2009). Blackjack in the Kitchen: Understanding Online versus Casino Gambling, The Journal of Consumer Research, Vol.35, No.5, (pp ). Davis, Diane Rae and Avery, Lisa. (2004). Women Who Have Taken Their Lives Back from Compulsive Gambling: Results from an Online Survey, Journal of Social Work Practice in the Addictions, Vol.4, No. 1, pp Delfabbro, Paul. (2010).Review of Australian gambling research: implications for inter jurisdictional public policy and regulation, 2nd Update Version, January, Melbourne, Victoria: Department of Justice. Department of Justice Victoria. (2011). Victorian gambling study: a longitudinal study of gambling and public health wave two findings, Melbourne: State of Victoria, Department of Justice. (2009). A study of problem gambling in Victoria: problem gambling from a public health perspective, September, Melbourne: State of Victoria, Department of Justice. 20