Economic, social and civic contributions of first and second generation humanitarian entrants

Transcription

1 About the Research Economic, social and civic contributions of first and second generation humanitarian entrants National Centre for Social Applications of Geographical Information Systems, University of Adelaide People who arrive under Australia s Humanitarian Program display considerable personal courage, often having overcome extraordinary hardship and traumatic situations. While there are costs involved in resettling refugees, they bring significant benefits to Australia. This research therefore seeks to answer the question: what are the economic, social and civic contributions to Australia of first and second generation Humanitarian Program entrants? It involves analysis of Census data, interviews with families and in-depth discussions with organisations such as employment, education and refugee service providers. Key messages The research found the overwhelming picture, when one takes the longer term perspective of changes over the working lifetime of Humanitarian Program entrants and their children, is one of considerable achievement and contribution. The Humanitarian Program yields a demographic dividend because of a low rate of settler loss, relatively high fertility rate and a high proportion of children who are likely to work the majority of their lives in Australia. It finds evidence of increasing settlement in nonmetropolitan areas which creates social and economic benefits for local communities. Humanitarian entrants help meet labour shortages, including in low skill and low paid occupations. They display strong entrepreneurial qualities compared with other migrant groups, with a higher than average proportion engaging in small and medium business enterprises. Humanitarian settlers also benefit the wider community through developing and maintaining economic linkages with their origin countries. In addition, they make significant contributions through volunteering in both the wider community and within their own community groups. The research provides valuable insight for all organisations that assist with and plan for the settlement of Humanitarian Program entrants and seek to enhance their contributions to Australian society. Policy Innovation, Research and Evaluation Unit June 2011

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3 ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CIVIC CONTRIBUTIONS OF FIRST AND SECOND GENERATION HUMANITARIAN ENTRANTS by Graeme Hugo ARC Australian Professorial Fellow, Professor of Geography and Director of the National Centre for Social Applications of GIS, The University of Adelaide with the assistance of Sanjugta Vas Dev, Janet Wall, Margaret Young, Vigya Sharma and Kelly Parker Final Report to Department of Immigration and Citizenship May 2011

4 CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES... vi LIST OF FIGURES...xiii LIST OF FIGURES...xiii GLOSSARY... xvii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS... xx EXECUTIVE SUMMARY... xxi CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION AIMS AND OBJECTIVES AUSTRALIA S REFUGEE-HUMANITARIAN MIGRATION PROGRAM DATA CONSIDERATIONS: SECONDARY DATA Introduction The Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups Approach The Second Generation Linked Census and Settlement Data Bases The Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants in Australia (LSIA) The Australian Labour Force Status and Other Characteristics of Recent Migrants Survey Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals Study PRIMARY DATA COLLECTION Introduction Survey of Households... 32

5 ii Limitations of the Survey Qualitative Studies MODELS OF MIGRANT INCORPORATION OUTLINE OF REPORT CHAPTER 2. THE DEMOGRAPHIC IMPACT OF REFUGEE- HUMANITARIAN MIGRATION INTRODUCTION TRENDS IN REFUGEE-HUMANITARIAN MIGRATION TO AUSTRALIA THE AGE STRUCTURE OF THE REFUGEE-HUMANITARIAN POPULATION GENDER COMPOSITION FERTILITY SETTLER LOSS THE SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION OF REFUGEE-HUMANITARIAN SETTLERS Introduction Interstate Settlement Metropolitan vs Non-Metropolitan Settlement CONCLUSION CHAPTER 3. LABOUR FORCE ENGAGEMENT AND PARTICIPATION INTRODUCTION LABOUR FORCE PARTICIPATION The Longitudinal Survey of Immigration in Australia (LSIA) Labour Force Participation at the 2006 Census

6 iii Labour Force Participation Among the Second Generation Labour Force Participation According to Length of Residence in Australia Gender Differentials Labour Force Participation Survey Evidence UNEMPLOYMENT Introduction Unemployment of Humanitarian Settlers at the 2006 Census Other Studies of Unemployment Among Humanitarian Settlers ABILITY TO SPEAK ENGLISH Introduction Ability to Speak English at the 2006 Census EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND Introduction Census Data on Educational Achievement of Humanitarian Settlers Current Education Attendance OCCUPATION AND INDUSTRY Introduction Findings from the 2006 Population Census Evidence of Occupational Skidding Industry INCOME Introduction HOUSING

7 iv 3.9 THE IMPACT OF THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS (GFC) DISCUSSION OF HUMANITARIAN PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOUR MARKET CONCLUSION CHAPTER 4. REFUGEE-HUMANITARIAN SETTLERS ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION BEYOND LABOUR FORCE PARTICIPATION INTRODUCTION HUMANITARIAN SETTLERS AS ENTREPRENEURS DO HUMANITARIAN SETTLERS FILL PARTICULAR EMPLOYMENT NICHES? ECONOMIC LINKAGES WITH ORIGIN COUNTRIES Development Effects on Origin Countries Fostering Trade CONCLUSION CHAPTER 5. THE SOCIAL AND CIVIC CONTRIBUTION OF AUSTRALIA S HUMANITARIAN SETTLERS INTRODUCTION VOLUNTEERING COMMUNITY GROUPS CONTRIBUTING TO COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT PARTICIPATION AND ENGAGEMENT WITH THE WIDER COMMUNITY BARRIERS TO SOCIAL PARTICIPATION SATISFACTION WITH LIFE IN AUSTRALIA CONCLUSION

