MORE CONVERSATIONS WITH OLDER WOMEN ABOUT LEISURE AND RETIREMENT

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1 MORE CONVERSATIONS WITH OLDER WOMEN ABOUT LEISURE AND RETIREMENT Heather Gibson, Candace Ashton-Shaeffer, Jenny Green, and Julia Corbin, The University of Florida Throughout the twentieth century, participation in the paid workforce steadily increased among women from all social backgrounds in the US. By the end of the 1990s, women comprised nearly half of the US paid labor force. In 1978, Best prophesized that major changes in American society in the last decades of the twentieth century, including the increasing number of women in the paid work force, would necessitate changes in the way leisure, work, and retirement were viewed. Yet, as Logue (1991) pointed out, until recently most of the research on the experiences of retirees has focused on men, and primarily on white men. Another trend has been has been to investigate women's experiences in retirement in relation to their husbands (Mason, 1988). This tendency reflects the prevailing assumption that paid work is central to the identity of men, and family is central to the lives of women (Shaw, 1994). Further, some scholars have asked if retirement is a valid concept for women, since they may never retire from household work or care-giving roles (Moen, Robison & Fields, 1994). Over the years, researchers have found individuals adapt to retirement in various ways (Ekerdt, 1986). Ebersole and Hess (1998) found individuals who were forced to retire generally experienced more difficulties adjusting to their new life style. Others have suggested that degree of identification with job or career is another influential factor. For example, Erdner and Guy (1990) found that professional women viewed retirement as a negative life event. Likewise, Chamberlain (1990) found that retired professional women felt they had too much time and their retirement was characterized by a search for meaningful activities. In contrast, Price (2000) found that while initially the women in her study experienced a loss of professional identity upon retirement, they turned to new and existing social roles as a source of identity. Because of the variety of retirement experiences, Hanson and Wapner (1994) suggested that is it important to conduct intra-gender analysis of retirement transitions, particularly for women, as they are likely to have had a multitude of work patterns. Indeed, more often than not, women's work experiences are characterized by discontinuity as they have taken time out of paid work to raise children and care for their families (Pienta et al., 1994). Thus, as Szinovascz and Washo (1992) suggested, retirement is not a unitary event for women. Rather it may be one of many discontinuities women experience over their lives and it is likely that women experience the transition into retirement in various ways. Frequently the decision to retire is influenced by family responsibilities, as well as financial, and health considerations (Selvin & Wingrove, 1995). In fact, some women may not see retirement as an option, either from economic necessity or preference, or because of their household responsibilities, women may never feel retired. To date, little of the research on women's retirement has considered the role of leisure in this stage of their lives. Conversely, much of the research in leisure studies that has examined the contribution of leisure in later life has focused little attention on the work and retirement experiences of women, both in the transitions to retirement and in the subsequent years following retirement. Anderton et al., (1995) found that for the older Australian women they interviewed leisure was woven into the general fabric of life and work. Gibson et al., (2001) found that the 12 older women in their study viewed their current leisure in relation to earlier stages of their lives when they had been in the paid workforce and raising children. The purpose of this study was to investigate the meanings of leisure and retirement for older women living in Florida. How do older women define and construct their leisure? How do older women define retirement? Do older women consider themselves retired? Are definitions and meanings of leisure linked with conceptions of retirement for older women? Methods Twenty-four women between the ages of 56 and 83 (mean age 70.3, S.D. 7.28), who were year round residents of Florida were interviewed. Nineteen were married and one lived with a significant other, three were widowed, and one was divorced. The women were selected from a sample of 157 women who had participated in a mail survey conducted in All of the woman were white and were fairly homogenous in terms of socio-economic background (college educated; incomes $20,000 to over $60,000 (USD)). Face to face semi-structured interviews lasting between 25 minutes and one hour were conducted. The interview schedule contained questions asking the women to define leisure and retirement, to reflect upon the meanings that leisure and retirement had for them, and to talk about how leisure had changed or remained stable over their lives. Each interview was audio-taped and subsequently transcribed verbatim. Each woman was sent a copy of her transcript to check for accuracy. Constant comparison techniques with a grounded theory approach were used to analyze the data (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Each researcher read the transcribed interviews independently and then each theme and sub-theme was presented for group agreement. After the prominent themes and sub-themes were agreed upon by the four members of the research team, the transcripts were reanalyzed to explore and confirm the themes. Results The women in this study fall into three distinct groups in terms of the way they defined and constructed leisure in their lives: a) leisure as freedom, b) leisure as relaxation and pleasure, and c) leisure as meaningful activity. Interestingly, the way they viewed leisure coalesced with the ways they defined and constructed retirement. The

