March 2013 IIBFFEASNEWSLETTER İKTİSADİ VE İDARİ BİLİMLER FAKÜLTESİ FACULTY OF ECONOMICS AND ADMINISTRATIVE SCIENCES

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1 March 2013 IIBFFEASNEWSLETTER İKTİSADİ VE İDARİ BİLİMLER FAKÜLTESİ FACULTY OF ECONOMICS AND ADMINISTRATIVE SCIENCES

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3 Contents Commentary The Politics of Independence in Europe 6 Foreign Policy Review of Foreign Policy Magazine 8 Glocal Developments Globally significant local news 10 Research at FEAS Books Journals Conferences 13 Events at FEAS Happy News from FEAS 3 Speakers Activities Travels 21 Weddings Babies 25

4 Kalem in İzi By Suat Öksüz Gediz İİBF/FEAS Newsletter ın başlangıç sayısına hoş geldiniz. Öncelikle Fakültemizin tüm öğretim üye ve yardımcılarına böyle bir girişime destek verdikleri ve sahip çıktıkları için tebrik ve takdirlerimizi, özellikle bu ilk sayıda kalemiyle katkı yapan arkadaşlara da herkes adına teşekkürlerimizi sunuyorum. İlk sayısı Mart 2013 itibariyle başlayan bu girişim hem elektronik ortamda hem de basılı olarak yılda iki kez Mart ve Eylül dönemlerinde basılacak ve dağıtımı yapılacaktır. Fakültemizin üç yıllık bir süre zarfında cinsiyet, etnik, yaş, deneyim ve benzeri faktörler yönünden gerek akademik kadro ve gerekse öğrenci profili açısından oldukça zenginleşmesi paralelinde, geleceğe dönük vizyon, misyon ve temel değerler ile gelenek ve kurum kültürü oluşturma potansiyeli ve kapasitesi dikkate alındığında Newsletter önemli bir işlev göreceği bilinciyle kurgulanmış bir girişimdir. Newsletter bu ilk sayısıyla, tüm öğretim üyelerinin bilgi, beceri ve kişisel deneyimlerini yansıtmakta, onların akademik çalışmalarını ve sosyal faaliyetlerini meslektaşları, öğrencileri ve ilgili kamuoyu ile sistematik bir biçimde paylaşmasının önünü açmaktadır. Bilgi toplumunda, öğrenme ömür boyu süren bir serüven olduğu gibi her türlü faydalı bilgi nin jenerasyonu kadar bunun dar bir çerçevede sınırlı bir kullanım içerisinden çıkarılarak daha geniş kitlelere yayılması profesyonel bir sorumluluk ve mükemmellik bilincinin doğal sonucudur. Öğretim kadrosunun üretici kapasitesinin bir mizana dökülmesi ve bunun geliştirilerek paylaşılması, gerek ülkemizde ve gerekse uluslararası ortamda saygın bir akademik kuruluş olmanın da bir gereğidir. Gediz Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi, bilim ve akademik çevrelerde adını kanıtlama, camia da saygın bir yer alma çaba ve iradesinin iç ve dış paydaşlara yansıtılmasında Newsletter ı değerli bir araç olarak tasarlanmış bulunmaktadır. Newsletter ın akademik camiada özgün bir iletişim kanalı olarak ciddi ve yararlı bir rol üstleneceği açıktır. Bunu yaparken de, akademik yaşam ile sosyal yaşam dengesinin kurulmasının, mutlu olma ile faydalı olma optimizasyonunda birey başarısı kadar hizmet, aidiyet, kişi ve aile mutluluğu, grup bilinci, dostluk, sevinç ve keder ortaklığı gibi öğelerin de toplam yaşam denkleminde önemsenmesi gerektiği gerçeğine de satırlar arasında yer vererek bunu bir sorumluk projesi olarak değerlendirmekteyiz. Üniversitemiz üst yönetiminin destek ve teşviklerinin bu noktadaki kritik değerini burada ayrıca vurgularken, paydaşlarımızı bizlere e-posta veya telefonla ulaşmanın ötesinde kampüsü ziyaret ederek düşüncelerini, görüş ve önerilerini bizlerle paylaşmaya, Newsletter ın içerik ve kalitesini zenginleştirmeye, yararlanma katsayısını artırmaya davet ediyorum. Prof. Dr. Suat Öksüz İİBF, Kurucu Dekanı 4