8 v CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSIONS INTRODUCTION THE ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION SOCIAL AND CIVIC CONTRIBUTION THE IMPORTANCE OF A LONGER TERM PERSPECTIVE POSITIVE RECEPTION AND RESETTLEMENT AS A FOUNDATION FOR CONTRIBUTION CONCLUSION APPENDIX I: INSTRUCTION PROVIDED TO ORGANISATIONS AND RESPONDENTS APPENDIX II: THE SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE APPENDIX III: OFFICIAL KEY INFORMANTS APPENDIX IV: HUMANITARIAN VISAS REFERENCES

9 vi LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Australian Immigration Program: Planning Levels and Outcomes by Migration Program Category... 7 Table 1.2: Australia: Humanitarian Program Outcomes: Visas Granted, to Table 1.3: Generation Structure of Australian Immigrant Groups Developed by Price (1955, 1963) Table 1.4: Modified Generation Structure Classification Developed by Price (1979, 1982) Table 1.5: Variables Used to Link SDB and Census Files for Gold and Bronze Standards Table 1.6: Number of SDB Records Available for Linking and the Numbers Linked for Gold Standard and Each Level of Bronze Standard Table 1.7: Relative Frequencies (Percent) in Each English Proficiency Category, for Gold and Bronze Standard Linked Data Compared with SDB Table 1.8: LSIA: Response and Non-Response in Wave Table 1.9: LSIA: Cohort 1: Primary Applicants in Wave 1 by Interview Status in Waves 2 and Table 1.10: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey, : Respondents by State Table 2.1: Australia: Number of Persons Born in a Country Which Has Sent Significant Numbers of Refugees to Australia and Australia-Born Persons Indicating Their Ancestry was in One of These Countries, Table 2.2: Australia: Selected Refugee Groups by Country of Birth, Table 2.3: Ancestry Multi Response: Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups, 1986, 2001 and

10 vii Table 2.4: Australia: Visa Category by Mean and Median Age, to Table 2.5: Australia: Settler Arrivals by Visa Category, to Table 2.6: Australia: Birthplace and Ancestry, Percent 0-14, Percent 65+, Percent 75+ and Median Age, Table 2.7: Australia: Sex Ratios by Visa Category, to Table 2.8: Australia: Refugee-Humanitarian Groups, First and Second Generation Sex Ratios, Table 2.9: Australia: Total Fertility Rate of Selected Birthplace Groups, Table 2.10: Australia: Humanitarian Birthplace Groups by Settler Arrivals and Permanent Departures, to Table 2.11: Australia: Indices of Dissimilarity for Selected Refugee Birthplace Groups, Table 2.12: Australia Major Capital Cities: Index of Dissimilarity, Table 2.13: Australian States and Territories: Percentage Distribution of the Population by Birthplace and Overseas-Born Arriving in the Last Five Years, 2001 and Table 2.14: Australian States and Territories: Natural Increase, Net Overseas Migration, Net Interstate Migration and Total Population Growth, Financial Years, Table 2.15: Australian Settler Arrivals: Visa Category by State/Territory of Intended Residence, Table 2.16: Australian States: Percentage of Population Made Up of First and Second Generation Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups, Table 2.17: Australia: Birthplace Groups With the Highest Concentration in Major Cities, Table 2.18: Regional Refugee Settlements Table 3.1: Labour Force Participation Rate and Unemployment by Visa Category (Percent)

11 viii Table 3.2: Australian Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups, First and Second Generation: Labour Force Participation and Unemployment, Table 3.3: Australia: Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups People Who Arrived Aged 12 Years and Above and Those Aged Less Than 12 Years: Labour Force Participation and Unemployment, Table 3.4: Australia: Country of Birth by Year of Arrival in Australia by Labour Force Status, Table 3.5: Country of Birth of Person by Sex and Labour Force Status, Table 3.6: Australia-Born, Ancestry Multi-Response by Sex and Labour Force Status Table 3.7: Australia: Labour Force Participation Rates for Immigrants by Visa Category, Table 3.8: DIAC Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals Study (SONA) and HSS: Work Status by Visa Category, Table 3.9: Summary Statistics for Humanitarian Program Migrants, by Period of Residency Table 3.10: DIAC Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals Study (SONA): Satisfaction with Job by Visa Category, 2009 (Percent of those working) Table 3.11: Unemployment Rates of Immigrants by Year of Arrival, Visa Group and Age Group, Table 3.12: Australia: Unemployment Rate of Refugee-Humanitarian Migrants, Table 3.13: Visa Type of Arrivals by Labour Force Status in 2006: Proportion (Percent) of All migrants Aged Over 15 Years Table 3.14: Australia: Unemployment Rates for Immigrants by Visa Category, Table 3.15: Unemployment Rates, Canterbury Local Government Area, 1991 and 1996 by Language and Birthplace