2 majority (15) of the women defined leisure as freedom, or as Carol, a 75 year-old, succinctly said, "It's doing as I please, absolutely doing as I please". Barbara, an 83 year-old retired school teacher, said, "Leisure is when you are not on a time schedule, and you can do what you want to do....free time and not being regulated by bells." Most (10) of these women defined retirement in the same terms. For example, Connie (age 82) said, "[Retirement is when] you can just throw the alarm clock away and do what you want to do and go when you want to." Often leisure and retirement were used to define each other. For example, when asked what makes leisure meaningful, Vicki, an active 71 year old, replied, "It's just terrific. It's retirement, and it's wonderful to do what you want to do and to enjoy it at the same time." Many of the women felt a sense of entitlement to the freedom that leisure and retirement provided. As Vicki (age 71) said, "Retirement is free time. Having worked all my life, it is just doing things that I want to do". A sentiment about both leisure and retirement echoed by many of the women was, "It means you can finally do what you want to. It's just a pity that you have to be so old to do it" (Beatrice, age 67). Two other subthemes related to retirement were evident in the women who defined leisure as freedom. Three women did not identify with the term retirement as it implied disengagement. Janice, a 77 year-old widow who works part-time said "[retirement] is a word I will never use. I don't ever plan to retire." Anne, (age 67) on the other hand, although "selfretired as far as reporting to an office" also stated "I am not retired... inside the home and with other people you are never retired. There are always things to do." Two other women who defined leisure as freedom, while both retired in their own right, defined retirement in terms of their husbands' retirements. The second definition that emerged was leisure as relaxation and pleasure. Six women described their leisure in this way. Erin (age 73) said leisure is "contentment, not having to think about something to do. When you can relax, when there is nothing to do" or as Blanche (age 72) said, "doing things that are not necessarily productive in terms of having an outcome other than giving yourself pleasure." The women who defined leisure in these terms usually also mentioned such activities as reading, watching TV, or having a cup of coffee with a friend. Some of these women considered themselves retired and some did not, but the commonality among them was they all structured their lives in a "career-like" fashion. For example, although retired, Blanche is a political activist for the Democratic Party and a fundraiser for a large private university and Erin volunteers regularly with the Department of Children and Family Services. Samantha (age 64) and Julia (age 16) both still work, Samantha teaches English as a Second Language and Julia works in a gift shop. Neither Grace nor Martha ever worked much outside the home, however, Grace (age 57) is the full-time caregiver of grandchildren and Martha (age 75) structures her life around physical activities (golf, walking, bicycling) and "work-camping." The third definition, leisure as meaningful activity, was only expressed by two women. Jessica, an active 77 year-old who felt she was forced into retirement, but still teaches psychology once a week and sees a few patients, defined leisure as "not merely free time, but something enjoyable and meaningful". She went on to say, "there is a difference between leisure and idleness and I don't want idleness." She uses her leisure to write a book, do yoga, and take dance lessons. Luanne, a 71 year-old widow, also defined leisure in these terms, "It could be vacationing, reading, but it is just not doing nothing...leisure is also learning something." Both Jessica and Luanne defined retirement in terms of being useful. Jessica said, "[Retirement], I don't like it. I think there is such an unfair conception of what retirement should be. I would like to see us still be used, we are very useful. I'm not asking for money, but I don't like to be put out to pasture." Luanne described retirement as "just going from one 'job' to the next. Just still wanting to do something... I always wanted to be useful, knowledgeable." She felt she was retired from a paying job, but not retired from being active. Both women retired involuntarily, Luanne due to her husband's health and Jessica because of her age. Discussion In support of Anderton et al.'s (1995) finding that leisure was woven into the fabric of life and work for the older women in their study, the women's experiences discussed here further illustrate the complexities associated with understanding leisure and retirement. While the women are fairly homogenous in terms of social class and race, they are diverse in terms of religious affiliation, marital status, employment patterns, health issues, and interests. Yet, despite this, there do not appear to be any patterns which suggest why some women view leisure as freedom and express a sense of entitlement to it, while others, are determined to resist the ageist stereotypes they feel are associated with retirement. Even here, some women resist "the unfair conceptions of retirement" in different ways either viewing it as "a chance to do what I want" or a "chance to give back," by becoming more involved in community service. Thus, the idea that retirement is not a unitary experience is supported by the experiences of these women (Szinovascz and Washo, 1992). Likewise, Hanson and Wapner's (1994) call for an intra-gender analysis of retirement should be heeded. This may be particularly important in future research with a more heterogeneous sample. For example, in the recent National Retirement Survey, sixty percent of African American and Hispanic women did not feel they would be able to retire or stop working. As a consequence, we suggest this confirms the importance of locating our present and future understanding of leisure and retirement within the context of an individual's socio-cultural worlds, in this instance largely middle class and white, in the context of their life's journey, as well as in their day to day lives if we are truly comprehend their experiences.