5 Welcome By Assel Rustemova Dear Readers, As a Chair of FEAS Newsletter Committee, I would like to welcome you to our first issue. The idea for this publication came from Professor Suat ÖKSÜZ, the former Dean and present Chair of International Relations Department. Our initiating group considered a practical way of opening Gediz s windows to broader professional and academic community in exchanging ideas, thoughts and discoveries. The Faculty of Economic and Administrative Sciences consists of five departments (Management, Economics, International Relations, International Trade and Marketing, and Political Science and Public Administration) and brings together around 50 academic personnel. In a span of three years since the University opened doors, Gediz grew into an internationally recognized institution with university partnerships in Europe, United States and Asia and undergraduate intake of 4000 students coming from 37 countries. Our newsletter has permanent sections that highlight academic interests of one faculty member, as a guest commentator. Commentary is followed by the Review of Foreign Policy Magazine, which fleshes out current affairs problems interesting and relevant to our faculty regardless of their specializations. We then outline local events that have global significance as well as global events that have local significance. We called this section Glocal Events. In the Research section you will find our main research output in the past four-six months. When inspired by our ideas, please feel free to reach our faculty members with questions, comments, joint proposals and academic collaborations. Besides academic interests, we want to highlight extracurricular activities of faculty members as well as students. In this issue you will see reports from our trips to Konya and Gaziantep, as well as reports from student organizations on campus. In the last section, we shared happy news about weddings and birthdays. Welcome to the family and we thank you for being part of our community! Fondly, Assel Rustemova, Assistant Professor in International Relations Department On behalf of the FAES Newsletter Committee 5

6 The Politics of Independence in Europe By Emanuele Masetti In late September 2012 the regional government of Catalonia announced the intention to hold an official consultation on Catalan independence from Spain. In Scotland a referendum on independence from the UK has been in the agenda since the 2011 regional elections and is scheduled for To be sure, even if Scotland or Catalonia achieved independence, they would not be the first cases in recent European history. In Central-Eastern Europe several states were born only in the 1990s as a result of the collapse of the USSR and Yugoslavia. The most recent developments of this disintegration process led to the appearance of two new states: Montenegro (2006) and Kosovo (2008). Even some EU member-states, such as the Baltic ones, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, are the result of recent processes of secession. Yet, the prospect of a break-up of current member-states and the creation of new ones sitting at the table of the European Council is unprecedented, calling for a wide breath reflection on processes of state disintegration, their normative bases and possible implications. In particular, I would like to briefly address three questions: first, whether these minority nations (or ethnic groups) have the right to break-up the state in which they are; secondly, what is going to happen next in Spain and the UK; and finally, what lessons can we learn from the experiences of these two cases. state. And even if the minority group and the rest of the population of the state found themselves in agreement to split, there might still be the problem of minority groups within the two new states. In fact, mainstream liberal thought is ever more oriented towards restrictive interpretations of the right to unilateral secession. Authoritative scholars in the field, such as Allen Buchanan, have proposed to recognize the right to secession only as a last resort option against violations of human rights by the state or illegal/unjust conquest by a foreign power. As the break-up of an existing state is often a traumatic event involving violence and widespread suffering, the defense of state integrity should be held as a top principle. In this perspective, the conception of the right to secession as mere remedial right appears to function as balance between an abstract right to selfdetermination and a concrete need to avoid the spread of ethno-nationalist violence. According to this view, ethnic minority groups have the right to engage in political activities in favor of particular group rights - usually the right to use their own language or to practice their own religion. Within the political process of the state, they also have the right to ask for territorial autonomy. But they do not have the right decide unilaterally to breakaway from the state. Secession can become a legitimate right only to remedy a situation of systematic and violent abuse by the state on the minority population. So, do they have a right to secession? In normative terms, two strictly interrelated questions are in order: the right to self-determination and the procedure to take a decision on that. Starting from the second, it is fair to say that finding a democratic way to solve issues of selfdetermination is almost a paradox. The reason is quite simple: self-determination is a predemocratic issue. The democratic principles and procedures can only be applied after having established what the demos (i.e. the people) is. Therefore, a just procedure should also take into account the willing of the whole population of the Photo : Kristin Diamond Commentary 6