12 ix Table 3.16: Visa Type of Settler Arrivals, by English Proficiency in 2006: Proportion (Percent) of All Migrants Aged Over 15 Years Table 3.17: Summary Statistics for Humanitarian Program Migrants, by Period of Residency Table 3.18: Humanitarian Settlement Survey: How Settlers Got Their First job in Australia, Table 3.19: Australian Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups, First and Second Generation: Ability to Speak English, Table 3.20: Vietnam-Born and Year of Arrival in Australia by Labour Force Status, Table 3.21: First Generation Refugee-Humanitarian Groups: Proficiency in Spoken English by Labour Force Status, Table 3.22: Second Generation Refugee-Humanitarian Groups: Proficiency in Spoken English by Labour Force Status, Table 3.23: Visa Type of Settler Arrivals, by Post-School Qualification in 2006: Proportion (Percent) of All Migrants Aged Over 15 Years Table 3.24: Australia: First and Second Generation Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups and Australia-Born Unemployment Rate and Labour Force Participation Rate by Level of Education, Table 3.25: First and Second Generation Refugee-Humanitarian Groups: Post- School Qualification, Age 20+ Population, Table 3.26: First and Second Generations Still Attending Education by Age, Table 3.27: Visa Type of Settler Arrivals, by Occupation in 2006: Proportion (Percent) of All Migrants Aged Over 15 Years Table 3.28: Australia: First and Second Generation Refugee-Humanitarian Groups Percent of Labour Force in Professional and Unskilled Occupations,

13 x Table 3.29: Australia: First and Second Generation Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups Percent of Workers with Bachelor or Higher Qualifications in Managerial or Professional Occupations, Table 3.30: Australia: First and Second Generation Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups Percent of Workers Employed in Manufacturing, Table 3.31: Visa Type of Settler Arrivals, by Individual Income (Weekly) in 2006: Proportion (Percent) of All Migrants Aged Over 15 Years Table 3.32: Australia: First and Second Generation Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups Gross Weekly Individual Income, Table 3.33: Visa Type of Settler Arrivals, by Tenure of House in 2006: Proportion (Percent) of All Migrants Aged Over 15 Years Table 3.34: Australia: Percentage of First and Second Generation Refugee- Humanitarian Birthplace Groups Who Own Or Are Purchasing Their Own Home, Table 3.35: Barriers to Employment for Refugees as Identified by Key Informants Table 4.1: Australia: Small Business Operators by Birthplace, Table 4.2: Australia: Australia-Born and First and Second Generation Refugee- Humanitarian Birthplace Groups, Percent Owner/Managers, Table 4.3: Recently Arrived Settlers: Percent Who Are Running Their Own Business or Setting up a Business, Table 4.4: Australia: Australia-Born and First and Second Generation Refugee- Humanitarian Birthplace Groups, Percent Owner/Managers by Sex, Table 4.5: South Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Labour Force Status of Settlers Before Migration, 2009 (N=252) Table 4.6: Australia: First and Second Generation by Percent Employment Type,

14 xi Table 4.7: National Policies for Regional Dispersal of Asylum Seekers and Refugees Table 4.8: Australia: Remittances Sent to Relatives by Immigrants According to Visa Category of Arrival Table 4.9: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Frequency and Amount of Remittances Sent Table 4.10: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Monthly Household Income According to Whether They Provide Financial Assistance to Others Table 5.1: Percent of Australia-Born, First and Second Generation Humanitarian Settlers Who Are Volunteers by Age Table 5.2: Immigrant Settlers Arriving Between : Percent who Engage in Volunteering Work by Visa Type, Table 5.3: Australia: First and Second Generation Refugee-Humanitarian Settler Birthplace Groups: Percent Who Do Voluntary Work for an Organisation or Group, Table 5.4: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Volunteering Table 5.5: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Description of Networks Within Their Ethnic Community Table 5.6: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Assistance Given to Others in Their Ethnic Community Table 5.7: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Participation in Ethnic Community Activity Table 5.8: Proportion of Migrants Without Family Members and Close Friends Already in Australia, Table 5.9: Degree of Connection to Local Community Among Recent Arrivals by Visa Category, Table 5.10: Recent Arrivals to Australia: Have You Been Treated Well Since Coming to Australia?, By Visa Category

15 xii Table 5.11: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Description of Local Neighbourhood Social Networks Table 5.12: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Do You Feel a Part of Your Local Neighbourhood? Table 5.13: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Do You Feel Part of the Mainstream of Australian Social and Cultural Life? Table 5.14: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Types of Assistance Given to Neighbours Table 5.15: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Activities Participated in Within Local Neighbourhood Table 5.16: Activities Engaged in by Recently Arrived Migrants, by Visa Category Table 5.17: Adelaide Humanitarian Migrants: Where the Migrants Meet Their Friends (n=255) Table 5.18: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Participation/Membership of Community Groups Table 5.19: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Involvement in Specific Civic Roles Table 5.20: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Involvement in Civic and Political Activity Since Being in Australia Table 5.21: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Answers to Question I am Happy With My Life in Australia Table 5.22: Level of Comfort With Living in Australia by Visa Category (Percent) Table 5.23: Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey: Percent Who Value Particular Characteristics of Their Living Situation Table 5.24: Level of Confidence About the Future by Visa Category (Percent)