3 References Anderton, J., Fitzgerald, C., & Laidler, A. (1995). Leisure lost, leisure regained? Leisure in the lives of older women. ANZALS Leisure Series, 2, Best, F. (1978). The time of our lives: The parameters of lifetime distribution of education, work and leisure. Society and Leisure, 1, Chamberlain, L.A. (1990). The experience of leisure, time, and meaning in daily life among retired professional women (Thesis, University of New York, 1990). Dissertation Abstracts International, 52, Ebersole, P., & Hess, P. (1998). Toward healthy aging: human needs and nursing response. St Louis, MO: Mosby. Ekerdt, D. (1986). The busy ethic: Moral continuity between work and retirement. The Gerontologist, 26, Erdner, R., & Guy, R. (1990). Career identification and women's attitudes toward retirement. International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 30, Gibson, H., Ashton-Shaeffer, C., Green, J., & Autry, C. (2001). Conversations with retirement-aged women about leisure and life. Proceedings of the Australia, New Zealand Association of Leisure Studies Conference, Freemantle, Australia, July 1-4, Glaser, B., & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. Chicago, IL: Aldine Publishing, Co. Hanson, K., & Wapner, S. (1994). Transition to retirement: Gender differences. International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 39, Logue, B.J. (1991). Women at risk: predictors of financial stress for retired women workers. The Gerontologist, 31(5), Mason, J. (1988). No peace for the wicked: older married women and leisure. In E. Wimbush & M. Talbot (Eds.), Relative freedoms: Women and leisure (pp.75-85). Milton Keynes: Open University. Moen, P., Robison, J., & Fields, V. (1994). Women's work and care giving roles: A life course approach. Journal of Gerontology, 49 (4), S178-S186. Pienta, A., Burr, J., & Mutchler, J. (1994). Women's labor force participation in later life: The effects of early work and family experiences. Journal of Gerontology, 49 (5), S231-S239. Price, C. (2000). Women and retirement: Relinquishing professional identity. Journal of Aging Studies, 14 (1), Selvin, K., & Wingrove, C. (1995). Women in retirement: A review and critique of empirical research since Sociological Inquiry, 65, Shaw, S. (1994). Gender, leisure, and constraint: Towards a framework for the analysis of women's leisure. Journal of Leisure Research, 26, Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1998). Grounded theory methodology: An overview. In N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln (Eds.), Strategies of qualitative inquiry (pp ). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Szinovacz, M., & Washo, C. (1992). Gender differences in exposure to life events and adaptation to retirement. Journal of Gerontology: Social Sciences, 47, Heather Gibson, Department of Recreation, Parks and Tourism, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, , USA; Phone (352) ; hgibson@hhp.ufl.edu

4 ABSTRACTS of Papers Presented at the Tenth Canadian Congress on Leisure Research May 22-25,2002 Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation University of Alberta Edmonton, Alberta Abstracts compiled and edited by Edgar L. Jackson CCLR-10 Programme Committee Karen Fox Ed Jackson Gordon Walker Copyright 2002 Canadian Association for

5 The Canadian Congress on Leisure Research is held under the auspices of the Canadian Association for Leisure Studies Le congres canadien de la recherche en loisir Se tient sous les auspices de L'association canadienne d'etudes en loisir BOARD OF DIRECTORS / CONSEIL D'ADMINISTRATION President / President Susan Markham-Starr Acadia University Treasurer / Tresorier Robert Soubrier Universite du Quebec a Trois-Rivieres Past President / President-sortant Edgar L. Jackson University of Alberta Secretary / Secretaire Linda Caldwell Pennsylvania State University Directors / Directeurs Wendy Frisby, University of British Columbia Tom Hinch, University of Alberta Peggy Hutchison, Brock University Jennifer Mactavish, University of Manitoba Lisa Ostiguy, Concordia University Stephane Perrault, Universite du Quebec d Trois-Rivieres Jerry Singleton, Dalhousie University Bryan Smale, University of Waterloo Paul Wilkinson, York University

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