7 What will happen next? Neither in Catalonia nor in Scotland there has been systematic discrimination or violent repression by the state. So, in theory, both minority national groups could not claim a general right to secession. However, the history of the two countries and their institutional systems might determine a different development between the two cases. The UK (following the example of Canada in respect to the Quebecois question) appears to accept the right of Scotland to unilateral selfdetermination. According to recent news there is even an agreement between the British and Scottish government on the wording of question for the referendum. Maybe in London they are rather self-confident that Scottish voters will reject independence and choose to remain within the UK. In spite all the tensions that an eventual break-up might entail, and particularly the issue of sharing the revenues from the North Sea s oil, they appear prepared to run the risk and face the consequences. Overall, the process seems to proceed on a peaceful path dictated by party politics and multi-level inter-governmental diplomacy. In contrast, in Spain the central institutions have promptly reacted against Catalonia by stressing the illegality of the initiative and blocking the referendum. Even leaving aside the abstract principle of the indivisibility of the Spanish state (and the Spanish nation), Catalonia is far too important - the richest and one of the biggest region - for Spain to let it go. Also considering the tradition of the Spanish army, which sees itself as the ultimate guarantor of Spain s unity, a prolonged insistence by Catalan nationalists on secession might bring about a confrontation exceeding the limits normal party politics and multi-level intergovernmental relationships. Lesson from the two cases Interesting observations can be drawn by these two cases. First, state openness towards a proper voicing of minority nationalist opinions in these two regions appears to be an approach that favors a peaceful political process. Political violence linked to Catalan and Scottish nationalism has been (differently from Basque Country and Northern Ireland, respectively within the same state) virtually inexistent and, arguably, the fact that people in favor of autonomy/ independence are free to express their views, organize politically and participate in a fair electoral process has contributed to that. In this respect, an inclination by the state towards compromise, rather than outright and rigid rejections of all demands, should help the cause of internal peace. However, the cases also show the inadequacy of territorial autonomy as a way to solve the issue and, in particular, to avoid the mounting of a politics of independence (and perhaps an actual break-up of the state). Regional self-government has been used by minority nationalist parties to strengthen themselves electorally and put forward demands for secession and bringing about the current tensions (especially in Spain). As a final point, I would like to stress the (negative) role of the EU s institutional setting and political-economic ethos. Although European integration is usually acknowledged as a process favoring peace and stability, it is worth noting that the (still) overwhelmingly inter-governmental nature of the EU places an excessive penalty in not having one s own seat at the table of the Council, leading minority nationalist parties to prefer full independence inside the EU to a compromise within existing states. In addition, the neo-liberal ethos adopted by EU technocratic institutions has contributed to an uncritical glorification of the concept of economic competition which manifests itself at all levels: not only between private companies or individuals or states but also between regions within the same state. If relationships between regions of the same state are ever more influenced by economic competition at the expense of solidarity, then opportunities for a politics of secession can only increase. This is even more the case if, like in the last two years, the ethos of competition is placed within a rigid framework of fiscal discipline and cuts to public spending. Not surprisingly, it engenders a struggle between regions over ever smaller financial resources and embitters relationship between the central government and the regions. Photo : Asli Olcay 7 Commentary