16 xiii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: Refugees Entered and Resettled per 1,000 Population in Major Countries, Figure 1.2: Top Immigration Countries, Figure 1.3: Australia: Humanitarian Program Offshore Arrivals, Figure 1.4: Refugee and Humanitarian Arrivals to Australia by Region of Birth, to Figure 1.5: Australia: Unauthorised Arrivals, to Figure 1.6: Onshore Refugee and Humanitarian Arrivals by Region of Birth, to Figure 1.7: Australia: Migration Program Outcome by Stream and non-program Migration, to Figure 1.8: Distribution of Origin Birthplace Countries of Refugee Migrants to Australia, Figure 1.9: Distribution of Origin Ancestry Countries of Refugee Migrants to Australia, Figure 1.10: Developing the LSIA Sampling Frame for the First Six Month Segment for the First Interview of the First Wave Figure 1.11: Data of Collection Strategy Figure 1.12: Australian Humanitarian Settlement Survey: Age-Sex Structure of Respondents, Figure 1.13: Estimates of the Contribution of Population, Participation and Productivity to Economic Growth in Australia Over the Past 40 Years and Projected Over the Next 40 Years Figure 2.1: Waves of Refugees to Australia Since Figure 2.2: Refugee and Humanitarian Program and All Indo Chinese Settlers Arriving in Australia,

17 xiv Figure 2.3: Australia: Age-Sex Structure of Refugee-Humanitarian Migrants, to and Total Australian Population, Figure 2.4: Australia: Age-Sex Structure of Refugee-Humanitarian and Total Migrant Intake, to Figure 2.5: Age-Sex Structure All Refugee Birthplace Groups, Australia-Born in Refugee Ancestry Groups, Refugee Groups Who Arrived Aged <12 Years and 12+ Years Figure 2.6: Australia: Age-Sex Distribution of Vietnam-Born and Australia-Born with Vietnamese Ancestry, Figure 2.7: Australia: Percentage Age-Sex Distribution of Vietnam-Born and Total Population, Figure 2.8: Australia: Age-Sex Distribution of Bosnia and Herzegovina-Born and Bosnian Ancestry, Figure 2.9: Australia: Age-Sex Distribution of Croatia-Born and Croatian Ancestry, Figure 2.10: Australia: Age-Sex Distribution of Lebanon-Born and Lebanese Ancestry, Figure 2.11: Australia: Age-Sex Distribution of Afghanistan-Born and Afghan Ancestry, Figure 2.12: Australia: Age-Sex Distribution of Ethiopia-Born and Australia-Born with Ethiopian Ancestry, Figure 2.13: Australia: Average Number of Children by Age of Mother for Australia, Lebanon, Vietnam, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Cambodia Birthplace Groups, Figure 2.14: Australia: Average Number of Children by Age of Mother for Australia, Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran Birthplace Groups, Figure 2.15: Australia: Average Number of Children by Age of Mother for Australia, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan and Sierra Leone, Liberia, Congo, Burundi Birthplace Groups,

18 xv Figure 2.16: Australia: Distribution of Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Migrants, Figure 2.17: Australia: Distribution of Refugee-Humanitarian Ancestry Migrants, Figure 2.18: South Australian Settler Arrivals: Percentage of National Humanitarian and Non-Humanitarian Intake, Figure 2.19: Australia: Estimated Net Rest of State 1 Migration, Figure 2.20: Australia: Settlement of Refugee-Humanitarian Settlers Outside Capital Cities, Figure 3.1: The Economic Impact of Immigration Figure 3.2: Labour Force Participation Rate 18 Months After Migration, by Gender and Visa Category Figure 3.3: Unemployment Rate 18 Months After Migration, by Gender and Visa Category Figure 3.4: Australia: Refugee-Humanitarian Birthplace Groups, First and Second Generation and Australia-Born Labour Force Status, Figure 3.5: Migrants Proficiency in Spoken English, Figure 3.6: Australia: Speaks English Well or Very Well by Employment Type, Unemployed and Participation Rate for First, Second Generation and Australia-Born, Figure 3.7: Highest Year of School Completed by Migrants, 15 Years and Over, Figure 3.8: Non-School Qualifications of Migrants by Visa Type, 15 Years and Over, Figure 3.9: Australia: Percent Unemployed by First, Second Generation and Australia-Born and Qualifications, Figure 3.10: Australia: Participation Rate by First, Second Generation and Australia-Born and Qualifications, Figure 3.11: Occupation of Employed Migrants, 15 Years and Over,