8 Review of Foreign Policy Magazine By Assel Rustemova I would like to welcome readers to the Foreign Policy Magazine column that we are launching with the first issue of our newsletter. The purpose of the column is to review articles from this international publication in order to flesh out the debates and inspire critical thinking for interdisciplinary audience. Foreign Policy Magazine is a good venue to proceed, because it covers wide range of issues for us to address. In the past three months the Magazine has given much attention to the elections. Specifically, two major elections focused its attention. The first elections were in the United States that allowed Obama to pass to the second term and the second elections happened in China where the Communist Party was selecting the new leaders of the Politburo Standing Committee. Both elections were important not only because of the sheer dominance and political lure of these countries, but also because of the structure of global economy and stability of international system. In this context electorate in the United States supported democratic president Barak Obama with an overwhelming majority of 303 over Republican candidate Mitt Romney s 206 electoral votes to which world leaders responded with wit. Vladimir Putin s greeting telegram mentions I know not from hearsay how exhaustive and intense the elections campaign may be. 1 Benjamin Netanyahu, Israeli Prime Minister celebrated Obama s victory as a sign of the greatest democracy on earth. 2 Similar preference for Obama is shared by the majority of the people around the world. Sixty-two percent of respondents in the Gallup International poll suggested that US elections play a big role in their lives and 31 out of 32 countries surveyed would have voted to Barak Obama had they a chance. 3 The only state where population overwhelmingly supported Romney was Israel for his radical stance on Iran s nuclear program. 4 The Magazine was right to point out that despite the strong support of Obama, foreign policy of Democratic Party was not much different from the Republican counterpart. Both parties vow for two-state solution in the conflict between Israel and Palestine. Mitt Romney said: I will recommit America to the goal of a democratic, prosperous Palestinian state living side by side in peace and security with the Jewish state of Israel. 5 Both candidates share the same position over nuclear Iran, withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan and distribution of aid to Pakistan. 6 Both candidates expressed their desire to work with China, thereby shifting the rhetoric towards cooperative tones. 7 1 Quoted from Joshua Keating (2012), The Best of the World Leader Congratulations, Foreign Policy Magazine, November 8, Available at blog.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/11/08/the_best_off_the_w orld_leader_congratulations accessed on November 23, The quote whitewashes overwhelming claims for rigged elections in Russia in March 2012 that almost set the country into turmoil. 2 Quoted from Ibid. The quote intentionally minimizes the fact 2012 presidential and congressional elections cost US population over USD 6 billion in total, the largest amount of money candidates spent on campaigns so far raising concerns over private donations and free speech. 3 Uri Friedman (2012), Blue Planet, Foreign Policy Magazine, October 31, 2012 available at e=full accessed on November 22, Ibid. 5 Joshua Keating and Uri Friedman (2012), Who Said It: Barak Obama or Mitt Romney? Foreign Policy Magazine, October 24, 2012 available at ck_obama_or_mitt_romney?page=full accessed on November 22, Ibid. 7 Ibid. Review of FP magazine Photo : Yunus Ozsu 8

9 However, despite a relatively friendly stance several issues remain on the agenda in the bilateral relations between China and the US. The first big issue on the agenda is whether or not China is a currency manipulator. Exchange rate set up by governments has a direct impact on the competitiveness of the domestic products. The general consensus in the US is that China intentionally keeps renminbi to dollar exchange rate high, so Chinese goods can cheaply be sold in the US and hurt domestic manufacturers. The estimated cost for the American economy comes down to 1 million jobs and USD200 billion a year. 8 regard Foreign Policy Magazine wanted to examine the options that two countries could take in the forthcoming year. Contrary to Mitt Romney s claim of introducing punitive sanctions against China, once chosen a president, the law forces two countries to begin negotiations. Bilateral talks and adjustments can take years. 9 For example, previous negotiations with China took two years ( ) to complete with dubious results, since annual trade deficit between two countries continued to grow since Alternatively, US can introduce tariffs, which democratic House of Representatives already passed, but the republican Senate is blocking the bill. 11 Therefore, the label currency manipulator does not carry much power outside of symbolic value. 12 The second problem in the bilateral relations is related to conflict between China and Japan in East China Sea over Senkaku/Diaoyutai islands. Japan claims the islands and possible energy reserves beneath them as its territories. It signed a security treaty with the US, which may force US to support Japan in the case of aggression. China also claims the islands. In defense of its claims it has suspended sale of Japanese goods in its domestic market, including Toyota cars and electronics. The resolution of the conflict will depend on the new Politburo Standing Committee in China, which brings up to the second elections that this article would like to highlight. The newly elected seven members were announced on November 15th, Xi Jinping, the new General Secretary of the Chinese Communist party is known for coining a superpower doctrine for China that resulted in rebalancing toward Asia policies. He, 13 together with Liu Yunshan (Director of Propaganda Department) and Wang Qishan (Secretary for Disciplinary Inspection) will most probably present a tough stand against Japan in the dispute whose leader doesn t apologize for China. 14 The stand could be mediated by Yu Zhengsheng, who is a Chairman of People s Consultative Conference and Zhang Gaoli and Li Keqiang, the economic gurus of Chinese Miracle. In this regard, Stephen Walt, a writer at the Foreign Policy Magazine who calls himself a realist in an ideological age proposes US to be wise and avoid being stuck defending allies that aren t worth much and solve intractable and costly problems in places that ultimately don t matter very much in geopolitical terms. 15 Leaders responsible for the US-Chinese relations will have to move towards cooperative mode if they are to overcome these problems and ensure stability of international system. Cooperation might be difficult to achieve under strong public pressure in both countries. The column will keep an eye on upcoming developments. 8 Washington Times (2010), China s Yuan Value Hits US Economy, Two Experts Say, March 15, 2010, available at accessed on November 22, Joshua Keating (2012), What Happens After You Label a Country a Currency Manipulator: You Ask Them to Stop It. Foreign Policy Magazine, October 17, 2012, available at ens_after_you_label_a_country_a_currency_manipulato r?page=full, accessed on November 22, Ibid. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 13 Isaac Stone Fish (2012), Game Change: China Edition: What is American Political Reporters Covered the Chinese Horse Race? Foreign Policy Magazine, October 4, Available at ge_china_edition?page=full accessed on November 22, Ibid. 15 Stephen Walt (2012), Why the United States Should Help China Get More Involved in World Affairs, Foreign Policy Magazine, November 8, 2012, available at walt.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/11/08/why_the_unit ed_states_should_help_china_get_more_involved_in_w orld_affairs, accessed on November 22, Review of FP magazine

10 IIBFFEASNEWSLETTER March 2013 Glocal Developments Stiglitz in Çeşme By Ozan Uçuk The 3rd International Conference on Economics, organized by the Turkish Economic Association, was held in Çeşme/İzmir on November 1-3, The theme of the conference was Debt Dynamics, Financial Instability and the Great Recession. The media showed remarkable interest to the conference thanks to speeches by Turkish Minister of Finance, Mehmet Şimşek and the Nobel Prize laureate, Joseph Stiglitz. Minister Şimşek outlined positive developments in the Turkish economy since 2002, whereas Stiglitz critiqued economic orthodoxy both in theory and policy. Specifically, Stiglitz emphasized that: Standard economic models could not foresee the global financial crisis, because they had wrong assumptions, such as absence of understanding the differences in the financial sector. We need new models that anticipate crises and work in such bad times. Economic crises are man-made unlike natural disasters. Even at the beginning everybody knew that European Union was not an Optimal Currency Area. This fundamental problem was largely ignored until the outbreak of the Eurozone crisis. European policy package, which includes severe austerity measures, is worsening the situation in the Eurozone crisis. Such policy responses will only delay the recovery. Photo : Ozan Ucuk Glocal Developments 10