19 xvi Figure 3.12: Australia: Unemployment Rate of the Population by Birthplace, April 2001 to March Figure 3.13: Australia: Unemployment Rate of the Overseas-Born by Region of Birth, April 2001 to March Figure 4.1: Global Formal Remittance Flows, Figure 4.2: Australia: Outflows of Remittances in US$ Millions, Figure 5.1: Australia-Born, Total Refugee-Humanitarian Groups First and Second Generation: Percent Who Are Volunteers, Figure 5.2: Adelaide Humanitarian Migrants Social Situation, 2009 (n=252)

20 xvii GLOSSARY AABC Australia Africa Business Council ABS The Australian Bureau of Statistics AHSS Australian Humanitarian Settler Survey APIC Australian Population and Immigration Council ASIC Australian Securities and Investment Commission AusAID Australian Agency for International Development AUSTRADE Australian Government Trade Commission CALD Culturally and Linguistically Diverse CCS Complex Case Support CITSA Council for International Trade and Commerce South Australia DEEWR Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations DFID Department for International Development DIAC Department of Immigration and Citizenship DIMIA Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs doi moi Economic Revolution DP Displaced Person ESL English as a Second Language

21 xviii FDI Foreign Direct Investment GDP Gross Domestic Product GFC Global Financial Crisis HIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome HSC Higher School Certificate I D Index of Dissimilarity IES International Education Service IGR Intergenerational Report IHSS Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Services LGA Local Government Area LOTE Language Other Than English LSIA Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia MBA Master of Business Administration MES Mainly English Speaking MPI Migration Population Institute MRC Migrant Resource Centre NEIS New Enterprise Incentive Scheme NES Non-English Speaking

22 xix NESB Non-English Speaking Background NGO Non-Government Organisation OAM Medal of the Order of Australia OECD Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development PPV Permanent Protection Visa RCOA Refugee Council of Australia SCOA Settlement Council of Australia SDB Settlement Data Base SGP Settlement Grants Program SLA Statistical Local Area SOMTA Somali Money Transferring Association SONA Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals Study SSRM State Specific and Regional Migration TAFE Technical and Further Education TFR Total Fertility Rate TPV Temporary Protection Visa UNHCR United Nations Higher Commissioner for Refugees WAMMCO Western Australian Meat Marketing Corporation

23 xx ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many organisations and individuals assisted the author with the undertaking of the present study and we express our heartfelt thanks to all of them. Thank you to the Settlement Council of Australia (SCOA) for promoting this research to its members. Andrew Cummings, Executive Officer of SCOA worked extensively and voluntarily to recruit Migrant Resource Centres and Settlement Agencies from across the country to assist in facilitating the Humanitarian Entrants Questionnaire. We would also like to express our appreciation to Ms. Eugenia Tsoulis of the Migrant Resource Centre of South Australia. The following organisations are acknowledged for facilitating the Humanitarian Survey Questionnaire within their respective states. They were critical in recruiting participants and ensuring that surveys were completed in a timely and accurate manner. South Australia: The Migrant Resource Centre of South Australia; Australian Refugee Association; Vietnamese Community in Australia (South Australian chapter) Queensland: Multicultural Development Association; ACESS Services Inc. Logan; Multilink Community Services Inc. Victoria: AMES; Spectrum Migrant Resource Centre; Migrant Information Centre (East Melbourne) Western Australia: Multicultural Services Centre of W.A; Metropolitan Migrant Resource Centre Inc; The Edmund Rice Centre Mirrabooka; Fremantle Multicultural Centre Inc. New South Wales: Fairfield Migrant Resource Centre; Metro Migrant Resource Centre We would also like to acknowledge the great assistance and support from the staff of the Department of Immigration and Citizenship, especially Ms. Lyn Hearfield. The support and assistance of Ms. Vanessa Koufomanolis of Australian Survey Research is also very gratefully acknowledged.

24 xxi EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The displacement of people as a result of persecution is one of the world s most persistent and pressing issues. Australia has been one of the few countries in the world which has accepted substantial numbers of refugees for resettlement more than 700,000 thus far. In Australia humanitarian migration is an important and continuing element in national political discourse. Part of this discussion centres around the issue of the costs and benefits of refugee resettlement for the Australian economy and society. By definition, refugees are persons who have left their homes unwillingly, have not planned their migration and have been unable to bring resources with them in their migration. Inevitably there must be greater costs involved in their resettlement than is the case for other immigrants. Against the considerable costs involved in resettling refugees, however, too often there is no attempt to consider the benefits that refugee resettlement bring to Australia. The prime motivation for the refugeehumanitarian program has always been a humanitarian one with Australia accepting its responsibility as an international citizen and a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Convention for the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees. Nevertheless this report demonstrates, using careful analysis of secondary and primary data, that humanitarian settlers have also made important contributions to Australia s economic and social development. Assessing the contribution of refugee-humanitarian settlers is rendered difficult because migrants visa categories are not included in most standard data collections. However, this study demonstrates statistically that the countries of origin of refugee-humanitarian settlers in Australia and those of skilled migrants is almost totally different so that census data relating to those countries of birth are strongly representative of humanitarian settlers. A methodology is thus developed to investigate the characteristics of first and second generation settlers from census data. In addition, data from a number of national samples which identify refugee-humanitarian settlers separately are analysed. However, it was also deemed essential to carry out a substantial primary data collection exercise. This involved a questionnaire survey of over 600 refugee-humanitarian settlers and a large number of in-depth qualitative interviews with humanitarian settlers, as well as a range of key stakeholders.