11 And the Nobel goes to OSYM? By Ozan Uçuk This year the Nobel Prize in Economics was awarded to Alvin E. Roth (Harvard University) and Lloyd S. Shapley (University of California) for their works in stable allocations and the practice of market design. The real life examples of the theory include matching partners, kidneys patients, physicians hospitals, students schools. In the scientific background paper, the Nobel Committee also cited the work of M. Utku Ünver s (Boston College) and Tayfun Sönmez s (Boston College). Both are former members of the Department of Economics, Koç University İstanbul. M. Utku Ünver Local press in Turkey released the news about the Prize citing ÖSYM (Student Selection and Placement Centre in Turkey) as a nice example of Ünver and Sönmez s studies. However, Tayfun Sönmez in his paper together with Michel Balinski in 1999, drew attention to the deficiencies of the university placement system in Turkey and suggested some proposals to improve it. Now the question arises as to whether the ÖSYM will take Sönmez s suggestions into consideration, which has not been the case so far. Tayfun Sönmez Fitch Upgrades Turkey s Ratings: By Ozan Uçuk Fitch, one of the big three credit rating agencies, upgraded Turkey to investment grade after 18 years. Strong public finance and a sound banking system were considered as positive factors that affected the rating, whereas problems associated with current account deficit remained a key rating weakness, said Fitch. The upgrading split public opinion into three sides. First, there are those, who reacted positively to Fitch s decision, anticipating a boost in capital inflows. Second, there are those, who had reservations, considering stability of the rating as more important than frequent rating fluctuations by drawing attention to the overall economic weaknesses highlighted by Fitch. Third, there were critics of credit rating agencies, citing their role in the outbreak of the global financial crisis. Despite the ongoing debates, no sanctions were imposed against these institutions. 11 Glocal Developments

12 Müzakere ve Farklı Boyutları Negotiation By Suat Öksüz Gediz Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi yayını olarak Ekim 2012 de basılmıştır. Prof.Dr. Suat Öksüz ün editörlüğünü yaptığı kitap Üniversitemiz akademisyenlerinin bir grup çalışması olup, müzakere kavramına ve müzakerenin farklı yönlerine ışık tutmaktadır. Müzakere kuramları ve teknikleri, iletişim becerilerinin, halkla ilişkiler ve duygular açısından değerlendirme yapan çalışmalar ın yanısıra uluslararası müzakereler bağlamında ilginç konu ve deneyimler ele alınmıştır. Çok-taraflı, çok-kültürlü ve çok-aşamalı, tam anlamıyla örgütlenmiş Avrupa Birliği (AB) katılım müzakereleri uluslararası müzakere olgusu bağlamında ilginç ve değerli bir örnek oluşturmuştur. Çalışmada AB ile müzakere sürecinde Türk tarımı ve kırsal kalkınma politikaları incelenmiştir. Dünya Ticaret Örgütü-DTÖ (WTO) ve dünya ticaret sistemindeki gelişmeler ele alındıktan sonra, GATT/WTO müzakereleri çeşitli açılardan değerlendirilmektedir. Buna paralel bir diğer çalışma Doha Kalkınma Gündeminde (Doha Development Agenda) yer alan tarım konusuyla ilgili kapsamı genişletilmek istenen müzakereleri konu almakta, gündeminde tarım konusundaki gelişmeler üzerinde değerlendirmeler yapmaktadır. İzleyen bir başka çalışma, DTÖ ünde tüm üyelerce uygulanacak olan anlaşmaların imzalanmasına olanak verme ortamında, kuralların uygulanması ile ilgili ortaya çıkan sorunlarda çözüm mekanizmasını incelemektedir. Son iki çalışma uyuşmazlık ve uzlaşma konularına odaklanmakta olup; literatürde ADR olarak isimlendirilen yöntemlere değinerek, özellikle son çalışma avukatların uzlaşma sağlama yetkisi üzerinde durmaktadır. MiReG: Migration Research at Gediz University By MiReG Committee We are very glad to announce establishment of the Migration Research at Gediz University (MiReG). The mission of the group is to conduct and disseminate the findings of high quality research, both academic and policy oriented, in the field of migration in Turkey and worldwide. The members of the group, most of which come from the FEAS, are committed and also appointed to create a migration research center. In this academic year MiReG works to organize three main activities/ events: a Conference open to all students and faculty members on refugees from the Syrian civil conflict (held on 26 December 2012), an internal seminar series which will result in the publication of proceedings (Spring 2013), and an international summer school on methodological approaches and techniques in immig r a t i o n r e s e a r c h ( S u m m e r ). F o r f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n : and Research 12