25 xxii The first chapter of the report presents the aims of the study, analyses the main trends in humanitarian migration to Australia and discusses in some detail the sources of data and methods employed. The findings regarding the contribution of humanitarian settlers are presented in four chapters, each dealing with a separate domain where it is argued these settlers have made significant economic, social and civic contributions. These domains are partly built around the Department of Treasury s Intergenerational Report which argues that Australia s future economic prosperity in the face of an ageing population will be strongly influenced by developments in the three Ps Population, Participation and Productivity. Accordingly, Chapter 2 considers the impact of humanitarian settlement on Australia s demography, Chapter 3 focuses on their participation in the workforce and Chapter 4 on their wider contribution to the Australian economy. Chapter 5, however, shifts the focus on their social engagement in the Australian community. Since the Refugee and Humanitarian visa category was given a separate identity in 1978, some 438,000 refugee-humanitarian settlers have arrived in Australia. At the 2006 Census over a million Australians were either born in a country which has sent significant numbers of refugees to Australia or were Australia-born with an ancestry in one of those countries. However, the study shows that there are a number of distinctive aspects to the population contribution of humanitarian settlement in Australia: Refugee-humanitarian settlers are younger than other migrant groups and a high proportion is made up of children who will spend all of their working lives in Australia offsetting the effects of an ageing workforce and delivering a demographic dividend. Fertility levels vary between different groups but on average they have higher levels of childbearing than Australia-born women. Refugee-humanitarian settlers have substantially lower settler loss rates than other migrant groups. They are more likely than other groups to spend their entire life and raise their families in Australia. There are some indications that refugee-humanitarian settlers are increasingly settling in regional Australia in areas where development is being impeded by a lack of labour and service provision is threatened by declining resident populations.

26 xxiii A major discussion of the assessment of the economic contribution of humanitarian settlers is their participation in the workforce and this is assessed in Chapter 3. Undoubtedly, in the early years of settlement humanitarian settlers experience higher unemployment and lower workforce participation than other migrants. This is a function of them on average having less English language ability, less educational experience, different forms of family support, less pre-migration preparation, poorer physical and mental health and greater difficulty in having their qualifications and experience recognised. It is argued here that it is necessary to take a longer time perspective than the initial years of settlement when assessing the workforce engagement of humanitarian settlers than for other migrants because of the fact that the circumstances of their migration make them conceptually different to other migrants. Nevertheless, it is demonstrated that: The levels of unemployment and participation rates converge toward those of the Australia-born with increased residence in Australia. The second generation has much higher levels of labour force engagement than the first generation and in many cases the level is higher than for second generation Australians. English language ability is an especially important barrier to labour market engagement among humanitarian settlers and access to English language training has an important impact in enhancing their ability to participate in the labour market. Humanitarian settlers have a lower proportion with post-school education than other migrants - 47 per cent had completed Year 12 or equivalent and over 20 per cent had a post-school qualification. Nevertheless there is substantial human capital embodied in this group and it belies the perception of them being unskilled. There is evidence of occupational skidding among humanitarian arrivals whereby arrivals do not get jobs commensurate with their qualifications which means that their skills are not currently being fully utilised. The proportion of recent refugee arrivals aged between 15 and 24 attending an educational institution is higher than for other migrants and the Australia-born. Humanitarian settlers on average place high store on education for their children.

27 xxiv There is evidence of occupational segmentation amongst humanitarian settlers with a third of recent arrivals being in unskilled jobs, three times the rate of other arrivals. However, there is clear evidence of occupational mobility over time and across generations. There also is concern, however, for some who are trapped in low income jobs in secondary labour market niches. Humanitarian settlers suffered more in the recent global financial crisis than the Australia-born and other migrants in terms of an increase in unemployment levels. The labour market experience of humanitarian settlers has been a mixed one. On the one hand, there is strong evidence presented here regarding significant upward mobility with length of residence in Australia and between generations. On the other hand, there is also evidence of some groups being trapped in low income occupations. There can be no doubt that for many humanitarian settlers initial penetration of the labour market involves downward mobility or deskilling, and that some are not able to break out of this situation. There is concern that after controlling for a range of factors such as language and education, a refugee gap remains and it cannot be doubted that discrimination in the labour market is still in evidence. Much remains to be done to assist humanitarian settlers to enter the Australian labour market and to facilitate their upward mobility within it but it is incontestable that they have made, and are making, a considerable contribution to the Australian economy through their participation in the labour market. It is clear that humanitarian migrants are disproportionately concentrated in low income sectors of the labour market. While fully acknowledging that more needs to be done to remove discrimination, facilitate recognition of qualifications and experience and give those settlers an equal chance with other groups to be upwardly mobile, the fact remains that they are filling important shortages in the labour market which are not being filled by other migrant groups. Turning to other economic contributions of humanitarian settlers, Chapter 4 demonstrates that humanitarian migrants have made, and continue to make, a distinct contribution through their role as entrepreneurs. Migration is selective of risk takers, people who question the status quo, recognise and take up opportunities. Indeed it is argued that humanitarian migration may be more selective of this group than other visa categories of migration to Australia. Humanitarian settlers have a higher incidence of owning their own business than other

28 xxv migrant groups. The key role that families and ethnic networks play in establishing businesses amongst humanitarian settlers is discussed. It is argued here that there is a role for policy and program intervention to facilitate some humanitarian settlers initiating their own business. It is also demonstrated that humanitarian settlers make increasingly important contributions to regional development, especially in areas where development is being constrained by labour shortages. It is argued that humanitarian settlers can play an even more important role in regional development in the future. In North America and Europe migrants are settling in increasing numbers outside of gateway cities and facilitating this increasing trend can be an important element in the increasing focus on regional development in Australia. While the focus here is on humanitarian settlers economic contribution to Australia, it is also pointed out that they also have significant effects in their homeland areas. While the evidence on remittances from Australia is limited, it would seem that humanitarian settlers remit more money to their homelands than other migrant groups. The humanitarian diasporas also play other roles in their home countries which have a positive developmental impact. Humanitarian settlers contribute to Australia s development assistance to low income countries. While there is a strong emphasis on the economic contribution of humanitarian settlers, Chapter 5 turns to examining the social impacts which are considerable. The first area examined relates to volunteering. While there are significant cultural factors which lead to systematic underreporting of volunteering among humanitarian settlers, it is apparent that there are high levels of volunteering within and outside humanitarian settler communities. It is demonstrated too that there is significant civic engagement of humanitarian groups through ethnic communities. Survey work indicated the development of strong ethnic networks which played an important role, not only in assisting adjustment to life in Australia but also in linking with the wider Australian community. Only a quarter of humanitarian settlers had no family or friends in Australia upon arrival in the country. Humanitarian settlers reported being well connected to their local community to a greater extent than other categories of migrants indicating a strong attachment to the immediate communities in which they live. Nevertheless, a minority indicated that they had not been treated well since arriving in Australia. It appears as though humanitarian settlers are better integrated into local communities than into wider Australian society. There is substantial

29 xxvi embodied social capital in humanitarian settler communities. There are a number of people who arrived in Australia as humanitarian settlers who have made outstanding civic contributions to Australia, especially through local government and to a lesser extent federal and state governments. The contribution is even greater among second generation migrants who are more civically engaged than their parents. Barriers remain to integration including language, housing, financial stress and discrimination. There is clear evidence that interventions of carefully targeted programs have substantially reduced the effect of these barriers. The initial years of settlement of humanitarian settlers are often difficult and intensive in the use of government provided support services. The circumstances of their migration make this inevitable. Nevertheless the evidence which has been assembled here has demonstrated that over time there is a strong pattern of not only economic and social adjustment but also of significant contribution to the wider society and economy. This is not to say there are not minorities that get stuck in an underclass situation who find it difficult to adjust and achieve upward mobility. These groups are a cause for concern and must be the target of appropriate policy. Nevertheless the overwhelming picture when one takes the longer term perspective of changes over the working lifetime of settlers and their children is one of considerable achievement and contribution. This progress needs to be seen as more than a convergence toward the Australian average in indicators such as unemployment, labour force participation, income, housing, volunteering, education, etcetera. There is also an element of distinctiveness about the contribution there are dimensions which add more than human capital. For example, it has been demonstrated that humanitarian settlers in Australia are more likely to demonstrate the entrepreneurial and risk taking attributes often associated with migrants, than migrants of other visa categories. They concentrate in particular occupational niches where there are worker shortages and they are increasingly moving to regional localities suffering chronic labour shortages. Moreover, they add a distinctively different cultural diversity and cultural capital elements to Australian society.

30 - 1 - CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 INTRODUCTION The displacement of people as a result of persecution is one of the contemporary world s most persistent and pressing issues. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has identified three major long term solutions to the growing numbers 1 of people displaced from their homeland repatriation, absorption in their country of initial refuge or resettlement in a third country. Third country resettlement remains one of the major planks in the global refugee regime although the number of countries willing and able to accept refugees for resettlement remains limited. Over the last decade, Australia has accepted more refugee-humanitarian immigrants for permanent resettlement in relation to its resident population than any other country, as is shown in Figure 1.1, which shows the number of refugees resettled per 1,000 resident population. In Australia humanitarian migration is an important and continuing element in national political discourse. Part of this discussion centres around the issue of the costs and benefits of refugee resettlement for the Australian economy and society. By definition, refugees are persons who have left their homes unwillingly, have not planned their migration and have been unable to bring resources with them in their migration. Inevitably there must be greater costs involved in their resettlement than is the case for other immigrants. Against the considerable costs involved in resettling refugees, however, too often there is no attempt to consider the benefits that refugee resettlement brings to Australia. The prime motivation for the refugee-humanitarian program has always been a humanitarian one, with Australia accepting its responsibility as an international citizen and a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees. Nevertheless it must also be recognised that historically refugee and humanitarian settlers have also made important contributions to Australia s economic and social development (National Population Council, 1993). Refugee and humanitarian settlers are often in a disadvantaged situation compared with other immigrants because of the forced nature of their migration and much of the recent research on their settlement in Australia has understandably focussed on the difficulties many consequently experience in adjusting to the Australian labour and housing markets and Australian society generally. However, this focus on the difficulties 1 The UNHCR has reported that in 2009 there were 15.2 million persons who were mandated refugees, 27.1 million Internally Displaced Persons and 983,000 asylum seekers (UNHCR, 2010).