13 Faculty Seminars By Nursel Aydıner Avşar Gediz University Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences has held a series of Faculty Seminars on a regular basis starting from the Spring 2012 semester. The first Faculty Seminar Series in Spring 2012 was organized by Hakan GÜNTÜRKÜN as listed below: Prof. Dr. Meltem ONAY, Celal Bayar University, Department of Business Administration, "Farkındalığınızın Farkında Mısınız?", Prof. Dr. Şerif ŞİMŞEK, Gediz University, Department of Business Administration, Aile İsletmelerinde Kurumsallasma, Assist. Prof. Dr. Zeynep ŞAHİN MENCÜTEK, Gediz University, Department of International Relations, Explaining Women s Better Representation in Pro-Kurdish Parties in Turkey between 1991 and 2011, Assist. Prof. Dr. Emanuele MASSETTI, Gediz University, Department of Political Science and Public Administration Understanding Machiavelli s Political Thought and Its Relevance in the Contemporary Politics, The second Faculty Seminar Series was organized by Nursel AYDINER AVŞAR in Fall There were five external and internal speakers on various subjects. Their abstracts are presented below. The first seminar of the Series was given by Assist. Prof. Dr. Assel Rustemova from Gediz University, Department of International Relations on , titled as Foucault in Central Asia: Bureaucratic Dissidence and Governmentality of Industrialization : The first idea that I would like to introduce is the notion of economic liberalism that Foucault identifies as governmentality. Despite authoritarian nature of the regimes in Central Asia, Kazakhstan pursues economically liberal (or in the contemporary academic language neoliberal) industrialization policies, which systematically introduces three pillars of liberal mentality in its reforms. The second concept developed by Foucault, the concept of dissidence fits to explain why and how this industrialization and liberal governing rationale does not work in Kazakhstan. Foucault formulated resistance as the dissidence of conduct (Foucault, 2003, lecture 12), as a practice of alternative non-governing rationale. Two concepts of Foucault, governmentality and dissidence help us to identify spaces of liberalism in the authoritarian regimes (with different degrees) and to show the mechanism and challenges that the liberal projects faces in these regimes. The second seminar was given by Prof. Dr. Özlem Önder from Ege University, Department of Economics on , titled as The Size Distribution of Cities and Determinants of City Growth in Turkey : The aim of this study is twofold. Firstly, this study examines the size distribution of cities by using Zipf s law. The second objective of this study is to investigate the effects of determinants of urban growth in Turkey by using the data for the time period. The main findings of the study show that there is some evidence that Zipf s law holds in Turkey. Moreover, according to the rank-minus-half rule the results suggest stronger support for the Zipf s law in size distribution of the cities. Furthermore, the regression results indicate that fertility rate, location of the city, migration, agglomeration in services, and specialization in manufacturing industry have positive impact, whereas schooling rate has a negative effect on growth of the urban population regarding Turkey. 13 Research at FEAS

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