31 - 2 - Figure 1.1: Source: Refugees Entered and Resettled per 1,000 Population in Major Countries, UNHCR Statistical Yearbook, various issues and US Census Bureau International Data Base Australia Canada Norway United States Country of Resettlment New Zealand Sweden Finland Denmark Ireland Netherlands Number of Refugees Per 1000 Resident Population faced by many refugee-humanitarian settlers can deflect attention from the important contributions they have made, and continue to make, to the Australian society and economy. This study s major objective is to redress this imbalance and make a careful and comprehensive assessment of the contributions made by this important group. This report is largely based on an analysis of secondary data sources to assess the economic, social and civic contributions of refugee-humanitarian settlers in Australia. It is combined with the findings of primary research into this topic involving both survey based and qualitative analysis. This initial chapter outlines the objectives of the study and provides the context for the study. It then critically discusses the sources of secondary data to be used in later chapters. This is of particular significance because, as in the case with all visa categories of migrants in Australia, there is a lack of comprehensive, accurate data relating to them. Although Australia has perhaps the most comprehensive data on stocks and flows of migrants as a

32 - 3 - whole of any nation in the world (Hugo, 1994), there is a lack of information on the experience in Australia of migrants who entered the country under specific visa categories. An understanding of these limitations is basic to an interpretation of later chapters. There then is some consideration of the methods used to collect primary data for this study. It is necessary before considering data sources, however, to make a few introductory remarks about Australia s refugee-humanitarian migration program. The final part of the chapter outlines the structure of the report after a brief consideration of the major theories of immigrant incorporation. 1.2 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES 1. To make a comprehensive assessment of the labour force involvement of refugeehumanitarian settlers including a consideration of the extent to which their skills are fully utilised, the barriers they face and their mobility within the labour force over time. 2. To assess the extent to which refugee-humanitarian settlers have developed their own businesses and to which they have opened up and developed export linkages with their home areas and other markets. 3. To assess the extent to which refugee-humanitarian settlers are engaged in volunteer work outside of the formal labour force. 4. To assess the extent to which refugee and humanitarian settlers participate in wider Australian society at local, regional and national levels. 5. To assess the extent to which refugee and humanitarian settlers are connected to their local communities and to Australia more generally, and to evaluate their satisfaction with life in Australia and their intentions about whether they intend to remain in Australia. In seeking to address these five areas there will be a conscious attempt to differentiate the following groups to the extent that this is possible using existing data sources. First and second generation migrants, although this is especially difficult given the lack of data sources relating to the second generation. Gender Birthplace

33 - 4 - Family/household type Ideally it would have been desirable to differentiate humanitarian settlers on the basis of their different sub-category of visa. In practice this was not found to be possible. 1.3 AUSTRALIA S REFUGEE-HUMANITARIAN MIGRATION PROGRAM Humanitarian migration is an important continuing part of Australia s Immigration Program (Department of Immigration and Citizenship [DIAC], 2009a). Australia is one of the world s major countries of immigration. While it is currently the 55 th largest country in the world, Figure 1.2 shows that it has the 11 th largest foreign-born population. Moreover, in a world of rapid growth in the number of international migrants (United Nations, 2009) Australia is one of the few nations which has consistently sustained a substantial immigration inflow over the post-world War II period. One persistent feature of this sustained immigration inflow has been the significance of refugees in that flow. Australia has a long history of accepting refugees, displaced persons and others fleeing persecution, beginning in the 1830s with Germans fleeing religious persecution in Russia, settling in South Australia (Price, 1990). Nevertheless, Price (1990) identifies 1938 as the key year in which Australia began to play a

34 - 5 - Figure 1.2: Top Immigration Countries, 2010 Source: United Nations, 2009 major global role in refugee resettlement when there was a substantial influx of Jews fleeing Nazi Germany. It was not until the latter years of World War II that involvement in refugee issues became a major element in Australian government policy. As Price (1990, 22) explains, these years: marked a new phase in refugee work. No longer was relief, repatriation, transport and resettlement being left to voluntary organisations and individuals with the government being concerned, internationally, only with matters of legal status and protection and locally, with how many refugees would be permitted to enter. Now government was financially and administratively involved in all areas of refugee work and making sure the Australian voice was heard in international councils and organizations.